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“...disaster and state neglect. In this article, I draw on observations from Kutang and Nubri in the mountains of northern Gorkha District to argue that neither of these descriptions is fully accurate. Even in this remote and inaccessible area, much was being done in the aftermath of disaster, and a great deal of this activity diverges, in multiple ways, from the notions of spontaneous egalitarianism that are often associated with 'resilience' I describe the fraught politics involved in distributing relief aid in a village where the local government has been non-existent for years; the active positioning of new political players on the local scene; and the economic inequalities that can arise from unlucky positioning along geological fault-lines, a recently booming tourist economy, and the specificities of the Nepali government's post-disaster compensation schemes. This article sketches out the anatomy of disaster 'aftershock' as a political environment rife with opportunity, bias, and unintended...”
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“...reconstruction with a total lack of reconstruction. Due to the very tangible, infrastruc- tural challenges involved in getting assistance into the area, northern Gorkha was often described as a place ‘not yet reached’ by aid. There was some truth to this claim, of course. The mountainous environment did provide major obstacles to the distribution of relief materials. However, this condition did not equate with inactivity and the lack of reconstruction. In fact, in an area where the presence of the state has always been rather thin, a combination of local initiative and transnational non-state networks had immediately been mobilized to raise funds for relief 56 HIMALAYA Fall2017...”
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“...that we understand what has happened and what is to be done’ (Simpson 2013: 267, see also Simpson and Serafini 2015). Hence, while the PDNA and mainstream cause-and-effect approaches provide a convenient baseline for the international relief industry, they obscure a good deal of what is actually going on. As a consequence, a multitude of less formalized initia- tives, such as those in northern Gorkha, tend to either disappear from view or, if they appear, be read through the lens of grassroots resilience. However, as this article describes, such initiatives do have consequences, and there is a lot more to reconstruction and compensation than the reestablishment of a status quo ex-ante or ‘building back better’ than mainstream approaches to disaster relief seem to indicate.4 What I suggest is that the aftershock moves things around in much less predictable ways than what is imagined here. Disasters do not provide clean slates. They are substantially shaped in the image of the societ- ies...”
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“...moment of stocktaking. Thus, what I write here is more a critique of false certainties and clear-cut causalities than an assertion of a new argument set in stone. What I empha- size is the fluidity of the aftershock as a transformative political-economic environment. Relief and the Politics of Distribution: 'It's All Logistics'5 Disasters are made to appear as logistical problems which demand intervention and legitimate tres- pass. (Simpson 2013: 266) Post-disaster environments can produce a resource bubble where the ‘need to spend’ and to display efficiency to donors may easily override concerns with coordina- tion, local ownership and genuine needs in the name of relief (Stirrat 2006). In northern Gorkha, from early on relief efforts were framed largely as a technical matter and spoken about in terms of terrain, infrastructure and the possible ‘throughput’ of resources. While these were obvious and legitimate issues in a Himalayan environ- ment, they largely overshadowed other social and...”
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“...both costly and inefficient. Hence, the priority for people in the area was not the usual relief materials, but was in fact the reopening of the trail. The distribution of the relief materials that did trickle into Bihi, loaded into small helicopters was a complicated political affair. With local elections suspended for almost two decades, no formally legitimate local bodies existed to which to turn. In this vacuum, a local leader and former VDC head had, it was persistently rumored, made Bihi into his own little fiefdom, ‘eating’ development funding chan- neled through the state administration and controlling local politics with a heavy hand. However, at the time of the earthquake, he was hospitalized in Kathmandu and thus out of touch with what was going on in Bihi. With no formal structures of authority in place and the old leader out of the village, the distribution of external resources for relief called for local institutional innovation. When we arrived, an ad hoc group of Bihi locals...”
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“...of shifting the trail—which was made with reference to logistics and safety and pushed through under the urgency of post-di- saster relief—held the potential for massive unintended consequences in relation to the local economy. As an up-and-coming tourist area, the Budhi Gandaki river valley has seen rapid investment in tourism infrastructure over the past 6-7 years. The realignment of the trail would mean that a great deal of people who had spent all their savings and taken loans to build tourist lodges on the western side of the river in anticipation of a future rise in tourism would now be by-passed. And with a government compensation scheme purely focused on damaged houses, the economic loss of these people was not accounted for. For a while, it looked like this would be the consequence, but by November 2016, the old trail was back in use. To the relief of local small-scale tourism businesses, trekkers and locals alike seemed to have deemed the safe, high trail too cumbersome to use...”
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“...merit’s National Reconstruction Authority (NRA) moved slowly towards the distribution of reconstruction funds they were steeped in political infighting, and other orga- nizations took the opportunity to scale up their operations in northern Gorkha—among these Christian organiza- tions such as World Vision, Christian Relief Services, and Mountain Child. When I visited in November and December 2016, the resource influx and need to spend was tangible. Christian Relief Services tarps were piled high in many houses; World Vision had just completed the distri- bution of Nrs. 45,000 in cash to each household throughout the area; and Mountain Child had established a pre-school in Samagaon and were working on the reconstruction of a school in Ghap. For these organizations, the earthquake had provided a major opportunity. As the founder of MC candidly stated in an appeal for funding shortly after the earthquake, the sit- uation provided ‘an unprecedented opportunity to unfold God’s pervasive grace...”
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“...New opportunities emerged in Kathmandu, too. Sonam, out of whose office we began coordinating relief to northern Gorkha quickly after the disaster, is now heavily involved in reconstruction work. Sometime after the earthquake, he registered the relief network we had estab- lished as a fully-fledged NGO.12 While Sonam was already running a successful trekking business before the earth- quake, the aftershock has placed him in a unique position. Educated as an emergency architect from a European university, and with extensive experience in activism for the protection of cultural heritage in the mountains, Sonam has become a crucial figure for reconstruction projects in northern Gorkha and beyond. In January 2016, his office was overseeing the reconstruction of six schools and health posts northern Gorkha—some with full responsibility, others on a consultancy basis. By November 2016, several additional projects had been included in the portfolio. Sonam is now renting the office across the hall...”
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“... Cohen and Werker 2008, Mochizuki et al. 2014). 3. (accessed on March 13, 2017). 4. (accessed on March 13, 2017). 5. Title from Nepali Times blog post: (accessed on March 13, 2017). 6. Korf et al. 2010. 7. For a short ethnographic description of relief distribution in Bihi see (Bennike 2015a). 8. (accessed on 13 March, 2017). 9. , (accessed on March 13, 2017). 10. The appeal is accessible here (both accessed on March 13, 2017). 11. In 2016,1 was quoted salaries between Nrs...”
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“... South Asia Bulletin 13 (1 & 2): 45-58. Sander, Catherine, Kimber Haddix McKay, Angjuk Lama, and Pralhad Dhakal. 2015. Pro-Government’ Is Not ‘Pro- Corruption’ in the Aftermath of the Nepal Earthquakes. Anthropology News 56 (6). Simpson, Edward. 2013. The political biography of an earthquake: aftermath and amnesia in Gujarat, India. London: Hurst. Simpson, Edward, and Michele Serafini. 2015. The Neoliberal Aftershock. Himal Southasian, 12-52. Stirrat, Jock. 2006. Competitive humanitarianism: relief and the tsunami in Sri Lanka. Anthropology Today 22 (5): 11-16. Tamang, Seira. 2015. Dangers of Resilience. The Kathmandu Post, May 25. 64 HIMALAYA Fall2017...”