Your search within this document for 'Economic' resulted in seven matching pages.
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“...these descriptions is fully accurate. Even in this remote and inaccessible area, much was being done in the aftermath of disaster, and a great deal of this activity diverges, in multiple ways, from the notions of spontaneous egalitarianism that are often associated with 'resilience' I describe the fraught politics involved in distributing relief aid in a village where the local government has been non-existent for years; the active positioning of new political players on the local scene; and the economic inequalities that can arise from unlucky positioning along geological fault-lines, a recently booming tourist economy, and the specificities of the Nepali government's post-disaster compensation schemes. This article sketches out the anatomy of disaster 'aftershock' as a political environment rife with opportunity, bias, and unintended consequences. As scholars and interested observers of Nepal and the Himalaya, we need to pay close attention to this environment and its potentially unequal outcomes...”
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“... is fully accurate. Even in this remote and inaccessible area, a great deal was going on in the aftermath of disaster, and much of this activity diverges, in multiple ways, from the notions of spontaneous egalitarianism that are often associated with ‘resilience.’ This article explores the anatomy of‘aftershock’—as a social and political phenomenon rather than a seismic one. In the wake of disaster, as relief aid and reconstruction funding has poured into Nepal, a multitude of political and economic, as well as personal and social, transformations are taking place. Following disasters in other times and places, people often refer to this ‘aftershock’ as a ‘second earthquake’ or a ‘tsunami after the tsunami.’ As such expressions indicate, the magnitude of these post-disaster changes is easily perceived as being on par with that of the disaster itself. The aftershock speeds up, intensifies and—sometimes—alters the existing social structures and processes of change. To give one obvious example...”
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“...characterize the high Himalaya in terms of its remoteness and developmental backwardness (Hussain 2015; Pigg 1992). Second, it fits well with mainstream approaches to post-disaster reconstruc- tion that tend to operate on the basis of a simple cause and effect relationship.2 This approach is clearly reflected in the now globally standardized formats of the Post Disaster Needs Assessment (PDNA) framework.3 Here, the earthquake is the cause and its effects are summarized in terms of‘damages’ and ‘economic losses’ (GoN 2015). With this simple formula, the effects of the 2015 Himalayan earthquake can be counted and evaluated on exactly the same basis as the Haiti earthquake or the Pakistan floods. The framework of this formula thus speaks to a tabula rasa imagination of disaster, where disasters wipe clean the slate of society so that post-disaster interventions can be planned in the same way whether they are operating in the high Himalaya of Nepal or the Caribbean island of Haiti. In fact, many...”
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“...means. In my mind, however, the aftershock remains confusing. I feel that what I’m writing now might be countered, again, in a month or two; that the aftershock continues its churning that creates new forms of political potentiality past the present moment of stocktaking. Thus, what I write here is more a critique of false certainties and clear-cut causalities than an assertion of a new argument set in stone. What I empha- size is the fluidity of the aftershock as a transformative political-economic environment. Relief and the Politics of Distribution: 'It's All Logistics'5 Disasters are made to appear as logistical problems which demand intervention and legitimate tres- pass. (Simpson 2013: 266) Post-disaster environments can produce a resource bubble where the ‘need to spend’ and to display efficiency to donors may easily override concerns with coordina- tion, local ownership and genuine needs in the name of relief (Stirrat 2006). In northern Gorkha, from early on relief efforts were...”
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“...their work9 and producing a ‘subway map’ that specifies ‘staging areas,’ ‘transportations corridors’ and a ‘through- put’ measured in metric tons per month (MT/mth). Nonetheless, the whole operation was framed exclusively as a matter of most efficiently pouring resources into the area across an incredibly challenging physical terrain; all reflections about the complicated social, political and economic landscapes into which these resources were inserted seemed wiped away. Apart from this disregard for the local complexities of patronage politics, the operation held the potential for unintended economic consequences. As part of the WFP operations, the main trail through the Manaslu area was surveyed by a Swiss/Nepali team some weeks after the earthquake. The geologist’s conclusion was clear: the main trail was situated on a fault line in the landscape and highly prone to landslides. Subsequently, plans were made for an alternative trail into the area that included high paths on the other (eastern)...”
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“...and the Himalaya, we need to pay close attention to these processes and their poten- tially unequal outcomes in the years to come. In high Himalayan places such as northern Gorkha District, the aftershock of disaster is interacting with existing processes of change in multiple, open-ended ways. As many other ‘poor’ countries across the world, in the past years Nepal has been betting heavily on tourism as a route to economic development (GoN 2009, 2010). However, plummeting tourist numbers after the earthquake are now highlighting the vulnerability of tourism as a route to economic development. Over the past decade, the Manaslu circuit in northern Gorkha has been promoted as an up-and-coming tourist destination, destined to become the ‘next Annapurna.’ Nonetheless, locals currently seem hesitant. In 2015, a total of 2,414 international trekkers visited the area, down from 5,918 the year before. Will the numbers go up again? Furthermore, while infrastructural development—roads and dams—were...”
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“...In 2016,1 was quoted salaries between Nrs. 25 and 30,000 for work amounting to an average of one day a week. 12. . References Albala-Bertrand, J. M. 1993. Political economy of large natural disasters: with special reference to developing countries: Oxford University Press. Bennike, Rune Bolding. 2015a. Distribution Day. Himal Southasian. Bennike, Rune Bolding. 2015b. Textbook Difference: Spatial History and National Education in Panchayat and Present- day Nepal. Indian Economic and Social History Review 52 (1): 53-78. Bista, Dor Bahadur. 1991. Fatalism and Development: Nepal’s Struggle for Modernization. Madras: Sangam Books Ltd. Childs, Geoff H. 2004. Tibetan diary :from birth to death and beyond in a Himalayan valley of Nepal. Berkeley: University of California Press. Cohen, Charles, and Eric Werker. 2008. The Political Economy of “Natural” Disasters. In Working Paper: Harvard Business School. Dixit, Kunda. 2015. Operation Mountain Express. Nepali Times, 19-25 June...”