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“...Time: Notes on Changing Household Lives in Post-Disaster Nepal Andrew Haxby Although it is banal to say the series of earthquakes that hit Nepal in Spring 2015 will radically change the country, what this change will consist of still remains undetermined. As many earthquake victims learn to make do in broken houses, tents, or corrugated tin structures, post-earthquake Nepal seems held within a frustrating stasis, wherein temporary hardship is often impossible to distinguish from lasting consequence. Yet this sense of stasis is in part misleading. While the act of building remains slow, households who lost their homes have been scramblingto rethink their financial futures in order to afford reconstruction. In doing so, many earthquake victims have begun to enact changes in their households, accelerating divisions and unearthing tensions that had hitherto been allowed to lie dormant. Revitalizing Meyer Fortes' classic discussions of amity and the development cycle, I introduce the stories of...”
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“...highlighting different aspects of the polit- ical economy with which earthquake victims have had to contend. In the first story, two Newar brothers, who were already estranged before the earthquake, separate their family estate instead of sharing the financial responsibility of reconstructing their natal house. In the second story, a young Tamang man’s parents are evicted from his uncle’s land where they’ve been living for seventeen years so that the uncle can rebuild a house for his nuclear family. In the third story, a teenage daughter decides to move into her uncle’s house rather than into a shelter with her mid- dle-aged mother, thus leaving her mother scrambling to find financial capital in order to rebuild and reunite her family. I have selected these three stories for the way they draw attention to how household members manage kin social- ity and finance through the careful management of time, and how the earthquake has interrupted this process. I revisit Meyer Fortes’ theorizations...”
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“...termed “the axiom of amity” (1969: 219-249). For Fortes, this sense of amity was the central virtue by which kin conducted their sociality. Though ultimately too abstract and too rooted in Western ideas of biological kinship to carry the theoretical weight Fortes had intended (Yanagisako 1979), the notion that interactions between kin should be rooted in fiduciary cooperation and positive sentiment remains compelling. Indeed, if there was a consistent theme throughout all my interactions with earthquake victims, it was how a moral desire to express and embody a trusting, generous, and loving nature towards one’s kin—particularly those with whom one lived and ate—deeply influenced decision-mak- ing during reconstruction. Numerous ethnographies of Nepal have stressed the moral nature of kinship. Both Kathryn March and David Holmberg frame Tamang kinship within the moral- ity of exchange between brothers and sisters, with sisters/wives embodying the intermediacy between patricians (Holmberg 1989;...”
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“...Case 1: Rebuilding Fraternity Sanjay is an upper caste Newar man, middle-aged and father of one. Before the earthquake, Sanjay lived in a four-story house with his wife, his teenage daughter, his mother, and his father. The house was over one hundred years old and represented traditional Newari architecture: low-ceilinged rooms with dark wooden beams running across the top, unfired ‘raw’ brick walls, carved wooden windows and a steep wooden staircase zigzagging up the house’s center to the top floor where the kitchen was located. Like many houses in Patan, this one had survived Nepal’s last large earthquake in 1934. Now, however, the front wall was beginning to separate from the house, and large cracks had formed throughout the upper floors. When I met Sanjay, he was living across the street from this house in a three-room rental with his wife, daughter, and aging parents, paying NRs.10,000 a month while trying to figure out the next step. His finances were limited. He had been making silver...”
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“...Sanjay, the financial pressures of reconstruc- tion instigated a moment of reckoning between himself and his brother regarding their mutual amity. In this way, the earthquake managed to accelerate household pro- cesses that were already in the midst of happening—not so much rerouting the paths of household development as pushing them faster into the future. This has been quite common since the earthquake. Yet this acceleration of household development was not always because of the financial pressures that the earthquake wrought. In some cases, the material destruction of the house itself was enough to alter the unity of the household, as we will see in Case 2. Case 2: Imprinting Memory Lhakpa was a young man in his early thirties, unmarried and living in a rented room in a roadside town in Rasuwa. At the time of the earthquake his parents were living in a small village across the river, where the reconstruc- tion project to which I alluded in the Introduction of this article was taking place...”
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“...Indeed, everyone I talked with in this commu- nity took seriously the fact that Lhakpa’s uncle owned this land, saying that it was his to use however he wanted. Still, in the period between when Lhakpa’s uncle moved home and when the earthquake struck, no discussion was had over when Lhakpa’s parents might have to leave. Lhakpa and his elder brother—who had been working in the Middle East—had bought land behind his uncle’s house in order to build a small house for themselves and their parents. However, the land hadn’t been transferred into their names, nor had they begun saving for construction. Indeed, according to both Lhakpa and his uncle, if the earthquake had not happened, Lhakpa’s parents would not have had to move to Kathmandu. Why did the earthquake change this living arrangement so dramatically? Likewise, why did Lhakpa so willing acquiesce to his parents’ eviction? Future arrangements notwithstanding, it was unclear to me why Lhakpa’s parents couldn’t be invited to live with Lhakpa’s...”
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“...fell, everyone quickly pivoted to seeing Lhakpa’s uncle’s claim as superior, including Lhakpa himself. For Lhakpa’s parents, then, the house’s materiality acted as a management technique for the morality of past claims, organizing them into a kind of ad hoc hierarchy. However, the house is not just past-oriented; it can do the same work in managing the future of a household as well. In particular, its role as a household’s central asset makes it a fundamental part its financial plans. When the earthquake transformed the house into a liability, it shuffled the hier- archy of assets in the imagination of household members, creating new relationships between the parts of the family estate and its members. In Case 3,1 show how this shuffling has created an almost impossible financial dilemma for one woman, putting the reconstitution of her household’s amity beyond reach for the foreseeable future. Case 3: Attempting to Sell Sapana is a middle-aged Newar woman living in Patan, married with one teenage...”
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“...(They haven’t given us anything). According to both her and her neighbors who were also living in this temporary shelter, her relationship with her husband had been strained from before the earthquake, with him often spending long periods in Dholaka despite no immediate need to do so. Indeed, the ‘us’ in the above quote seemed to refer to her and her daughter only. Even more than Sanjay and Lhakpa, Sapana’s finances were extremely limited. She worked at a small phone shop, though not her own, earning NRs 5-6,000 a month, while her husband did not seem to contribute any financial help to her household. Several years before the earthquake she had a job working as a seamstress for a local cooperative, but had to quit that job when her mother became sick with cancer. Her mother died before the earthquake, by which point Sapana’s finances were depleted. Now she had only NRs 5,000 in an account at a cooperative. Her daughter had a volunteer job at an NGO dedicated to women’s economic and social...”
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“...nagging question of what has changed since the earthquake, and what historical shift has the earthquake truly brought about. There is, of course, no clear answer to this question, as we—unbeliev- ably—are still within the early times of reconstruction. When I left, the mood in Nepal was deeply cynical; most people I talked to believed that corrupt government forces had hijacked reconstruction. Indeed, part of my motivation to focus this paper on the question of time stemmed from how much waiting has happened since the earthquake. Yet this might just be how long reconstruction takes. Nepal’s National Reconstruction Authority has set its goal at five years, and according to a World Bank official in charge of its reconstruction effort, most rebuilding happens in the second and third year after the earthquake. Either way, those wanting to know what has changed should be prepared for more waiting. In a comparable case, after the Gujarat earthquake in 2001 many of the larger societal and economic...”
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“...Princeton: Princeton University Press. Pradhan, Rajendra. 2007. (Rule of) Law, Justice, and the Legal Process: A Case Study of a Land Dispute in Nepal. Studies in Nepali History and Society 12(2): 283-320. Parish, Steven M. 1994. Moral Knowing in a Hindu Sacred City: an Exploration of Mind, Emotion, And Self. New York: Columbia University Press. Sakya, Anil. 2000. Newar Marriage and Kinship in Kathmandu, Nepal. PhD diss., Brunel University. Simpson, Edward. 2013. The Political Biography of an Earthquake: Aftermath and Amnesia In Gujurat, India. London: Hurst & Company. Verdery, Katherine. 2003. The Vanishing Hectare: Property and Value in Postsocialist Transylvania. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Yanagisako, Sylvia. 1979. Family and Household: a Review of the Anthropological Literature on Domestic Groups. Annual Review of Anthropology 8:161-205. 74 HIMALAYA Fall2017...”