Your search within this document for 'PU' resulted in eleven matching pages.
1 Page 80

“...the throne-hall, obviously on the verge of collapse. As he prepared to go down on his knees, in the usual way, the empress- dowager was struck by his extreme weakness and emaciation. The sight moved her, and the attendant eunuchs observed to their astonishment that there were tears in her eyes and on her cheeks. The ceremony of the emperor’s kotow before the empress- dowager was usually carried out in complete silence on both sides. On this occasion she suddenly broke the silence with these words—pu yung hsing li—“ you need not kneel.” But wearily the dying man sank to his knees, and as he did so he murmured in a scarcely audible voice, “ I will kneel. It is for the last time.” And the last time, indeed, it proved to be. A few days later there were two imperial corpses in Peking —one in the “ Palace of Tranquil Old Age,” the other in the “ Fairyland ” of the Three Lakes.22 It may have been that the “ Venerable Buddha ” had a premonition that they were both about to enter the shadows, in which...”
2 Page 109

“...notifications ; and in transacting legal business with merchants and others, the imperial household should comply with the laws of the republic, failing which their transactions will have no legal validity. 44 4. The imperial household department should take note that the department of the republican government which is empowered to deal with matters connected with the protection of the imperial temples and mausolea and the private property of the imperial family and similar business, is the Nei Wu Pu (Department of Home Affairs). “ 5. The Nei Wu Fu (the imperial household depart- ment) is the recognised organ through which the affairs of the imperial family are conducted, and should be re- organised with a view to the proper fulfilment of its func- tions.3 64 6. Regulations should be drawn up specifying the functions of the newly appointed hu chun (palace guards), whose special duty it is to exercise police functions in the palace, and defining the responsibilities of its commanding officers...”
3 Page 173

“...THE OLD MAN OF THE PINE-TREE 159 chosen was Chung Wu—“ Loyal and Brave.” It was one that had been conferred in the past upon several of the greatest warriors that China ever produced, from Chu-ko Liang of the second century of our era to Yang Yu-ch‘un, Teng Shao-liang, T‘a-ch‘i-pu and Li Hsu-pin of the nineteenth. The Tientsin newspaper was not far wrong when it headed its account of the funeral ceremonies with the words “ The ‘ Tiger ’ passes in a blaze of glory.”...”
4 Page 211

“...he was appointed minister in charge of the construction of the late emperor’s tomb ; and not long afterwards, on the death of Lu Jun-hsiang (one of the three imperial tutors originally appointed in 191113), Liang Ting-fen was appointed to the vacancy. His poetry—a Chinese scholar is hardly recognised as such unless he can at least express himself gracefully in verse— follows late T‘ang and Sung models and is characterised by pensive melancholy and a spirit of unworldliness. Chiang shui pu k6o hao9 Wo lei pu k(o kan (“ The water in the river never runs dry, nor do these tears ever cease to flow”). This is far from being a fair sample of his poetry, but it indicates that Liang Ting-fen’s muse was not given to hilarity. She was less a Euphrosyne than the “ pensive muse ” of Melancholy, and more likely to express herself in an II Penseroso than in a L'Allegro. In an autobiographical poem he tells us how he first began to study when he was three years old, how his mother was his first teacher...”
5 Page 212

“...carriage and seating himself in his chair he ordered the bearers to take him forthwith to the Yu-ch‘ing palace. They obeyed with evident reluctance— thinking no doubt of their own safety as well as his—and they had gone only a little way when rifle-bullets struck a wall along- side which they were passing and a shower of fragments of brick and plaster struck the chair. The bearers begged him to let them carry him into one of the side-buildings to take cover till the firing was over. Pu k‘o wu ch‘ai shih, pu kco wu ch‘ai shih (“ My duty is not to be neglected, my duty is not to be neglected ”) was all he replied, and they had the courage to obey him. It would have been a disgrace worse than death if through seeking safety for his own person he had failed to keep his appointment with his imperial master and pupil. We may surmise that not much was done that day in the way of lessons, but not through failure on the part of the imperial tutor to present himself at the usual hour. Here is his...”
6 Page 264

“...his nature. At first I ascribed the manifestations of frivolity to youthful irrespon- sibility, and assumed that as he grew up he would put away childish things. There were times, however, when I seemed to detect signs in his nature of something like a permanent cleav- age, almost suggesting the existence within him of two warring personalities. When he had grown out of childhood I used to discuss this matter with him very frankly. I often told him that there were within him liang ko huang-shang, pu chihj, ko huang- shang—“ two emperors, not one ”—and that he would never be able to do justice to himself and to his ancestors unless the better of the two imperial personages succeeded in reducing the other to a permanent state of obedient vassalage. He invariably took my criticisms of his character and my admonitions very good-humouredly, even if they did not always have the desired effect. Indeed the patience and good temper with which he listened to my complaints, and the complete lack...”
7 Page 267

“...236 TWILIGHT IN THE FORBIDDEN CITY and reverence for the person of the emperor that found expres- sion in such words and beliefs as chen lung tzu yu fan jen pu t’ung—44 the true Dragon has a nature different from that of common humanity.” They knew very well that he was just a human boy, neither better nor worse than multitudes of other boys. But the same can hardly be said of many devoted servants of the dynasty for whom an audience with the emperor was an awe-inspiring event, and to whom loyalty was a religion.. Such men used to come to Peking solely to gratify a craving to kneel at the feet of the personage who was still, in their eyes, the Son of Heaven, and for whom many of them would gladly have died ; and it would have been strange indeed if the spontaneous expressions of devotion uttered by men like these had left the object of their idolatry wholly free from any trace of unhealthy exaltation. Yet it may be said with confidence that the emperor was under no delusions as to his real...”
8 Page 354

“...described themselves. Ex-viceroys and great numbers of smaller dignitaries who had served under the mon- archy subscribed themselves cKen—implying that they still re- garded themselves as his majesty’s “ servants.”6 Numerous members of parliament were neither ashamed nor afraid to use the same term. Mongols and most of the Manchus also described themselves as Men, though some of the Manchus related to the imperial house used the rather old-fashioned terms nu-ts'ai— “ your majesty’s slave ”—and pu ju pen fen—“ one who has failed in his duty.” The republican officials were not uniform in the terms they used. Most of them omitted ch‘en and wrote Meng chin or kung chin—“ respectfully presents.” Dr. W. W. Yen was one of those who used the phrase kuei chin—“ presents on his knees ”— which was employed by loyalists like Chang Hsiin and Chang Hai-p‘eng. The last-named is now (1934) governor of Jehol, rejoicing to have had the chance, in the late evening of his life, of returning openly to his old...”
9 Page 480

“...from her a piteous little note which Jae showed me, imploring him to devise means of rescuing her. The matter was mentioned to Mr. Yoshizawa, who took prompt action. He sent one of his diplomatic secretaries (Mr. Ch‘ih Pu) to the Pei Fu with orders to bring the empress back to the Legation and not to return without her. In a short time the secre- tary telephoned from the Pei Fu saying that the empress was ready and anxious to accompany him but was not allowed to leave. Without a moment’s loss of time Mr. Yoshizawa ordered his car, visited the chief executive Tuan Ch‘i-jui, and requested politely but firmly that immediate instructions be issued to the guard at the Pei Fu that no restrictions of any kind were to be placed on the empress’s movements. Within an hour Mr. Ch‘ih Pu returned to the Legation in triumph, bringing the empress with him. On the night of the 30th November I decided to pay my second visit to Chang Tso-lin, partly to fulfil my promise to return and report the result of the...”
10 Page 497

“...could, but he was held up to public ridicule and contempt and his personal character shamefully assailed. He was also declared to be a vicious de- generate. The propaganda against him was intended to influence foreigners as well as Chinese, and it met with very considerable success, both at home and abroad. It was during the early days in Tientsin that the practice grew up among certain foreign journalists of referring to him, not without a strong tincture of contempt, as “ Mr. Henry P‘u (or rather Pu) Yi,” in flagrant disregard not merely of the fact that neither he nor his friends ever used these names in combination but also of the con- ventional courtesy which prescribes that ex-monarchs should be described not as “ Mr------” but as “ ex-king------” and very frequently as “ king ” without the “ ex.” It was also in ignorance or defiance of the fact that by the Articles of Favourable Treat- ment the Ta Ch‘ing emperor was entitled to retain the full imperial style (without the prefix of “ ex...”
11 Page 527

“...viii. 7. See above, chapter viii., p. 119. 8. J. O. P. Bland, China, Japan and Korea (1921), pp. 313-14. 9. Op. tit., p. 60. 10. Op. cit., p. 63. 11. “ On July 2nd, 1917, Chang Hsiin knocked at the door of the imperial palace and suddenly put the Manchu emperor on the throne without the previous know- ledge or consent of the imperial family.” S. G. Cheng, Modern China, p. 26. 12. His colleague Liang Tun-yen, whom I first met when he was head of the Chinese Foreign Office (then called the Wai Wu Pu) under the monarchy, and with whom I became intimately acquainted in 1921, died in Peking in May 1924. Like many of the loyalists, he was a Cantonese. 13. Mr. George E. Sokolsky, who ought to have known better, described Chang Hsiin as “ a glorified bandit ”—a description which has been applied, accurately in many cases, to a large number of China’s military leaders of the republican era. (See North-China Daily News, October 10th, 1925.) Mr. Frank Goodnow in his China, An Analysis (Baltimore :...”