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“...HIMALAYA, the Journal of the
Association for Nepal and
Himalayan Studies
Volume 37 | Number 2 Article 9
December 2017
Aftershock: Reflections on the Politics of
Reconstruction in Northern Gorkha
Rune Bolding Bennike
University of Copenhagen, runebennike@gmail.com
Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya
Recommended Citation
Bennike, Rune Bolding (2017) "Aftershock: Reflections on the Politics of Reconstruction in Northern Gorkha," HIMALAYA, the
Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies: Vol. 37 : No. 2, Article 9.
Available at: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol37/iss2/9
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-
Macalester College
Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License.
This Perspectives is brought to you for free and open access by the
DigitalCommons(2)Macalester College at DigitalCommons(2)Macalester
College. It has been accepted for inclusion in HIMALAYA, the Journal of
the Association...”
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“...Aftershock: Reflections on the Politics of Reconstruction in Northern
Gorkha
Acknowledgements
The author would like to thank Geoff Childs and colleagues at the Rule and Rupture Research Program as well
as one anonymous reviewer for incisive comments to drafts of the article. Research for the article was
supported by the European Research Council.
This perspectives is available in HIMALAYA, the Journal of the Association for Nepal and Himalayan Studies:
http:/ / digitalcommons.macalester.edu/himalaya/vol37/iss2/9...”
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“...Aftershock: Reflections on the Politics of Reconstruction
in Northern Gorkha
Rune Bennike
Many commentators have described
the aftermath of the 2015 earthquake in
Nepal either (1) through the notion that
'nothing is going on' in regards to post-
quake reconstruction; or (2) through a
celebration of grassroots resilience and urban
entrepreneurship in the face of disaster
and state neglect. In this article, I draw on
observations from Kutang and Nubri in the
mountains of northern Gorkha District to
argue that neither of these descriptions is fully
accurate. Even in this remote and inaccessible
area, much was being done in the aftermath
of disaster, and a great deal of this activity
diverges, in multiple ways, from the notions
of spontaneous egalitarianism that are often
associated with 'resilience'
I describe the fraught politics involved in
distributing relief aid in a village where the local
government has been non-existent for years;
the active positioning of new political players on
the...”
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“...around
the government in relief and reconstruction (Nelson 2015;
Leve 2015; Sander et al. 2015; Tamang 2015).
Despite these sensitivities, parts of the debate seemed
distinctly at odds with what I was seeing take place in
northern Gorkha. One of the things I found most strik-
ing was the persistent narrative that nothing, really,
was going on in Nepal in terms of reconstruction. For
instance, at the South Asia Conference at the University
of Wisconsin—Madison in October 2015 participants in
a roundtable discussion on the earthquake kept repeat-
ing the same laments that were prevalent in Nepali and
international news media that none of the over $4 billion
that international donors pledged to the Nepali state for
post-earthquake reconstruction had yet been distrib-
uted. While this was certainly true at the time and highly
problematic, many people seemed to equate this inactivity
on the side of formal, state-led reconstruction with a total
lack of reconstruction. Due to the very tangible, infrastruc-...”
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“...position. The aftershock,
in other words, shakes things up in ways that cannot be
adequately articulated through mainstream notions of
disaster assessments, reconstruction or compensation.
A Note on Positionality
My starting point for writing this article is personal. It
had never crossed my mind that I would, suddenly, be
reflecting on disaster and doing research on post-disas-
ter transformation. But I was in Kathmandu when the
earthquake hit. The stories that I tell in this article stem
from my experience of post-disaster from this highly-en-
gaged position. Like many others, it took me a few days to
get my bearings, as I was thoroughly shaken and scared,
like everyone else. I needed to figure out what had hap-
pened and what was going on. Once my fears subsided,
I contacted some friends from my ongoing research on
tourism development in northern Gorkha. They were in
Kathmandu, and were already in full swing, calling friends
and relatives. In some places phone connections were
gone, in...”
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“...1 have been back
twice: for a two-week visit in January 2016 and a six-week
stay in November-December 2016. These visits have been
enlightening for the glimpses they have given me of the
aftershock as a continuously unfolding reality. In January
2015, Nepal’s new contentious constitution was passed, and
the country was still in the grip of the fuel blockade that
followed its promulgation. In November and December of
2015 public debate was filled with discussions about 'tin
lakh1—the Nepal Reconstruction Authority’s promise to
provide Nrs. 300,000 to each household whose house was
fully damaged during the earthquake.
Each visit gave me a new perspective on what the
aftershock of disaster means. In my mind, however, the
aftershock remains confusing. I feel that what I’m writing
now might be countered, again, in a month or two; that
the aftershock continues its churning that creates new
forms of political potentiality past the present moment
of stocktaking. Thus, what I write here is more a...”
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“...Figure 1. House under
reconstruction shortly after the
first major earthquake.
(Bennike, 2015)
trail that provides the lifeline to the area had been broken.
Foods usually brought from the bazaar in Arughat, which
is a three-day walk downstream, were in short supply. For
a while, people had stores of local foods (e.g. corn, barley,
millet, potatoes) on which to survive, but their stocks
of rice, lentils, salt, tea, and milk powder were quickly
depleted. Everything coming into the area had to be trans-
ported by helicopter, a process that was both costly and
inefficient. Hence, the priority for people in the area was
not the usual relief materials, but was in fact the reopening
of the trail.
The distribution of the relief materials that did trickle
into Bihi, loaded into small helicopters was a complicated
political affair. With local elections suspended for almost
two decades, no formally legitimate local bodies existed to
which to turn. In this vacuum, a local leader and former
VDC head...”
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“...For a while, it looked like this would be the consequence,
but by November 2016, the old trail was back in use. To the
relief of local small-scale tourism businesses, trekkers and
locals alike seemed to have deemed the safe, high trail too
cumbersome to use.
Reconstruction: Opportunities for Good Work
The emotive language of suffering, aid, and rehabil-
itation is generally difficult to argue with head on:
what could be wrong with ‘good work’? (Simpson
2013: 266)
The earthquake created new opportunities for fundraising
and opened up peripheral areas, such as northern Gorkha,
to a host of new organizations and an increased influx of
resources. Following the initial focus on logistics and relief,
the emphasis shifted to reconstruction. While the govern-
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“...been erected just after the earthquake so that
this part of the river valley was also, now, connected to
the outside world via cheap and accessible mobile phones.
Many of these development projects had been planned
well before the earthquake, but had suddenly been
accomplished in the rush of reconstruction work after the
earthquake. Furthermore, villagers themselves had pri-
vately chosen to utilize some of the cash distributed after
the earthquake to fly CGI sheets for roofing and toilets
in by helicopter and some were planning to spend the
expected government reconstruction funds to build small
‘home-stay’ houses for future tourist.
The aftershock also reverberated in local politics. One
villager, rumored to have been associated with the heavy-
handed rule of the past, had emerged as the de-facto
leader of development initiatives in the village. He told me
how Bihi used to be regarded as a bad, less developed place
compared to most other villages in the area. Now, it was
going to be different...”
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“...destination, destined to become
the ‘next Annapurna.’ Nonetheless, locals currently seem
hesitant. In 2015, a total of 2,414 international trekkers
visited the area, down from 5,918 the year before. Will the
numbers go up again? Furthermore, while infrastructural
development—roads and dams—were a cornerstone of
Nepali developmental imaginaries even before the earth-
quake, the aftershock has, if anything, reinforced this
focus. However, as illustrated by recent years’ develop-
ments in Annapurna, the extension of road networks deep
into and across the Himalayan range can run counter to
the promotion of eco-nature and trekking tourism. In the
meantime, the young people who are currently working
well-paid jobs in the reconstruction industry may be out of
work soon again, when the funds dry up and the spotlight
moves elsewhere. What will be their position when this
happens?
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