Memoirs of a Malayan family

Material Information

Memoirs of a Malayan family
Series Title:
Oriental Translation Fund. Publications
Nakhoda Muda, active 1760
'La-uddı̄n, active 1760-1788?
Marsden, William, 1754-1836
Place of Publication:
printed for the Oriental Translation Fund, sold by J. Murray [etc.]
J. L. Cox
Publication Date:
Physical Description:
iv, 88 p. : ; 27 cm.


Subjects / Keywords:
History -- Sources -- Early works to 1800 ( lcsh )
Sumatra (Indonesia) -- 18th century
non-fiction ( marcgt )
Spatial Coverage:
Asia -- Malaysia
Asia -- Indonesia -- Sumatra
0 x 102 ( Sumatra )


"List of works published by the Oriental translation committee": p. 85-88.
Creation/Production Credits:
"Chiefly drawn up ... by the principal member of the family [Nakhodā Mūda] ... added to and finally arranged by one of his younger sons ... 'La-uddın."--Intro.
General Note:
CWM library copy was printed for Dr Tytler.
General Note:
VIAF (name authority) : Nakhoda Muda, fl. 1760 : URI
General Note:
VIAF (name authority) : 'La-uddı̄n, active 1760-1788? : URI
Statement of Responsibility:
written by themselves, and translated from the original by W. Marsden ...

Record Information

Source Institution:
SOAS University of London
Holding Location:
Special Collections
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
218065 ( aleph )
01021876 //r32 ( lccn )
CWML R59 ( soas classmark )
EB 83.581 ( soas classmark )


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The Malayan biographical tract of which
the following is a translation, appears to have
been chiefly drawn up, from time to time as
the circumstances occurred, by the principal
member of the family whose history it re-
lates, and subsequently added to and finally
arranged by one of*his younger sons, whose
name of ’La-uddm is found at the conclusion
of the manuscript. The date of it he has
neglected to insert; but the omission is sup-
plied, with sufficient accuracy, by his men-
tioning the name of the English gentleman
at whose desire the transcript was made, and
who is known to have been Chief of the
district in which the writer had taken up his
abode, about the year 1788. A deficiency,
however, of a more serious kind exists, in
there not being any statements throughout
the manuscript, of the years in which the
several occurrences took place, although the
intervals of time between each are carefully

b marked.



marked. But this also is remedied in great
measure by the incidental notice of some
public transactions,* which enable us to ascer-
tain that the most eventful period of the
narrative was comprised between the years
1756 and 1766, when Mr. Carter, whose pro-
tection the family sought, was relieved in the
government of Bencoolen.

The memoirs, although without any pre-
tension to political or literary importance, are
by no means destitute of interest; but their
principal merit is that of exhibiting a genuine
picture, by a native hand, of Malayan manners
and dispositions, more forcibly, and, it may be
said, more dramatically represented, than they
could be drawn by the pencil of any stranger.
They have also the recommendation of afford-
ing a specimen’of simple narrative; a style
of which some writers have thought the Malays
incapable, and which is certainly rare in com-
parison with the romantic and extravagant tales
so prevalent amongst these and other eastern
people. Nor should we be too fastidious on
the subject of their humble attempts at bio-

* Particularly the capture of the English settlements in Sumatra by
a French squadron under the Comte d’Estaing, in April 1760, and their
re-occupation in the following year.



graphy, when we reflect on the small degree
of historical interest that belongs to some of
our own most popular works of the same class.

The manuscript was sent to England in the
year 1791, and not long afterwards received
the dress in which it now appears, whilst the
translator was employed in compiling a dic-
tionary of the Malayan language. Its having-
remained so long unattended to since that
period, is to be attributed to various causes,
some of a personal and others of a public
nature. Among the latter was the consider-
ation, more especially, that the subject-matter
of the memoirs being so nearly connected with
the disagreements between the English and
Dutch East-India Companies, or their re-
spective governments abroad, on the grounds,
or pretences of rights infringed, enemies coun-
tenanced, and other grievances, they could
not have been published at the time without
the hazard of giving umbrage to the one party
or the other; but the circumstances being
since entirely changed ; the persons implicated
in the transactions, both Europeans and Ma-
lays, having long ceased to exist; the rules
of conduct towards the country powers being
established on a more enlightened policy than

b 2 formerly



formerly prevailed; and every pretext for
future national differences being removed by
the treaty of 1824,* there no longer appears
to be any sufficient motive for suppressing a
recital (true in substance, however partially
coloured) that may serve as an useful warning
to all persons who, in those countries, are
placed in situations of discretionary control,
to be just, as well as cautious in their pro-
ceedings with a spirited and adventurous race
of people, who have strong feelings of inde-
pendence, are impatient of injury, jealous of
insult, and who consider the indulgence of
revenge as a duty at least, if not a virtue.

* By this treaty England consented to withdraw its establishments,
and to relinquish in favour of the Netherlands, all right to settle or main-
tain factories in the island of Sumatra; the latter power agreeing, on its
part, to renounce a claim to territorial rights over the small island of
Singapore, on which, as an unoccupied spot, a settlement had been
recently formed by the English; and also to give up its factories on the
continent of India.




This narrative, which contains a full detail of events
that took place at the period of the Dutch (East-India)
Company’s taking measures for establishing a settle-
ment at Samangka,* is transcribed for the information
of the (English) resident (chief) of Laye,*j* who has


* The name of a district in the Lampong country, as well as of a large
bay near the western entrance of the Straits of Sunda, on the Sumatran
side, otherwise called by the Dutch, Keyser’s Bay. It does not appear
from the maps that the name of Samangka was applied to any particular
town; nor, especially, is it found in a survey made of the bay by direction
of the late Sir Stamford Raffles, or in his excellent map of Sumatra
recently published. There is reason, however, to believe that the place
called JBirni or Birne at its further extremity, is that which was occupied
by this family and other Malays, and where the Dutch hoisted their
flag; for in a sketch made at the time by Captain Thomas Forrest,
and published in Dalrymple’s Collection, it is the only spot where he
has marked a town; and it cannot be supposed that he would have
omitted the place where he procured refreshments, and lay (as will
appear) ten days at anchor. Nor is it extraordinary that in the course
of this narrative the well-known name of the bay should be employed
instead of that belonging to an obscure river at the mouth of which the
Malays had fixed themselves.

f A residency or settlement on the south-western coast of Sumatra,
about thirty miles from Bencoolen, of which Mr. B. Hunnings was then



expressed a wish to be made acquainted with the circum-

A Malay, a native of Bdyeing* in the kingdom of
Menangkabau,'f* who was distinguished by the appella-
tion of Nakhoda Makuta, undertook a trading voyage
to Java, and continued for some time to navigate from
one port to another of that country. Visiting afterwards
an island called Karimata, situated between Paslr and
Banjar,\ which he found to be the resort of a consider-
able number of Malays, who were drawn thither, as well
for its being suited to the purposes of commerce, as on
account of gold mines at that time worked by the natives;
and observing it to be a place where the people lived
undisturbed in their industrious pursuits, he formed the
resolution of making it his future residence, and accord-
ingly took to himself a wife. He had not, however, been
settled there more than three years, when a fleet (of
praws) from the Bugis country (Celebes), commanded
by Panglima Tudsah, made its appearance and com-
menced hostilities; the reputed wealth of the inhabitants
holding out a strong temptation for plunder. The
attacks were resisted during the space of a month, but
the invaders continually receiving fresh succours at


* A place not many miles to the south-east of Padang, on the western
coast of Sumatra.

f For an account of this ancient, and probably original Malayan
kingdom, see the History of Sumatra, p. 332.

f Ports of Borneo; but the situation here described applies rather to
Pulo Laut than to Karimata, which lies on the western or opposite side
of the great island.



length prevailed, and the people on shore were reduced
to the necessity of saving themselves by flight in the
best manner they could. Some made their escape in
praws, and some in sampans (canoes), whilst others
fled on foot (to the interior of the island). Nakhoda
Malcuta embarked in a praw, and sailing at night, un-
observed by the enemy, reached in safety a place named
Tayan, in the country of Banjar (in Borneo).

About a year after his arrival, his wife bore him a
son, to whom he gave the name of Inchi Tdyan. When
the child had attained its third year, he began to reflect
on the expediency of changing his residence; from the
consideration that in the event of his own death, an
infant of that tender age, without a father or relatives,
would be exposed to danger. Influenced by this motive
he took measures for building a praw, for which he
provided a cargo as soon as she was ready for sea, and
when a fortunate hour presented itself, he set sail, with
his family and household, for a trading voyage to the
country of Lampong.* The space of time employed in
the voyage is not mentioned, but he disembarked at a
place called Pidbdng,-f where he found a number of
Malays living under the jurisdiction of a pangeran
(native chief), who received his title of Panger an Sura-
bawa from the sultan of Bantam (in Java). Upon


* A district that embraces the southern extremity of Sumatra; but
the name is particularly applied to a bay within the Straits of Sunda, and
near to that of Samangka.

t An inconsiderable place in Lampong Bay.



this person he waited, to pay his respects, and recounted
to him the events of his life, particularly the circum-
stances attending his flight from Karimdta. The chief
appeared to feel much concern at the recital, and said
to him, “ Nakhoda,* you will do wisely to fix your
“ abode in my country, and cease to lead a wandering
“ life. Reflect that you are now advanced in years; but
c< if your inclination be still to employ yourself in the
t£ pursuit of gain, there is ample scope for trade between
“ this place and Bantam.” Makuta assented to this pro-
posal, and when their conversation was at an end, re-
turned to his vessel for the purpose of landing her
cargo. This being effected, he hauled her on shore and
laid her up. His next object was to build a house near
the mouth of Piabong river, where he established himself
as a trader. Many people, as well Lampongs as Malays,
resorted to him for the purchase of his goods; but even
though the purpose of their visit should be merely to
converse and ask questions, he never failed to answer
them with mildness in his words and complacency in
his manner. His dealings were open and candid, he
was above all dishonourable arts, and he avoided every-
thing that might lead to jealousy or dispute with the
inhabitants. The consequence of which prudent con-
duct was, that during the whole period of his living
among them he never ceased to experience their good will.


* A Persian term adopted by the Malays, denoting a person who is at
tfie same time navigator and owner of a trading vessel; a condition
of much respectability amongst these commercial people.



His son Tayan being now of sufficient age, he had
him taught to repeat the formularies of religion, and
afterwards to write. Thus instructed he was sent to
visit several countries, the names of which have not
been recorded. Seven years were employed in this
manner; at the expiration of which he returned to re-
side at Piabong. By this time the father was far advanced
in years; living respected by the pangeran, beloved by
the Malays, and regarded as their chief by all the mer-
chants established there. He resolved that his son should
not thence-forward undertake any long voyage. “ Con-
“ tent yourself,” he said to him, “ with making trips
“ between this port and Bantam, whither you may convey
“ cargoes of pepper; and even if you should effect only
“ one trip in the season, you may still make it answer, by
“ employing yourself during the intervals, with the aid
“ of a few domestics, in cultivating a rice plantation.”
The value of pepper in this part of the country, if
the advances of money are made in the preceding year,
that is, six months before, is six (Spanish) dollars for
the bahar (five hundred weight), or seven dollars, if the
purchase be made at the place of weighing for money
paid down. Such are the established rates in all parts
of Lampong, within the jurisdiction of the sultan. Now
this pepper, when safely transported to Bantam, is resold
to the sultan for twelve dollars the bahar; and be the
quantity what it may, he never fails to take it off. By
him it is again disposed of to the Dutch Company at
twenty dollars, according to an agreement that has long




subsisted between them.* The Company cannot pur-
chase it in the first instance from the chiefs of the
country, nor from the Malay traders, without the con-
sent of the sultan, and if these should be detected in
the sale of it, they would become liable to capital
punishment; the pepper having ever been considered
as at the exclusive disposal of the prince.

In compliance with the wishes of his father, Tdyan
confined himself to the short navigation pointed out
to him. About twelve months after this time his name
of manhood was bestowed upon him,-f* and from thence-
forwards he was distinguished by the appellation of
Nalchoda Muda.

When he had been engaged for the space of four or
five years in the business of conveying pepper to Ban-
tam, it happened that his father was seized with a
dangerous illness, and upon being called to his presence,
the latter thus addressed his son: “ O my child, the
“ fruit of my heart and light of my eyes, preserve as a
“ sacred deposit the advice that I now give you. When
“ the decree of the Almighty shall have been fulfilled with
“ your own master, avoid carefully to contract debts. If
<( it in mercantile adventures, cut timber in the woods,

“ dispose

* The price paid to the planters, at that period, by the English Com-
pany, was fifteen dollars the baliar, exclusive of the customary allowances
or duties to the chiefs.

f For an explanation of this cognomen or titular name, termed galar,
see Hist, of Sumatra, p. 285.

Malayan family.


“ dispose of it, and raise a capital; catch fish in the sea,
u dispose of them, and raise a capital; but do not dare
“ to run in debt, either to the sultan, the Company, or
“ any individual. Observe this injunction, my dear son!”
Shortly after pronouncing these words, Nakhoda Ma-
kuta breathed his last, in the country of Pidbong. The
commands he gave were listened to with attention by
Nakhoda Muda, who treasured them up in his heart
and never swerved from them.

About three years after this event he married, according
to the mode termed semanda,* a person from Samangka,
the daughter of Nakhoda Paduka, who at his death left
only this child, whose name was Radtn Mantri. Her
the relations bestowed in marriage on Nakhoda Muda
of Piabong. Two years afterwards he made a trading
voyage to Samangka, and upon his return asked his
wife whether she felt a strong attachment to her own
country, as in that case he should make no difficulty in
gratifying her wishes by removing thither. “ Nothing,'”
she replied, “ could be more agreeable to me than to
“ revisit Samangka, and especially as I have there some
“ plantations of coco-nut and other fruit-trees, which I
“ inherited from my family, and have left behind me.”
Upon this he embarked with his wife and all his house-
hold, in a praw, and removed to that place, where, upon
his arrival he built a house. The produce of pepper


* In this, the proper Malayan mode, as distinguished from those in
use amongst the country people, the rights of the two parties are reci-
procal. Sec Hist, of Sumatra, p. 226.



in the country being considerable, he found full employ-
ment every season in transporting the article to Bantam;
where also he married a wife. At this time his family
at Samangka consisted of nine children, three daughters
and six sons. The eldest of all was named Inc hi Pisang,
the next, Inchi Tenun (daughters), then a boy named
Wasnb; the next was born at Baiitam, and named
Wcisal; then again at Samangka, one named Bantan,
and another named ’La-addin ; then the third daughter,
named Brisih, and Mohammed and Raff-addin, (sons) ;
making in the whole ten children, (including the one born
at Bantam). Besides these were three which he had by
concubines; one, a boy, named Rabii, and two girls
named Si-Rami and Si-Khamis. From the period of his
removal to Samangka, the number of Malayan settlers
there continually increased.

Beyond the hills that lie inland of this place, there
lived a people known by the appellation of Abung, who
occupied ten villages. This singular custom prevailed
among them, that when their young men proposed to
marry, they were required to undergo a year’s probation
before their offers were accepted. In order to fulfil
this, they formed parties, to the number perhaps of ten
persons, each of whom armed himself with a spear, a
sword, and a kris, and thus equipped they set out on
an expedition. Their provisions were three (gallon)
measures of rice, with as much sugar as each man chose
to provide; the use of this last article being to make a
composition with decayed wood, on which to subsist,




should their rice be expended. The object of these
enterprises was to cut off the heads of such persons as
they should encounter on the road; and in this pursuit
they were sometimes led as far as the sear-coast, in the
neighbourhood of Samangka. Scarcely a month passed
without some of the inhabitants losing their lives, whose
bodies were afterwards found headless in the woods;
and when there was occasion to visit the rice plantations
or fell timber, unless four or five persons associated for
defence, they dared not to venture into the country,
from the dread entertained of these Abung men.*

As soon as the invading party met with success in
obtaining heads, they returned homeward. In the mean
. time their countrymen, expecting their approach, pre-
pared coco-nut shells filled with milk, and placed in
the paths through which they must pass to their respective
villages. Such of the youths as were provided with tro-
phies passed on to their houses, escorted by a numerous
band of young women who met them on the road, and
with every demonstration of joy, shewed their willing-
ness to become the wives of the fortunate adventurers.
Those, on the contrary, who returned empty-handed,
were deterred by shame from entering the villages, when
they perceived the ranges of coco-nut shells filled with
milk ; because the ceremony implied that they were to


* Mention is made of this savage tribe in the Hist, of Sumatra, ori-
ginally published in 1783, several years before these memoirs were
brought to England.



be looked upon and fed as dogs: * and it sometimes
happened that to the hour of their death, these never
revisited their homes. The use to which the sculls
were subsequently applied, was this. The young man
who was about to marry put into his trophy some gold
or silver, in order to present it to the parent of his in-
tended wife; and when the nuptial ceremony was to
be performed, the scull was filled with toddy of the
palm tree, of which the bride and bridegroom alternately
drank. The rites were then complete; whereas if this
were neglected, such an imperfect marriage would be
regarded only as a state of concubinage, and the woman
would not receive the respect paid to a lawful wife.
Such were the customs of the Ahung people, who lived
beyond the hills of Samangka.-j-

Nakhoda Miida reflecting on these circumstances, said


* The natives of the Malay islands neither drink milk nor make
butter. The same is said of the Chinese.

f This story, which has much the air of romance, might, with per-
fect consistency, be reduced to simple matter of fact. The people of
the hills and those of the lower country were (as very commonly
happens) in a state of continual and inveterate hostility, retaliating as
opportunities offered, and giving no quarter. Those of the hills, though
strong in their natural defences, were inferior to the others in point of
numbers and means of offence. The object of their policy must there-
fore have been to surprise stragglers, and their young men were incited
to shew their activity and skill in this species of warfare, by the most
effectual encouragement that could be held out to them; that of
bestowing their young women on those, in preference, who most distin-
guished themselves. Of their comparative merit the only ostensible
proof was the number of heads brought back with them; and the
ignomy attendant on the want of success (however accidental), has
nothing in it of an extraordinary character.



to himself, “ As long as the Abung people remain un-
£C subdued, the inhabitants of this place must always
66 be exposed to danger; and it is intolerable that a
“ person cannot venture to walk into the country alone.”
Under these impressions he proceeded to consult with
Kiria Minjan, agent for the sultan of Bantam at Sa-
mangka, about the expediency of making an attack upon
their villages. Kiria agreed with him in opinion, and
proposed that they should assemble their respective de-
pendants; giving notice of their design to the chiefs
of the country. These chiefs were four pangerans;
namely, Wei Ratna of Beniawang, whose jurisdiction
comprehended twenty kampongs (or palisadoed villages) ;
Laut Darasanta of Blbu Lungu, who had eighteen
villages; Jaya Kasuma of Padang Rata, who had
ten, and Wei Samangkal of Samawang, whose depen-
dants were numerous and occupied thirteen villages.
All these chiefs were summoned, and in about five days
they assembled at Samangka to discuss the proposed
measures; when Kiria Minjan thus addressed them :
“ The subject on which NaJchoda Muda and myself
“ have called you together is, the expediency, as it
“ appears to our judgments, of conquering the Abung
“ people, in order that the inhabitants of this country
“ may be relieved from apprehension and enabled to
“ attend to their pepper and rice plantations, which, as
ct we are informed, they cannot do at present without
“ imminent risk, should they venture to go singly: and
“ for this state of things, there seems to be no other

“ remedy.



“ remedy.” The pangerans unanimously replied: 44 The
“ circumstances, Kina Minjan, are as you represent,
“ and we perfectly concur with you in opinion as to
44 the necessity of the Avar; but for our parts Ave are
44 entirely unprovided Avith the proper arms, such as
44 pieces of ordnance and musquets. Our Aveapons are
44 no other than long lances, which must prove exceed-
44 ingly inconvenient in a country Avhere hills are to be
44 continually ascended and descended.”*’—44 No diffi-
44 culties,” said Nakhoda Muda, 44 need to be made
44 respecting arms. Such of the dependants of the
44 country chiefs as accompany me, may be provided
44 Avith the common short lances; the long ones being
44 useless.” He Avas appointed sole leader of the expe-
dition ; nor Avas it accompanied either by Kiria Minjan
or by any of the pangerans in person. The force em-
ployed consisted of about four hundred men, of whom
eighty carried musquets; the remainder being armed
in a variety of modes. After spending three days in
making their Avay through uninhabited forests, they
approached the neighbourhood of the Abung villages.
A council of Avar being iioav held, Nakhoda Muda gave
orders that the people belonging to the country chiefs
should remain where they Avere, for the present, Avhilst
he advanced Avith those who were armed Avith musquets;
but that as soon as they should hear the report of a gun,
they Avere to hasten immediately to the spot. Marching


* These very long lances are described in the Hist, of Sumatra, as
being borne by three men. See p. 2G1 of early editions, or 297 of new.



close up to one of the villages, named Minjang, he
ordered a shot to be fired into it, and then entered with
his men: but they found it empty; having been aban-
doned by the inhabitants, who had fled in various
directions. The remainder of the force now came up,
and fell to plundering such effects as were left in the
houses. Inquiry was then made of persons acquainted
with the country, whether the other villages of these
people were far distant from thence, and upon being
informed to the contrary, Nakhoda Muda, immediately
proceeded against them with all his followers. The
particular names of these places are not mentioned, but
of the ten not one remained untaken, and by order of
the commander the houses were burnt to the ground.
Two months were employed in searching for the fugi-
tives, scarcely any of whom could be discovered. Such
as they happened to fall in with were hunted like deer
in the forest; none attempting to make resistance, so
much were they terrified by the report of fire-arms;
nothing of the kind having ever been heard among
them, either in the course of their own lives or from the
days of their forefathers. In all this destruction of
villages, however, not more than four of the Abung
people were killed by the musquetry; and of the four
hundred who accompanied Nakhoda Muda, not one man
lost his life, and only one was wounded in the foot by a
ranjau * Since this event nothing has been certainly


* These are small, sharpened stakes of bamboo, stuck in the ground to
annoy a pursuing, barefooted enemy.




known of these fugitives, but it was reported that they
had fled as far as the sea, on the opposite side of the
island, and were settled near Palembang. Nakhoda
Muda and his army returned to Samangka, where they
were met by Kiria and the pangerans, and eagerly
questioned respecting the circumstances of their cam-
paign ; of which a complete detail was afforded. Being
now satisfied of the entire dispersion of the Abung
people, those of Samangka were relieved from further
apprehension. After four or five days had been spent
in festivities and rejoicing in the town, the country chiefs
returned to their respective villages with hearts quite at

Half a year had elapsed from the time of this trans-
action, when Nakhoda Muda made a voyage to Bantam
with a cargo of pepper. Upon his arrival he Avaited on
the principal minister of the sultan and depositary of
his confidence in all business, of whatever nature, within
his realm, whose title was P anger an Kasuma Ningrat.
Upon entering the house, he sat down (respectfully) in
the presence of the minister, who, Avhen he perceived
him, said; “ When did Nakhoda Muda arrive ? What
6i cargo has he brought ? What neAvs was stirring at
“ Samangka when he left it ?”■—“ My lord pangeran,”
replied he, “ being the only produce of the country. Of this I
et have one hundred bahars (about thirty tons). As to
<£ neAvs there was none, excepting Avhat relates to a
“ certain people beyond the hills, who had no king nor




“ were under any certain government; belonging neither
“ to his highness the sultan of Bantam, nor to the
“ sultan of Palembang, nor to any other power. So
“ great was the terror they inspired, that when any of
“ them were known to approach the coast, the inhabi-
“ tants of Samangka dared not to venture into the
u country, from the dread of being murdered. This
(( caused the chiefs to resolve upon attacking their
<£ head of their dependants; on which occasion the
<£ villages were all destroyed, to the number of ten.” The
minister expressed himself to be extremely gratified by
this intelligence, and Nakhocla Muda, after some further
conversation, took his leave, to return to his vessel.

As soon as the landing of his cargo was effected, an
officer on the part of the sultan, and another on the part
of the Dutch Company, attended to receive it. When
weighed, the amount was paid in dollars, which he laid
out in goods for the Samangka market. His returning
cargo being ready, he again waited on the minister, to
signify his intention of departing. “ Nakhoda Muda "
said he, “ as your residence is at Samangka, it is expe-
“ dient that you should be in a capacity of rendering
“ service to the sultan, in your district, which is far
“ removed from the seat of government. Should any
“ disputes, or actual hostilities take place amongst the
“ pangerans or proatins (heads of villages), be it your
£C duty, in conjunction with Kina Minjan (the agent),
(( to inquire into the causes of their difference, and.




“ provided that no lives have been lost, to adjust the
“ affair, judicially, on the spot: but in the event of any
u persons being killed, the proatlns must be sent over to
“ Bantam, and the particulars of the affray communi-
“ cated to me in writing. Moreover, when persons sent
“ from me and commissioned by the sultan, arrive at
“ Samangka for the purpose of making a survey of the
“ pepper plantations, do you, Naklioda Miida, accom-
“ pany them in the business. These, you must be
“ aware, are not my private suggestions, but the com-
“ mands of the sultan, which I have his directions to
“ make known to you.”—“ The performance of what
“ your Excellency requires,” replied Nakhoda Mfida,
“ would not be attended with more trouble than what I
“ should willingly undertake; but I have doubts of the
“ appointment being satisfactory to the chiefs of the
“ country; seeing that I am no more than a settler in
“ the place, as is well known to your Excellency.”—
“ All persons who dwell at Samangka,” the minister
observed, “ are equally to be considered as settlers, and
“ as continuing to reside there under the sultan’s licence:
“ nor can any one of them pretend to exercise power or
“ will, otherwise than through the sultan, to whom the
u country has belonged from early times, unto the pre-
“ sent hour.” To this, Nakhoda Muda returned no
further answer, but only took leave, preparatory to his
departure; on which occasion the minister invested him
with a complete dress, such as the proatlns in the
dominions of the sultan of Bantam are accustomed to




wear. Upon going down to the port, he waited on the
Fiscal (Dutch officer of the customs), in order to pro-
cure a sea-pass for Samanglca, and as soon as that was
made out, he set sail, and performed the voyage in a
short time.

About six months after his return a boat arrived from
Bantam having on board two officers, who came, by
the sultan’s orders, to make a survey of the plantations
belonging to every village, and brought direction to
Nakhoda Muda and Kina Minjan to proceed along
with them. They accordingly set out together, and in
the progress of the survey (or circuit of inspection), the
principal officer thus addressed the respective proatins:

“ It is by the command of his highness the sultan that
“ Nakhoda Muda, in conjunction with Kina Minjan,

“ accompanies us on this duty: you are not therefore to
“ feel any jealousy towards him for what he does in obe-
“ dience to those commands. If any difference should
“ hereafter arise between one proatin and another, or
“ even between the pangerans, these two persons are
“ appointed by the sultan to decide upon it, and you
“ are required to abide by their decision. Such, be it
“ known to all whom it may concern, is the pleasure of
“ the sultan.” In two months the business of the survey P '
was completed, when the party returned to the town,
and the boat (with the two officers) sailed for Bantam,
carrying a small quantity of pepper from eacli of the
country chiefs, as a complimentary tribute to his high-




The Malayan town at Samangka continually in-
creased in its population. There were about fifty praws
belonging to the place, navigated by Malays, and em-
ployed in the transport of pepper. These were obliged
to take out passes for their voyage from Nakhoda Muda,
and to produce them on their arrival at Bantam. In
this manner he advanced in personal consequence, and
rose in the esteem of the inhabitants of the place. The
native Lampongs, the Javans, and the Malays, were
equally attached to him.

It happened that about this time a war broke out in
the country of Bantam, between the sultan and the
people of the hills. The leader of these insurgents was
named Rdtu Bagns Buang, a man of an active mind
and of desperate resolution, whom none amongst the
hill-chiefs dared to oppose, and whose word they impli-
citly followed. Under him they collected in a body to
make an attack on the capital, and soon obtained posses-
sion of all the smaller towns in the neighbourhood. Even
within the city itself, those persons who were not in
immediate connexion with the court, were in general
inclined to the party of Rdtu Bagus. The only places
of consequence that remained untaken, were three forts;
one belonging to the sultan, named Gadong Intan, and
two belonging to the Dutch, called Pitchi (?)and Karung
Antu; the garrisons of which held out. The sultan,
however, received occasional assistance from Batavia,
and the war was carried on for the space of about two
years; the insurgents being induced to maintain it with




such obstinacy, by the prospect which Rdtu Bagus held
out to them, that in the event of his getting possession
of the city, they would be relieved from all future
control, either on the part of the sultan or of the
Company. Endowed in an eminent degree with the art
of working upon the minds of men, he led them in this
manner to promote his designs, and to disregard the con-
sequences of such proceedings.

Upon Kir la MinjavCs receiving the intelligence of the
city of Bantam being attacked and of the probability 11
of its capture, he immediately left Samangka, in order to
join the party of Rdtu Bagus, being himself a hill-man of
the Bantam country. As soon as he was admitted to
his presence, and made the customary obeisance, the
Rdtu* inquired, “from whence does this man come?”—

“ He is,” said the officers in attendance, “ Kiri a Minjan,

“ who for some time past has had the management of
“ the Samangka country under the orders of the sultan,

“ and is arrived to pay his compliments to your high-
“ ness, in consequence of his learning that you are
“ making preparation to effect the conquest of the
“ city.”—“ Your slave,” said Kir la, “ comes to express
“ his readiness to submit to the will of your highness,

“ and no longer acknowledges allegiance to the sultan.-”—

“ Are there,” inquired the Rdtu, “ any Malays settled
“at Samangka?”—“There are many, please your
“ highness, who are established there for the purposes of

“ commerce;

* Ratil is a title of rank, denoting a feudal prince.



“ commerce; perhaps two hundred and fifty men capable
“ of bearing arms; and their chief is named Nakhoda
Muda?—“ Such being the case,” said the Rdtu, te do
“ you return directly to Samangka, and bring hither to
“ me all those Malays.”—“ But how am I to act,”
answered Kina, “ if they do not shew a willingness
“ to obey your highness’s commands by accompanying
“ me?”—“ If all should not be disposed to come, bring
“ with you at least one hundred and fifty : by fair means,
“ if they are submissive, or otherwise by force; but at
“ all events bring them hither; and should any spirit of
“ resistance be manifested, take off the head of their


“ chief, and let it be conveyed to me.”

V After this conversation Kiria embarked from a place
named Kwala Charingan, for Samangka, being pro-
vided with two large boats, of the sort called pan-
chdlang. Upon his arrival, he repaired to the residence
of pangeran Wei Ratna of Benidwang, whom he thus
addressed: “ I am come hither, pangeran, by the orders
“ of Rdtu Bagus Buang, to make a progress through
“ the country of Lampong, and ascertain who amongst
“ the chiefs are disposed to yield obedience to him as
“ their sovereign, and who are not; it having become
“ certain that he must soon render himself master of the
“ city of Bantam. My reason for applying to you in
“ the first instance is, that I consider you to be the
“ principal person, in rank and consequence, of this
“ country.”—“ If it were indeed certain,” replied the
pangeran, “ that Bantam must submit to Rdtu Bogus,

“ there



“ there would be no room for hesitation, because who-
“ ever is king of that place is entitled to our allegiance:
“ I hope that what I say does not give dissatisfaction.”
“ What is your opinion,” said Kiria, “ with regard to
“ the Malays who are settled here ? Do you suppose
“ them inclined to attach themselves to the cause of the
“ Ratu, or the contrary ? My reason for the inquiry is,
“ that I have his instructions to cause all those Malays
“ to join him; by fair means, if they are so disposed;
“ or if not, by force.”

It happened that this conversation was overheard by
a person named Radin Sapang, who was particularly
attached to Nakhoda Muda, and who immediately com-
municated to him the purport of it. Upon receiving the
information, the latter called a meeting of all the na-
khodas (masters and owners of trading praws) that were
then in the Malayan town (kampong maldyu). Being
assembled at his house, he addressed them in the
following words: (( In what light, my brethren and
“ fellow-traders, are you disposed to view the commis-
“ sion brought by Kiria Minjan from Rdtu Bogus, for
“ transporting us all to Bantam ? If we shew a disin-
“ clination to join in his measures, he will assuredly
“ proceed to hostilities against us. Such is the in-
“ formation communicated to me by Radin Sapang.
“ What, my brethren, should be resolved upon under
“ these circumstances ? Our decision must be instantly
“ made; for at this moment Kiria Minjan is at the
“ village of pnngeran Wei Ratna, collecting a force to

u march



“ march this way.” Of the traders who met together
on this occasion some advised it, as the more prudent
course, to accede to what should be proposed by the
agent of the Ratu ; whilst others maintained a contrary
opinion; and there was no consistency in their delibe-
rations. At length an elderly person named Nakhoda
Malim, who came from Karnpar (on the north-eastern
coast of Sumatra), suggested, that since so much un-
certainty prevailed amongst them, it would be expedient
to refer the matter back to Nakhoda Mu da, and to
request the aid of his counsel. This reference being
approved of by the others^ and his sentiments being
desired accordingly, he said to them : “ In my humble
“ opinion, so long as the sultdn of Bantam remains un-
“ subdued, and the Dutch Company continues to exist
“ at Batavia, it would be unwise in us to embrace
“ the party of Ratu Bagus Buang. With regard to
“ Kiria, if he shall judge it proper to advance towards
“ us, I think it will be more advisable to resist him
“ by open force, than to be led away by any pro-
“ posals; as I am fully persuaded that Bantam will
“ not be taken by his master, however brave he may be,
“ so long as the sultan is furnished with succours from
“ Batavia. Thus you have my counsel.”—“ This being
“ the decision,” said they, “ no time should be lost; let
“ each man of us get ready his arms, and let us proceed
“ to occupy situations where we can most advantageously
“ make a stand and oppose the enemy.”

Nakhoda Muda took measures for fitting out two





praws; which were well provided with arms and ammu-
nition, and each had two experienced persons on board,
Avho were instructed to lie off the mouth of the river for
the purpose of intercepting Kiria Minjan's boats, in
the event of his attempting to enter with them. The
crews were all chosen men, and Nakhoda NLalim, to
whom the service was intrusted, had acquired much
experience in naval warfare, from having been heretofore
employed against the Baja people.* As soon as this
business had been arranged, he dispatched a small
vessel to Bantam, with a letter to the sultan and another
to the Dutch governor (chief or resident), Mynheer
Sambirik,j* acquainting them that an agent from II at a
Bagus had arrived at Samanglca, for the purpose of
securing that country for his master; that all the native
chiefs were intimidated by him, but that the Malays, on
the contrary, had shewn no disposition to submit to his
(usurped) authority. Such was the purport of these
letters, which he committed to the charge of a person
named Nakhoda Tang ah, who likewise carried a pre-
sent to the sultan, of dried fish, rice, and ripe betel-nut,
and to the Dutch governor, a few fowls. The vessel
sailed immediately, and upon her arrival at Bantam the


* More commonly written Waju: a race of people frequenting the
rivers of Borneo and Celebes, living constantly in their boats, and said
to be addicted to piracy. See Forrest’s Voyage to New Guinea, Intro,
p. xii, and also p. 372.

t Such the name of this gentleman appears as written in the Malayan
character; but it is likely to be much corrupted.



letters and presents were duly delivered. In consequence
of the advices sent, two ships were ordered to proceed
without delay to Samangka, one of them having three
and the other two masts, with three hundred soldiers on
board, European and Bugis.* In eight days from the
time of transmitting the advices, these ships made their

Kina Minjan was in the mean time enjoying himself
convivially, with the assemblage of proatlns at the
residence of pangeran Wei Ratna, and using his endea-
vours to prevail on them to make an attack upon the
entrenchments thrown up by the Malays; when his
I V people observing the two ships to steer for the harbour
of Samangka, hastened to carry the intelligence to their
master. “ There are now,” they said, “ two ships
“ standing in towards the quarter of the Malays, and
“ we judge them to be sent from Bantam for the pro-
“ tection of that place.” Alarmed at this information,
and fearing for the consequences to himself, he instantlv
withdrew to his boats, set sail without loss of time, and
returned to Ratu Bagus, near Bantam; making to him
a report of his want of success in his mission. “ Such,”
he said, “ were the circumstances under which I left
“ Samangka. The country chiefs were unanimously
“ disposed to attach themselves to your cause, but the
“ Malays were not to be influenced by my representa-

“ tions;

* Properly the natives of a district of Celebes; but the name is com-
monly applied to native soldiers, in the service of Europeans, raised in
any of the Eastern islands.



“ tions ; and the appearance of the Dutch ships rendered
“ it necessary for me to return.” To this recital the
Ratu uttered not a word in reply, but turned his attention
to the prosecution of the war, and from day to day
pushed on the attack against Bantam.

We shall now revert to the state of affairs at Sa-
mangka. Upon Nakhoda Muda's perceiving the ships,
he summoned all the Malays to accompany him to the
landing-place, that they might be in readiness to receive
the captains; which was done with the usual compli-
ments, as well on his own part, as that of the other
nakhodas of the place. The subject of the first inquiries
made by the captains, was, the latest accounts of the
agent of the Rata; to which it was answered that he
was still supposed to be at the village of Wei Ratna;
but being desirous of ascertaining the fact, they dis-
patched the two armed praws, after putting an hundred
soldiers on board of them, with instructions to the
following effect: that if the people of the Rata should
be still with the pangeran, they were to send back
advice of it with all possible speed ; but to remain them-
selves on the coast, to prevent their escape (by sea),
until they should be joined by the remainder of the force.*


* To explain the seeming difficulty of praws being sent to watch an
inland place, it must be understood that all the dusuns or kampongs (which,
for want of a better term, we call villages), are situated on rivers, and
stationing armed vessels off the mouth of one of these, is nearly tanta-
mount to investing the places on its banks. The indication of the
Javanese emissaries being still in the country, would be the appearance,
in or near the river, of the masted boats in which they arrived.



Although the praws left Samangka the same night,
they could not, upon reaching the spot, see either
a panchalang or any other vessel at the anchorage.
When, on the other hand, the pangeran was apprised
of their arrival, he sent out people (in sampans) to look
after them; and these upon their approaching the vessels,
being taken on board, were asked where Kiria Minjan
was at that time. To this they answered, that he was
no longer in those parts, but had sailed for Bantam two
nights before. A party then landed, and proceeded
towards the village of the pangeran, who, when he per-
ceived them coming, gave directions for their being
accommodated in one of his houses, and shortly after-
wards made his appearance, but with strong marks of
alarm in his countenance. Upon his asking what was
the object of their visit, he was told that they were com-
missioned by the Dutch commanding officer to search
for Kiria Minjan, who, they were informed, was har-
boured in his village. Being again assured of his
having taken flight, they returned to their praws, and
hastened to join their commander, to whom they commu-
nicated the intelligence.

It was now desired that Nakhoda Muda should call
together all the chiefs of the country, and messengers
were accordingly dispatched for this purpose to every
village, inviting them to repair to the Malay town. In
about ten days from that time all the pangerans and
proatins, with a proportion of their respective dependants,
were collected, and such was the number of these servants




of God (Mahometans), that the place was not sufficient
to contain them. The Dutch commander then desired
of Nakhoda Mu da, that he would put the question to
the chiefs, whether or not they were resolved to maintain
their allegiance to the sultan of Bantam and the Com-
pany ; in order that it might be clearly understood what
their sentiments were. Upon this question being asked,
Wei Ratna replied, that all the chiefs remained loyal
to the sultan and the Company, as they had ever been.
When the Dutch commander heard this, he said to the
pangeran with some warmth: u If you are really well
“ was the enemy of the sultan and the Company ? If
“ the news of his arrival in the country had not been
“ communicated to them by Nakhoda Muda, they must
“ have remained ignorant of it to this hour ”—}f‘ The
tc cause,” replied the pangeran, “ of my not having sent
“ the intelligence was, that I had no person about me
“ who was fitting to be the messenger; and besides this,
“ I was under apprehension from Kiria, whom I was not
“ strong enough to oppose. You well know, Sir, the
<{ vided with arms of a nature to defend ourselves against
“ an enemy. We are all here like women in respect to
“ our powers of resistance, and the sole occupation
“ allowed to us by the orders of the sultan and the
“ Company, is that of cultivating our plantations of

“ pepper.’



“ pepper.” With this answer the Dutch commander
appeared to be satisfied; and on a subsequent day he
desired Nakhoda Muda to ask whether the proaiins
would have any objection to bringing down their pepper,
in order to his receiving it on account of the Company,
by whose instructions he acted. This was consented to
by the chiefs, and their respective dependants were
directed to convey their produce to the town, from
whence it was weighed off to the ships, and in three
months the loading of both was completed.* They did
not, however, proceed immediately to Bantam, but
waited the event of the war with Ratu Bagus. When
at length he w'as defeated, and all his adherents obliged
to fly to the mountains, so that the sultan or the Com-
pany were no longer in danger of disturbance from him,
the Dutch governor dispatched an order for the ships
repairing to Bantam, which was executed without further
loss of time ; and upon their arrival, both the sultan and
the governor were much pleased to observe the large
cargoes they brought. The former directly sent a pan-
chdlang to Samangka, with a considerable number of
dollars, in payment of the pepper. In this manner was
business conducted by his highness and by Mynheer S.
\\c\ Half a year after the return of the ships, Nakhoda


* The most obvious disadvantage was that experienced by the Malay
traders, who were thus deprived of their freight to Java; but it is pro-
bable that the real subject of difficulty and negotiation with the chiefs,
was the delivery of the pepper, in the first instance, to any other than
the sultan, from whom they were accustomed to receive their payment:
and for this, it is evident, the captains were not provided.



Muda also sailed for Bantam, in company with all the
trading praws belonging to Samangka, laden with
cargoes of pepper. When they had proceeded as far as
the narrow part of the Strait, between the land of Java
and the island of Percha (Sumatra), the -wind became
foul, and Nakhoda Muda's praw was wrecked on the
coast between the port of Bantam and Charingin. This
happened at midnight. The loading of the praw was
about one hundred bahars (thirty tons) of pepper, of
which not one grain was saved, nor any thing of value
excepting the arms, which the crew carried on shore with
them when they quitted the wreck; all the other vessels
arrived in safety. As soon as Nakhoda Muda had
collected the few trifling articles that could be got at, he
took with him two of his people, and proceeded to
Bantam in a small sampan (canoe); where, upon his
arrival, he waited on the Fiscal, and acquainted him of
the accident that had befallen his praw on the coast of
Java, and of the quantity of pepper that had been lost.
By the Fiscal he was conducted to the governor, who,
when he was informed of the event, observed, that there
was no help for it, and that he, the nakhoda, was out of
luck. After some conversation he proceeded to the
house of pangeran Kasuma Ningrat, the sultan’s prin-
cipal and confidential minister, who had the entire
administration of justice, and took cognizance of all
matters, whether relating to sea or land; a minister to
whom his master could with safety trust the keeping of
his conscience. Having related to him his story, the

n latter

latter said : “ It cannot be helped: good fortune and ill
“ fortune proceed from God ; and do not you, nakhoda,
“ be the less disposed, on this account, to place your
<£ trust in Him. Let me know,” he added, “ in what
“ respect I can assist you.”—“ My principal object,”
he replied, “ in coming to make my situation known to
“ me with the loan of a small vessel, of about two
“ koyan burthen, for the purpose of bringing away my
crew, with any articles they may have found the
“ means of saving.” A vessel properly equipped and
manned was immediately put under his orders; in
which he returned to the wreck and effected the business

intended; but upon coming back to Bantam, he found x
his health and spirits so much impaired, that he was

obliged to confine himself to his house.

On a certain day, when the p anger an had an audience
of the sultan, he took an opportunity of mentioning,
that in a large fleet of praws lately arrived from 8a-
mangka with pepper, one vessel alone, the property of
Nakhoda Muda, had been unfortunately wrecked on
the coast of Java; and that he (the minister) felt much
concern for the man’s loss. “ If Nakhoda Muda,” said
the sultan, “ is in want of funds for carrying on his com-
“ mercial dealings, supply him with whatever amount
“ his occasions may require.” When the pangeran
had taken leave and returned home, he sent for the
nakhoda, who immediately accompanied the messenger
to his presence. Upon his entering, the pangeran said





to him: “ You must not suffer your mind to be dis-
“ tressed. If you are in want of funds, it is the
u sultan’s pleasure that you should be supplied with
“ vessel and cargo.” Nakhoda Muda, upon hearing
this offer, requested to be allowed a moment’s time
for reflection, and then after a little consideration said:
cc I beg your Excellency to be persuaded of my sincerest
gratitude, and to accept my best acknowledgments,
<( but I dare not avail myself of his highness’s gracious
u intentions, by accepting of the advance, because I am
“ apprehensive that in the event of my death, it might
be the occasion of trouble to the children I shall
“ leave behind me. My son is not yet experienced in
“ business, nor have I myself been accustomed to employ
(i a borrowed capital, but to trade on my own little
“ stock, and to confine myself to the profits that it
“ yielded.” To this the minister replied: “ If such is
c‘ your resolution, nafyhoda, you must not blame the
“ sultan or myself for any inconvenience you may suffer.
“ not inclined to accept.”* After some further dis-
course he returned to his house at the port, where he
continued to confine himself as before; but when a
month had passed in this manner, a praw arrived from
Samangka, which his wife had dispatched to him, with
a supply of dollars to enable him to make the purchase

d 2 of

* The solemn exhortation of his father may probably have been the
real motive for declining this liberal offer.



of this same vessel, if he should think proper; the
option being reserved to him. He bought her accord-
ingly, complete as she stood, and having provided a
cargo for her, set sail for Samangka, which place he
reached after a navigation of only one day and one night.

It was now his design to relinquish the seafaring life,
and in future to send his vessel to Bantam, with cargoes
of pepper, consigned by letter (to a person there). He
' ( v set about building a house, the dimensions of which
were, ten fathoms in length and eight in depth (or
breadth) ; the whole of the frame and boards for the
sides being of teak wood. He was induced to under-
take this work from the consideration that in case of
his death, his son would be exempt from any trouble of
that nature for twenty years to come. In about two
years the building was completed; the sum expended
on it not amounting to less than one thousand Spanish
dollars. After this, however, he renewed his voyages
to Bantam, and persevered in the navigation for three
years. In one of his trips he made a purchase there of
two praws, and took them with him to Samangka. To
his eldest son Wasub, who on this occasion was distin-
guished by the appellation of Nakhoda Bujang, lie
gave one of these praws, fully equipped and provided,
together with a trading capital. The other, with a
similar outfit, he gave to his second son, named Wasal,
who in like manner, by general assent, received the
appellation of Nakhoda Leila. These youths had been
taught all sorts of learning and accomplishments. In



penmanship especially, and the management of com-
mercial business, their father took care to instruct them.
His two sons next in age to these, named Bantan
and ’La-uddiriy he placed under proper masters, by
whom they were taught to repeat their prayers and to

These family concerns being arranged, he again sailed
for Bantam, in company with several other masters of
trading vessels, and attended by his two sons in their
respective praws. After a short passage they arrived
in safety, and, according to custom, NaJchoda Muda
waited upon the Fiscal and upon Governor S., to inform
him of the quantity of pepper they had brought from
SamangJca; which afforded much satisfaction. In like (
manner he paid his compliments to the minister, to the
sJiabandar (comptroller of the port), and other officers
of government; after which he proceeded to deliver the
pepper to the persons appointed by the sultan and the
Company to receive it.

About this time the sultan having sent for his minister,
and the latter, being seated in his presence, said : “ servant is come in obedience to the royal summons:

<( whatever are the sultan’s commands his servant is
“ ready to place them on the crown of his head.”—

66 The occasion of my sending for. you,” said the sultan,

“ is to express my inclination that you should bring
“ hither and introduce to me NaJchoda Muda, on whom
“ I am disposed to confer a title, in consideration of his
“ many good services to me and to the Company.”—“ At

“ what



“ what time does it please your highness that I should
“ introduce him ?”—“ Bring him to the presence to-
“ morrow morning.” The minister then took leave and
returned home. As soon as morning came, he sent one
of his officers for Nakhoda Muda, who instantly waited
, <2.3 upon him.*1 The pangeran then made him acquainted
with the sultan’s gracious intentions, and they walked
together to the fort (or castle) in which is the royal
residence. Having reached the outer, iron gate, where
the guard is stationed, they there stopped and sat down.
This guard is composed of nine officers (pangulu), who
have each nine chosen warriors (ulubalang) under them;
and these, in succession, do duty every day; mounting
guard at the side of the iron gate. A Dutch captain
and a company of forty men also do duty there.

When the native officer and the Dutch captain
observed the approach of the pangeran, accompanied
by Nakhoda Muda, they asked the reason of his bringing
the latter. “ It is,” said he, “ in consequence of orders
“ from the sultan himself, that I am going to introduce
6t him to the presence.” The officers were all very much
astonished at hearing this, and said among themselves:
“ What can be the intention of the sultan in sending
“ for this man ? How many nakhodus of great wealth
“ and influence have visited Bantam, from various parts

u of

* The translator has judged it proper to abridge these messages and
replies, which in the original are given with tedious repetition; but the
ceremonies of introduction that follow, although ridiculously circum-
stantial, being characteristic of manners, he thinks it necessary to



“ of Java, and yet not one of them, that ever we have
“ known or heard of, has been sent for by the sultan in
“ this manner, to enter his castle.'” Such were the
reflections made by the guard, both natives and Euro-
peans.* The p anger an then said to one of the persons
on duty: “ Go you to Falcir Aclam,*f* and acquaint
“ him that I am attending here, on the outside of the
“ iron gate, accompanied by Nakhoda Mu da, in order
“ to his being introduced to the presence.” One of the
guard thereupon went to find Fakir Adam, and informed
him that the pan gar an and Nakhoda Muda were in
waiting to be admitted. “ Request his Excellency,”
said the Fakir, “ to come hither to my apartment.” The
guard, on his return, acquainted the pangeran that
Fakir Adam requested him to come to his apartment;
which he and the nakhoda did accordingly. In this
apartment or saloon, where the Fakir was stationed,
there was an assemblage of about forty persons, some of
whom were skilled in performances (or exercises) after
the manner of the Arabs,t and in playing on all kinds



* This seems to be a little indulgence of personal vanity, on the part
of the auto-biographer.

f He appears to have held an office in the sultan’s household corres-
ponding to that of our master of the ceremonies, or of the revels. I-Iis
name is singularly contrasted with his duties; but from its sanctified
import, it is probable that he may have had the superintendence of the

| The text says, “ skilled in playing with, or performing the dal/us
after the Arabian manner. In the dictionaries we find the word
translated by ‘ club or mace but such weapons seem ill calculated for
amusement in the interior of a palace.



of musical instruments, and others in dancing according
to the Javanese mode. These exhibitions, of which
Fakir Adam had the direction, were provided for the
amusement of the sultan, who came to the saloon when-
ever he was inclined to enjoy any particular sport.
Upon the pangeran’s making his appearance, Fakir
Adam inquired his reason for bringing the nakhoda
with him. 44 I know not,” he replied, 44 any thing more
44 of the circumstances leading to this introduction, than
44 that the sultan expressed to me his pleasure that I
44 should this day conduct him to the presence.” Fakir
Adam appeared to be much surprised, and could not form
any conjecture respecting the sultan’s further intentions.
44 Go,” said the pangeran, 44 and intimate to his high-
44 ness that I am in your apartment, together with
44 Nakhoda Muda, waiting to be admitted to the pre-
44 sence.” Fakir Adam then proceeded to convey the
information to the sultan, as desired. Upon reaching
the apartment where the female attendants are stationed,*
an elderly woman who had the superintendence of the
others, as soon as she perceived him, said: 44 What is
44 Fakir Adam’s object in coming hither ?”—44 My good
44 mother,” he replied, 44 my business is to give infor-
44 mation that pangeran Kasuma Ningrat, together
44 with Nakhoda Muda, are desirous of paying their

44 respects

* In many courts of the further East the interior guard of the palace
is composed of females, who in some instances (as at Acliin) are regularly
trained to arms. They are probably thought to be less dangerous to their
masters than embodied slaves of the other sex, by whom dynasties have
''been so often overturned.



“ respects to his highness, and that these personages
“ are now in my apartment awaiting his commands.”
Having heard this message, the old female withdrew,
and upon repairing to the presence was asked by the
sultan the occasion of her coming. “ My reason,” said
she, 66 for approaching the throne is to report that
“ pangeran Kasuma Ningrat, together with Nakhoda
u Muda, are now in the apartment of Fakir Adam,
“ waiting for permission to pay their respects to your
“ proach.” The old female bowed and retired, in order
to make known to Fakir Adam the sultan’s orders for
their admission; upon which the fakir returned to them,
and signified the sultan’s pleasure that they should be
admitted to the presence-chamber.* Upon receiving
this intimation they immediately proceeded thither, and
having made the customary obeisance, sat down in the
presence.-f* The sultan then, addressing himself to the
pangeran, said: “ It is my pleasure this day to confer on
(( Nakhoda Muda the title of Kei Damang Perwasldana.
“ Be it your care to notify it to the nine officers of the
“ guard and to the Dutch captain, who do duty at the
(( outer gate of my fort, as well as to my subjects gene-



* It is not to be presumed that such formal delays attended the
minister’s usual visits; but it was consistent with the sultan’s dignity that
every ceremonial and etiquette should be observed on this occasion.

t Sitting down in the presence of a superior is, in the East, a respectful
posture, as standing is in Europe.



(gracious) words from the sultan, Nakhoda Muda
made his obeisance to the illustrious throne, and then
said: “ Pardon, my liege, your servant, who avows his
“ wish that he might not be distinguished by any other
“ appellation than that which he has hitherto, and for a
“ long time borne; but who is at the same time aware
“ that it is his duty to bow his head to the commands of
“ his sovereign; and since the royal word cannot be
“ revoked, in consequence of any thing that he can urge,
“ the will of his master must be done.-”* When he had
\2G thus spoken, he asked permission to retire; but the sultan
ordered the female attendants to present to him a change
of dress, consisting of a cap, a robe, and drawers of
scarlet cloth, together with a sabre, a lance, a kris, and
a laro-e umbrella. As soon as the investiture of these was


completed, they paid their compliments and departed;
the pangeran taking care to anounce to the officers on
guard at the outer gate, the new title conferred on the
nakhoda, and desiring to have it properly signified to
the inhabitants of the city; which they cheerfully pro-
mised to execute. After some conversation together,
the pangeran returned to his house, and Kei Damang to
his vessel.

On the following morning he paid his respects to the
Dutch governor, and after wishing him health, gave an
account of the sultan’s having commanded his attendance,


* There is some degree of obscurity in the latter part of this courtly
acquiescence, perhaps from the omission of a word; but the general
sense is given in the translation.



and of his highness being graciously pleased to bestow
on him a title similar to those borne by the nobles of
the land of Java; as also of his having requested to be
allowed the indulgence of retaining his original appella-
tion, but in which he could not prevail. The governor
was pleased to say, that if the sultan had not anticipated
him by conferring a title, it was his intention to have
done it on the part of the Dutch Company; but that
his purpose was now equally answered. He then pro-
duced a double-barrel gun and a pair of double-barrel
pistols. “ How much, Sir,” says Kei Damang, “ may
“ be the price of these arms ?”—“ It is not my design,”
replied the governor, “ to sell them, but to present them
“ to you as a gift.” Kei Damang made his acknow-
ledgments, took leave, and returned to his vessel. Along-
side of her he found two men, in a small boat, who had
brought a barrel of gunpowder and a cask of bullets,
which, upon his inquiring from whence and on what
account they were sent, he learned to be a gift from the
captain of the guard. He gave directions for stowing
them away in the praw, and desired the men to carry
back to the captain his grateful thanks.

He then called together all the masters who had
accompanied him from Samangka, and communicated to
them the information of the sultan and the Company
having been pleased to confer a title on him. “ It was
<£ not,” he added, “ of my seeking, nor did it accord with
“ my wishes. The honour may perhaps be attended with
“ good, or, perhaps with bad consequences to me.” The




nakhodas hereupon gave their several opinions, some
arguing favourably, and some unfavourably to the
measure. u Be it as it may,” continued Kei Damang,
“ there is no help for it. The sultan and the Company
“ have laid the burthen on me. The matter cannot be
“ undone. Placed as I am, under their government, it
66 effect. I commit myself to the care of the Almighty,
“ from whom both prosperity and adversity proceed.”
The nakhodas then repaired to their respective vessels,
in order to equip them for sea, and to prepare cargoes of
merchandize for their returning voyage. Kei Damang
waited on the pangeran to take leave, and then paid the
same compliment to the governor, acquainting him that
he, together with all the Malay traders, were making
ready to sail. (t it be your care, Kei Damang, to prevent the chiefs of
“ the Lampong villages from quarrelling amongst them-
“ selves; and when their pepper is sufficiently dried, do
“ not suffer them to keep it unnecessarily long in the
“ country.” Soon after this conversation the fleet of
praws sailed, and effected the passage in a short time.
Thus did the traders of Samangka employ themselves

About three years from the period of these trans-
actions had elapsed, when two soldiers (of the country-
guard) arrived from Croee (an English settlement in the
south-western part of Sumatra), with a letter to Kei
Damang from Mr. Norris, the chief of that place, the




purport of which was to request that he would forward
these messengers, with their dispatches, to Batavia,
where Mr. Garden, an Englishman, was at that time
agent for all the gentlemen belonging to the establish-
ment of Bencoolen.* They were accordingly furnished
with a conveyance to Batavia. In that same month
accounts were received of Bencoolen being attacked by
the French ;*f* in consequence of which many of the
inhabitants of Croee removed (for safety) to Samangka,
and presented themselves to Kei Damang, who said to
them: “ Dwell here, my brethren, along with me. Do
“ not feel any apprehension about the French, nor
“ uneasiness on account of this place being within the
“ jurisdiction of the Dutch Company, for as soon as
“ tranquillity shall be restored at Bencoolen, if it be
“ then your inclination to return to Croee, you may
u freely do it.” Five months after the departure of the
French from Bencoolen, according to the intelligence
received, a praw sent from Bantam by the sultan and


* The object of this dispatch by the way of Batavia, was probably to
order an insurance to be efiFected in England on property at Fort Marl-
borough ; which eventually gave occasion to a celebrated trial in the Court of
King’s Bench, before Lord Mansfield; payment, after the capture, being
resisted, on the ground of the indemnity afforded by the insurance having
weakened the exertions to defend the place; for which there was but too
much colour. The decision, however, went against the Underwriters.
Vid. Carter and Boehm, 3d Burrow, 1905, and 1st Blackstone, 593.

f Bencoolen (Fort Marlborough) was captured by a French squadron,
under the Comte d’Estaing, in the month of April, 1760, and evacuated
in the course of the year. A clue is thus afforded to all the dates of pre-
ceding and subsequent events.



the governor, touched at Samanglca, with orders to Kei
Davnang to put on board at this place, a person well
acquainted with Croee; which being done accordingly,
she sailed for that settlement, and having taken in the
pepper found there, returned with it to Bantam.
Shortly after this transaction the news of the re-esta-
blishment of the English Company at Bencoolen became
known, and the sultan sent no more vessels to Croee
for pepper.*

About a year after these proceedings it. happened that
two nahhoclas of Samangha, one of them named Na-
khoda Satia, and the other Nakhoda Du gam, made a
trip to Bantam with pepper, and having delivered their
cargoes, purchased merchandize suited to the market of
Bencoolen; with which they returned (in the first in-
stance) to Samangka Here they repaired their praws,
gave them new masts, and then reshipped the goods
they had brought. Kei Damdng (observing this) asked
them to what place they were bound. They replied, to
Bencoolen. “ You must not,11 said he, (t proceed to
“ Bencoolen : it is contrary to the orders of the Dutch
“ Company ; and if you persist, you will certainly bring
u mischief upon yourselves.”—“ Do not,” they answered,
“ be under alarm for any mischief that may happen

“ to

* It is probable that this pepper (which must have been English, not
native property, because it was always paid for when warehoused) became
the plunder of individuals, and was not carried to the account of the
Dutch Company. An inveterate spirit of hostility and aggression, how-
ever, subsisted between the servants of these rival Companies, although
the nations were at peace.



44 to us; wo have both of us wit enough for our own
44 security.”—44 No matter for your wit,” replied Kei
Damang; 44 be what it may, you are not to go to Ben-
44 coolen.” The two nakliodas made no answer to this,
but were not diverted from their purpose, and when
night came they set sail.

In the following year a panchdlang arrived from Ban-
tam, the master of which, named Nakhoda Jamil, had
orders to apply to Kei Damang for the assistance of
thirty men, along with whom he was to proceed
to Croee, for the purpose of seeing the state of that
place.'* ££ What end,” said Kei Damang, 44 will your
££ going to Croee answer, since we have intelligence of
£< the English being re-established at Bencoolen ?”—44 It
44 is no matter,” replied Jamil: 44 the governor’s positive
44 orders are that I should march thither.”-]* He was
accordingly furnished with the thirty men, and after a
month had been employed on the expedition, he returned
to Samangka, in consequence of his learning that the
governor of Bencoolen had dispatched on official person
to the place, whom he (Jamil) had no desire to meet.
Previously to his leaving Samangka, for Bantam, he
chanced to fall in with Nakhoda Satia and Nakhoda
Dugdm, who had returned from Bencoolen. Jj Upon his
arrival at Bantam he found that Mynheer Sambirik (?)


* The apparent intention of this expedition was to take possession of
the English settlement, if found unoccupied.

f The distance across the country, from Samangka to Croee, on the
western coast, is not considerable.



was no longer the governor, having been removed to
Samdrang, with the rank of Edele Heer (one of the
council), and that his successor at Bantam was Mynheer
Poer. To the latter, therefore, he made his report:
that he was just arrived from Croee, whither he had
been sent by the former governor, to inspect the state
of the place; but that at the time of his arrival there,
an officer deputed by the governor of Bencoolen, came to
take charge of the settlement. “ It cannot be helped,”
said the new governor: “ If those to whom the country
“ belongs return to it, we can no longer have any wish
tc respecting it.” After some further conversation, he
departed, and called at the house of Ensign Si-Talib, a
half-caste native of Macassar, who was made an officer
at Bantam.* This person inquired of Jamil what news
he brought from Samangka. “ I bring nothing new,”
he replied, (( excepting that I saw two nakhodas who
“ were just, arrived from Bencoolen, about the time of
“ my departure.” The ensign asked him whether he
had given information of this circumstance to the
governor. He said he had not yet mentioned it to any
one but himself. On the next morning they went
together to wait on Mynheer Poer, when Si-Tdlib in-
formed him that in a certain country called Samangka,
which lay within his jurisdiction, it was the constant
practice to slip out praws every season, for the voyage
to Bencoolen. “ Whilst this man Jamil,” added he,

“ was

* He may probably havo commanded the country-guard, which gave
him consequence amongst the natives.



44 was on the spot, there were two praws just returned
44 from that place, which had been dispatched by the
44 head-man of Samangka, whose title is Kei Damang
44 Perwasidana ; a title given to him by the sultan and
44 the late governor, Mynheer S., as a reward for his care
44 of the district, and particularly for keeping a watchful
44 eye upon any intercourse by praws with Bencoolen.

44 He is now become a person of considerable conse-
44 quence and wealth, insomuch that no one there can
\y3 44 cope with him.”-J-44 Does he ever,"” said the governor,

44 come to Bantam ? If lie comes, I shall lay a fine
. 44 upon him.”—44 I left him,” answered Jamil,44 building
44 a praw, with the intention of loading her with pepper
44 for this place.” Having told this story, they both
retired. The reason of the ensign’s malevolence was the
neglect with which he had found himself treated by all
the people who came from Samangka during the govern-
ment of Mynheer S., from whom he met- with no
countenance; whereas, after the arrival of Mynheer
Poer, he was in particular favour, was treated as a
confidential person, and consulted upon every occasion.

In short, the governor’s kindness to him was unbounded.

About five months had elapsed when Kei Damdng
arrived at Bantam, with a fleet of twelve praws, all
fully laden with pepper; among which number were <
those commanded by his sons, Nalchoda Bujang and
Nalchoda Leila. His younger sons, Si-Bantan and
11jO-uddin, likewise accompanied him. The Fiscal, to





whom he paid the customary visit and reported the
number and cargoes of the vessels, recommended the
masters’ going together to wait on the governor, who,
he informed them, was a different person from him under
whose orders they formerly acted : of which change Kei
Ramang professed himself ignorant. Being arrived at
the castle where the governor resided, and the usua^
salutations upon entrance being made, the Fiscal said :

“ This is the person who bears the title of Kei Ramang
“ Perwasidana ; whose business it is to superintend the
“ ^country of Lamp ong-SamarigJca, under the orders of
“ the Company and the sultan, and to take cognizance 4
“ of all disputes amongst the inhabitants.” — “ I am
“ come,11 added Kei Ramang, “ with a fleet of twelve
“ praws all fully laden with pepper: but it is incumbent
“ on me to mention to your honour a circumstance that
“ has occurred, of two praws having sailed to Bencoolen
“ without my knowledge; which have since returned,

“ and are now at Samangka.”—“ Do not suppose,”
replied the governor, “ that you are the first to give me
“ information of this proceeding. I am already well
“ acquainted with it.” They then took their leave,
and Kei Ramang waited on the pangeran (sultan’s
minister), who expressed much satisfaction to hear of
the arrival of so many cargoes of pepper.*

After an interval of about a month from that time,
the governor ordered Kei Ramdng to appear before him;



* In the profit on which he probably participated with his master.



and he promptly obeyed the summons. As soon as his
entrance was observed, the governor said to him : 44 The
44 occasion on which I have sent for you is the affair
44 of the two praws that went to Bencoolen. Of the
44 parties themselves I know nothing, but must look to
44 you as the responsible person. Your’s rather than
44 their’s is the blame, inasmuch as it was your duty to
44 have prevented them; and I have no doubt in my
44 own mind but that you yourself dispatched them to
44 that place. On these charges I condemn you, Kei
44 Damcing, to pay a fine of two hundred Spanish
44 dollars.” Upon hearing this speech from the governor
he said, 44 Sir, I positively deny the charge of having
44 been in any way concerned in the dispatch of those
“ vessels. If the contrary can be proved against me,
44 I am ready to submit to any penalty that you may
44 think proper to inflict.”—“ My sentence,” said the
governor, 44 must not be disputed. Let the two hull-
44 dred dollars be brought to me to-morrow morning.”*
Kei Damang, upon this, returned to his praw, and sent
to call together the nakhodas who had accompanied him
from Samangka. When assembled, he stated to them
the circumstance of his being summoned before the
governor on account of the two praws having made a
voyage to Bencoolen, and accused of having a concern
in their dispatch ; of his being brought to disgrace, and

e 2 ^condemned

* There is much reason to suspect that this fine went into the po&et
of the judge.




condemned to pay a penalty of two hundred dollars.
“ What advice,” he asked, “ do you, my friends, give
“me on the subject of this business?”—“In our
“ opinion,” replied the nakhodas, “ your most eligible
“ proceeding will be to represent your hardship to the
“ sultan’s minister ; for all of us know well (and can bear
“ testimony to him), that you neither ordered nor per-
“ mitted Nakhoda Sdtia and Nakhoda Dugavn to go to
“ Bencoolen. If the governor should then still persist
“ in levying a penalty, we have spirit enough, what-
“ ever it may be, to raise it among us.”—“ It does not
“ appear to me,” said Kei Damang, “ that such appeal
“ to the p anger an can produce any good effect, but
“ will rather have the appearance of opposition to the
“ authority of the Company. It will be better that I
“ pay the fine at once. My chief object in stating the
“ matter to you, was to shew you the injustice and
“ oppression I experience from persons in power; for in
“ my own conscience I am free from all offence, either
“ to the Company, the sultan, or the chiefs of the
“ Samangka country. But there is no help for it, and
“ I resign myself to the protection of God. The con-
“ duct of the two nakhodas has brought me into this
“ trouble ; but even if my life be made answerable for
“ the acts of those with whom I am connected, I can
“ only recommend myself to the Almighty (and bow to
“ his decree).”—“ If,” said the nakhodas, “ you think
“ it best to submit to the fine (without further remon-
“ strance), we will assist you to make up the sum of

“ two



“ two hundred dollar^” They accordingly furnished
one hundred and fifty dollars among them, and Kei
Damdng paid the remaining fifty. Such was the conduct
on this occasion of the traders who came together from


The fine having been paid, the governor ordered Kei
Damdng to return to Samangka with the fleet of praws,
on board of which he put four Dutch soldiers, with a
corporal, Avhose name was Rails,* and his wife. The
reason assigned by Mynheer Poer, to the sultan, for this
measure was, that they might serve as a guard to the
Dutch colours : “ for,” said he, “ if the Company have
“ not some establishment of its own at Samangka, the
“ place will certainly he taken possession of by the
“ English.” Kei Damdng accordingly sailed with these
five men and one woman, for whom, upon his arrival, he
built a house; towards the expense of which the Com-
pany did not contribute one copper cash. It was all
defrayed by Kei Damdng and the other Malays of the
place, who lent their assistance to erect the building and
to make a proper fence round it. Besides this burthen
they were obliged to put up with very harsh language
from the corporal, whenever there was any delay in per- p'1' \
forming what he ordered to be done. Nay, he even went
so far as to strike them. Four different Malays were
struck by him, because they were not sufficiently expe-
ditious in completing his hen-house. Three months


* Perhaps Itoos or Rouse.




after this, eight more Dutch soldiers arrived, one of
whom was a serjeant, together with his wife; making in
all, thirteen men and two women, in the country of

Eighteen months subsequently to the coming of these
soldiers, an English two-masted vessel, from Bencoolen,
made her appearance (in the bay). As soon as she was
perceived by the serjeant, he called to Kei Damang and
acquainted him of the approach of an English ship.
“ Her colours,” said he, “ I can distinguish with my
“ spying-glass.”—“ And may I ask,” said Kei Damang,
“ what are the governor’s instructions to you, in case of
“ the arrival of any ship, whether Dutch or English?”—
“ His instructions,” answered the serjeant, “ are to
“ hoist our colours: further than this I have none.”—
“ The orders,” said Kei Damdng, “ that I received from
“ the former governor were, when a ship, from what-
“ ever country, should appear, to send out a boat to
“ pilot her to the proper anchorage; and if she should
“ fire a salute, to return it from the shore.” The
serjeant and the corporal approved of this, and pro-
posed that one of them, together with Nakhoda Bujang,
should go off in a boat to visit the ship. Corporal
Raus and the nakhoda accordingly went off in a sampan
(canoe) with four paddles. When they reached the
vessel, the captain, whose name was Forrest,* asked

, Raus,

* This was the Captain Thomas Forrest, afterwards so well known in
the history of oriental navigation, by his * Voyage to New Guinea’ in the
year 1774, performed in a vessel of ten tons burthen ; and by other




Raus, which was the best spot for anchoring. “ I
“ cannot inform you,” said he, “ you must inquire of
“ the nakhoda, who is acquainted with the harbour.”
The latter having pointed it out, the ship was brought 1
to an anchor there; after which the captain went on
shore along with them, and proceeded to the Dutch
quarters. As soon as this was known to Kei Damdng,
he waited upon him there, and paid the usual compli-
ments of civility; which the captain returned, inquiring
at the same time of the corporal, who the person that
addressed him was. Raus informed him that he was
the chief man of the place, appointed by the governor
and the sultan to manage all their affairs at Samangka.
After this had passed Captain Forrest returned to his
ship, but at eight o’clock the next morning relanded, and
proceeded as before to the quarters of Corporal Raus.
He now desired that he might be supplied with fowls,
ducks, goats, and other articles of which he stood in


nautical publications. He was a man of enterprize in his profession, and
a ready draughtsman, but not always quite careful enough to distinguish
(as Alexander Dalrymple the great hydrographer used to observe)
between what he actually saw and what he imagined to exist. His
manners were eccentric in a high degree, and many entertaining stories
of his adventures amongst the natives were current in India; such, for
instance, as the following: Having advanced some way from the shore,
in an island where he touched, and finding the people disposed to be
troublesome or hostile, he quietly took out his german flute, and having
adjusted it, began to play an air of Correlli, which surprised, amused, and
caused them to suspend their designs, whilst he, keeping his face towards
them, gradually retreated to the place where he had left his boat’s crew.

To this singular person the translator is indebted for his first introduction
to Sir Joseph (then Mr.) Banks, in January of the year 1780.



need. The Dutchman begged he would not take it

amiss, when he declared himself incapable of furnishing

what he required, acquainting him that he had not

been long at the place, and that he was himself under

the necessity of applying for what he wanted to Kei

Damang, who possessed the whole influence. His

business, he said, was merely to guard the Company’s

colours, under the orders of Mynheer Poer, the governor

of Bantam. The captain, upon this information, sent

a message, in his own name and that of the serjeant, to

Kei Damang, requesting him to come to the guard-house.

He came accordingly, and after the usual compliments

paid and returned, Corporal Rails said to him: * “ Our

“ reason for wishing to see you is, that the captain has

“ made application to be supplied with live stock.”—

“ And what,” replied Kei Damcing, “ do you, the

“ is not,” they answered, “ any concern of ours; but

<£ if you can be of any service to the captain, assist


“ him as far as you have the means.”—“ You will do
“ me a favour,” said the captain, “ by procuring me
i( stock for my sea store.” In consequence of what was
said to him by the Dutchmen, as well as by the English
captain, Kei Damang replied: “ It is well, Captain ; I
“ shall endeavour to assist you with what you require,

“ but

* There is some confusion in the narrative between the persons and
rank of the seijeant and corporal; but the latter may probably have been
the more intelligent of the two, or more versed in the language of the
country, which occasioned him to be the spokesman.



<< but you must allow me till to-morrow morning to
“ execute it. If I can prove useful to you, do not
“ pleased with me.” After this conversation Captain
Forrest again returned to his ship, and Kei Damang
asked the serjeant his deliberate opinion as,4to the pro-
priety of his supplying the fresh provisions. “ It
“ cannot,” said he, “ be of any consequence: supply
“ them if you can.” Upon returning home he gave
directions to his people to go (into the country) and
collect poultry, which was done, and by the time the
captain came on shore in the morning, he found a suffi-
cient provision of all that he wanted. Captain Forrest’s
stay at Samangka was ten days in the whole, and he
then took his departure; but the course of his navi-
gation was not certainly known.

Four days after the sailing of this vessel, Ensign
Si-Talib arrived from Bantam. He was bound to Ben-
coolen, but prevented from reaching it by a contrary
wind.* Calling upon Kei Damang, he said: “ I was
“ dispatched to Bencoolen by Governor Poer, with a
“ cargo of rice. My instructions were, in case I could
not get so far as that place, to stop at Croee, and
<£ dispose of my cargo there, or, if I could not reach
<£ Croee, to put into Samangka. I shall now deliver
“ the rice into your hands, for my orders were, on no
account to carry it back to Bantam.” Upon receiving


* From whence it may be inferred that this was about the setting in of
the north-west monsoon, in the month of November.

I Si

this notice, Kei Damang called a meeting of all the
nakhodas of Samangka, to whom he stated the circum-
stances that had just been communicated to him, and
asked their opinion as to what was to be done with the
rice. They were at a loss what to advise; for the
cargo, whjjCh amounted to ten koyan (or eight thousand
gallons), was Java rice, and much damaged by weevils.*
Si-Talib urged them to a determination. “ What I
“ should recommend,” said a man named Nakhoda Sem-
porna, “ would be, in the first instance, to dispose of a
“ part at the different rivers in Samangka bay, and by
“'that means ascertain the price that the remainder
“ ought to fetch.”—“ As to the price,” said the ensign,
interrupting him, “ the governor has fixed that at
“ twelve bamboos (gallons) the Spanish dollar.11—“ But
“if it will not go off at that rate,” said Semporna,
“ what is to be done ?” Here the conversation ended,
and Kei Damdng directed one of his sons, Nakhoda
Leila, to load a boat with two koyan of the rice, and
endeavour to dispose of it; which occupied him two
months. In the course of three months, however, that
the ensign remained at Samangka, the whole was sold.

During this period Si-Talib concerted a plot with
Haus, tke serjeant of the Dutch guard,*f- for the ruin


* The rice exported from Java and Balli is generally of inferior
quality, imperfectly cleared of the inner husk, and has the grains much
broken. It is consequently not in demand, unless in times of scarcity,
among people who cultivate the article for themselves.

f Here the confusion of persons is palpable, excepting on the suppo-
sition that Itaiis had been promoted, and appointed to the command of
the guard.



of Kei Damang. “ I should like,” said the ensign to
the serjeant, “ to reside at this place.”—“ But what
“ object,” replied the other, “ could it be to you to
“ reside here, seeing that all the power is in the hands
“ of Kei Damang ? How could you expect to have an
“ influence superior to that of a man who has been so
“ long connected in the country ?”—“ If you will enter
“ into my views,” said Si-Talib, “ we could contrive
“ a plan—that is, if you are well inclined.”— “ ever you have to say,” replied the serjeant, “ speak
“ out, that I may understand you.” Upon which the
ensign proceeded thus: “ Do you, serjeant, write a
“ letter, and send it to the governor of Bantam. In
“ tliis letter, state that Kei Damang sold pepper to the
“ English ship that touched here lately, and never paid
“ regard? to any remonstrances that you made to him on
“ the subject. Make use of my name, and say that I
“ am well acquainted with his proceedings. Do not dis-
“ patch the letter till I am gone; but in such time that
“ it shall arrive at Bantam soon after me; when the
“ governor will naturally make inquiry of me respecting
“ the truth of the charges. If we can succeed in getting
“ Kei Damang removed from Samanglca, and you and
“ I should have the future management of the country,

“ we could certainly make it turn to good account.”
The serjeant having listened to all this, and approved 1


of the scheme, recommended that the other should lose
no time in returning to Bantam. “ I hear,” said he,

“ there is a praw nearly ready to sail for that place,

“ with




“ with pepper, and by this conveyance I can send the
“ letter, which I shall give in charge to my wife.”
This matter being arranged, Si-TaUb set out, and ten
days after his departure, Nakhoda Inchi Laid, in whose
vessel serjeant Raus sent his wife, with the letter for the
governor, sailed also. Thirteen days after Si-Talib's
arrival* the letter followed, and was delivered by the
woman to Mynheer Poer: who read the contents, which
were such has had been concerted. It concluded by
desiring, that if the writer was not to be credited on
his word, inquiry should be made of Si-Talib, who was
at Samangka about the time it happened. When the
governor had perused it, he sent for the ensign and
asked him what news there was when he visited the
place. “ The news I heard,” said Si-Talib, “ was,
“ that an English ship from Bencoolen, commanded by
“ a Captain Forrest, had touched there. That Kei
“ Damang had sold pepper to this captain, and was
u paying regard to any advice given to him by the
“ serjeant.”"—“ And what is the reason,” said the
governor, “ that I have been kept so long in ignorance
i( of this transaction?”—“ The reason of my silence on
“ should be considered in the light of a calumniator.”
The governor said nothing farther, and the ensign
returned to his own house.

Nakhoda Inchi Laid, together with the masters of the
other praws of the season, sailed on their returning




voyage, and on board of his vessel the governor sent
back the scrjeant’s wife, and at the same time three

Dutch soldiers. About a month after their arrival at (


Samanglca, a two-masted vessel called a ketch, made her
appearance. As soon as she was perceived by Kei
Damang, he went to the serjeant and asked him what
sort of vessel he supposed that to be; observing that
it looked something like a ship.* The serjeant said he
knew nothing about her : it might be a ship or it might
not. 44 What are the orders,” said the former, 44 in
44 case she should anchor here and fire a salute ? Am I
44 to return the salute, or not?”—44 Do not return it;

44 as if we affected to make ourselves of equal conse-
44 quence with these people (European captains). Who
44 knows where she may come from ? We know nothing
44 about her.” As she approached, the Dutch colours
were distinguished, and the serjeant called Nakhoda
Bujang to accompany him to the vessel. When they
reached her, they paid their compliments to the captain.
Upon the ketch’s coming to an anchor, a salute was
fired by her gunner, and the captain went on shore.
Kei Damang waited his landing at the mouth of the
river. When they met, the captain addressed him in an
angry tone, saying: 44 What is the reason that you did
44 not return my salute P Do you imagine yourself a

44 person


* A ketch has a main-mast and a small mizen-mast, as a brig has a
main and fore-mast. The Malay word Jtapal, which we translate ship,
is not confined to one with three masts, but applied to any square-rigged
vessel, with top and top-gallant masts.






“ person of more consequence than me, that you do not
“ condescend to return my civility ?”—“ The reason,”
answered Kei Damang, “ that your salute was not
“ answered was, my being guided by the advice of
“ serjeant Raus, who gave it as his opinion that in case
“ be returned.” The captain was still dissatisfied, and
asked why any weight should be allowed to what the
serjeant advised ? Kei Damang did not make any
reply, judging that it would answer no good purpose
to get into an altercation. They separated, and. the
captain went back to his vessel.

On the following morning he landed again, and gave
directions for calling together all the inhabitants of the
Malay town; on which occasion he took down their
names in writing; and this being done, he said to Kei
Damang: “ Order all these people to set about con-
“ structing a stockade.”* He himself measured out
the ground and formed the plan; the dimensions being
forty fathoms on every side. Kei Damang inquired
whether for the erection of the fort, those persons only
who inhabited the Malay town were to be put in re-
quisition, or whether the country (native) chiefs were
to be called upon to lend their assistance; as, in the
former case, he thought it would be a long time before
the work could be completed. The captain desired him
to suggest thdft mode which he thought would tend to


* This measure of fortifying the place we may presume to have been
the consequence of Captain Forrest’s visit.




its more effectual execution, and he would take it into
consideration. “ In my opinion,” said Kei Damdng,
“ the proatms should be required to contribute their
“ share (of the labour and materials). In this country of
“ Wei Ttatna, who is the first person in rank and con-
“ sequence, and to him the captain will do well to make
“ application.” They accordingly proceeded together
to the village where this chief resided, when the captain
addressed him in the following words: “ I am come to
“ wait on the ganger an” said he, “ in pursuance of
“ directions from the governor of Bantam, to examine
“ into the state of this district, which it is his intention
“ to put on a footing similar to that of the sea-coast of
“ Java. In the part (of the bay) occupied by the
“ Malays I observe a situation proper for the erection
“ of a fort, and the ganger an and Kei Damdng must
“ employ a sufficient number of people to execute
“ the work in a satisfactory manner.”—“ It is well,
“ captain,” replied the pangeran; “ but you must
a allow me a little time for preparation. In five days
“ I shall be ready to go down, and pay attention to the
“ business.” The captain returned with Kei Damdng
to the Malay town, and on the next day he proposed
that they should go together to examine the boundary
mark that separated the territory of the English from
that of the Dutch Company; at a place that bore the
name of Mudra Tanda (demarcation-river-mouth). They
accordingly proceeded thither; the captain being in one


\ &



sailing-boat, and Kei Damang, with two of his sons,
Nakhoda Bujang and Si-Bantan, in a second; the other
sons, Nakhoda Leila and ' La-uddin, remaining behind to
take care of the house. Upon their arrival at the spot,
the captain gave orders for removing the mark, and took
away with him the English notice of the limits (inscrip-
tion ?)* After passing three nights there, they returned
towards Samangka, the captain taking a seat in Kei
Damang’s boat. When they drew near to the ketch,
the former said: “ Let us step on board of my vessel
“ before we go any further, and amuse ourselves for an
“ hour or two.”—“ With much pleasure,” answered
Kei Damang, “ I shall be gratified to see how things
“ are arranged in your ships.” Kei Damang thereupon
went on board.

At this moment serjeant Raus (who observed what
was passing afloat) called on Nakhoda Leila and ’La-
uddin, and said to them : “ Come along; let us also go
“ on board of the ketch, and bring your father and the
“ captain, as well as your younger brothers, on shore.”
They did not hesitate to accompany him, and went off
in a sampan, which was rowed by those three persons.
Upon Nakhoda Leila’s stepping into the vessel, the
serjeant and the captain required him to lay aside his
kris (loosen his kris-belt); to which he answered that


* This was probably a plate of metal, and perhaps inlaid in a block of
stone; which may account for its being spoken of as something distinct
from the land-mark itself, which must have been common to both
nations. The terms by which the former is expressed in the original are
tunjuk tanah, * what points out the land.’



his continuing to wear it could be a matter of no con-
sequence; for even in the fort of Bantam it was not
refused to him. As soon as Kei Damang heard their
voices in this altercation, he desired his son to make no
words about it, but to do as the captain desired him,
and to give up his kris. Upon receiving his father's
orders he loosed it from his girdle and gave it to one of
the people; ’La-uddin doing the same. They then
went into the cabin, and sat down near their father and
their two brothers. When they were all thus seated
together, the captain addressed Kei Damang in these
words: “You and your four sons are no longer at
“ liberty to quit this vessel. I have the governor’s
“ orders for carrying you away from hence, and for this
“ purpose it was that I came to SamangkaIt is
“ well, Sir,” replied he; “ but you took unnecessary
“ trouble in coming here for the purpose; because. a
“ mere slip of paper transmitted to me, would have met
“ with implicit obedience from one who has ever con-
“ sidered himself as living under the control of the
“ Company.” After this the captain went on shore
and proceeded to the house of Kei Damang, which he
ordered the military under arms to surround, whilst he
and the serjeant entered it. All the property was seized
upon, and four days were employed in transporting it
to the ketch ; the captain and his people remaining in
possession of the house day and night. Every day a
buffaloe was killed for their provision, and they passed
their time in eating, drinking, and making merry.






In the mean time Kei Damang and his four sons were
guarded on hoard by a Dutch corporal and a party of
men. Their food, both meat and drink, was supplied
to them from the houses of his brothers, named Nalchoda
Dorman and Nakhodci Semporna, who themselves came
off every day, bringing with them such articles as their
occasions might require; but whatever they brought on
board was first shewn to the guard for examination,
and afterwards delivered to the prisoners. This was the
regular practice. On a certain day Nakhoda Semporna
visited the captain (on shore), carrying a present
(according to the eastern usage) of some of the nests
of the bird called layang-layang (edible bird’s nest), and
said to him: “ I am come, captain, to inquire of you
c< your opinion whether Kei Damdng and his four sons
“ will be permitted to return to Samangka, or not.”—
£C What,” said he, “ is your motive for asking the
“ question ?”—“ It is this : I am myself not properly
“ an inhabitant of Samangka, but of the Malay quarter
<£ at Batavia, and am here only on Kei Damang's
“ account, in consequence of his having shewn me kind-
C£ ness.* If he is not to return to this place, I shall go
££ back to Batavia.”-i-££ I know not how that matter
££ may be,” replied the captain. ££ Possibly he may not
“ be allowed to return; for it is reported that his
££ offences against the Company are of a serious nature.

“ I

* The trouble experienced by Kei Damuiig in the affair of the two praws
that went to Bencooolen, and his being fined in consequence, must have
been the occasion of this friendly visit from his brothers.



“ I have heard it mentioned that he has been guilty of
“ selling pepper to the English.”* Nakhoda Semporna
said nothing further, but took his leave, and, as he was
accustomed to do, carried victuals on board; which
afforded him an opportunity of communicating to Kei
Damdng the reason assigned by the captain for his
detension. 44 Do not,” he replied, 44 feel any uneasiness
“ for me on that score. I have committed no offence
“ either against the Company or the sultan, and I trust
“ to the protection of the Almighty. If I am to be
“ in the sight of God.”

After Ncikhoda Semporna's return on shore, Nakhoda
Bdjang and Nakhoda Leila thus addressed their father:
“ Do not, our respected father, consume more time in
“ (uselessly) reflecting on our misfortunes, but resolve
44 to indulge us in our wishes. We four brothers can no
44 longer endure this treatment; our hearts can no
44 longer brook the conduct of these people. Death,
44 under such circumstances, is preferable to life. In
44 short, it is our intention to attack these Hollanders,
44 and we now make the earnest request that our father
44 will sanction the attempt by his approbation.”—44 My
44 sons,” said Kei Damang,44 do not allow yourselves to
44 take this our situation too much to heart. If we
44 should be carried to Bantam, the sultan will protect

f 2 44 us;

* There was some indiscretion, on the part of the captain, in allowing
himself to be drawn into this conversation, but the well-timed present of
a delicacy may have thrown him off his guard.



“ us; if to Batavia, we shall have the assistance of the
“ Malays;* or if to Samdrang, I shall experience the
“ good offices of the Edele heer (M. Sambirik).” It is
C{ all true as our father says,” replied the sons, “ pro-
“ vided they carry us to Bantam, to Batavia, or to
*( Samdrang; but if they should transport us to Pulo
“ Bamar,'f* who will there afford us protection ? The
“ employment of us four brothers will there be to twist
“ cordage for the Dutch ; and God knows what sort of
“ burthen they may think proper to lay upon our father’s
“ shoulders. Of the remainder of our brothers and
“ sisters they may perhaps make slaves. At all events
u the property of which you have been plundered will
“ never be restored to you. Even with respect to your
“ life, there is no saying how long you shall be permitted
“ to enjoy it, and we may be doomed to lament your
“ death. But we entreat of our father to give us the
“ permission we have required. If we must be carried
“ off by these Hollanders, it is better it should be as
“ of our existence in this world.” Kei Damc'ing, after
listening attentively to this speech, remained for a short


* It is customary in the European settlements to appoint native chiefs
to regulate the internal police of each class of people under their govern-
ment, who are styled captains. The Chinese, Malays, Bugis, and others,
have each their responsible chief under this title.

t An island lying off Batavia roads, called Edam by the Dutch.
“ The chief use they make of it,” says Stavorinus, “ is as a place of
exile for criminals, who are employed in making of cordage; and over
whom a ship’s captain is placed as commandant.”



time silent, being absorbed in thought. He then said:

“ ’Tis well, my children : since such is your resolution,

“ I recommend you to the protection of God and his
“ prophet. But do not, my sons, place any reliance on
“ my efforts ; for I no longer possess vigour of body to
“ grapple with an enemy.”—“ Were it even your wish,”
said Nakhoda Leila, “ to join in the attack, we should
“ not consent to it. You are now advanced in years, and
66 were you to fall in the contest, it is not to be presumed p
“ that we could survive you ; but should it be God’s will,

“ on the other hand, that we four brothers perish, it is
“ the more necessary that our father should live, in order
“ to remove our sisters to whatever spot it may be his
“ fate to inhabit. And although you should be the
“ only survivor, still there are many friends who will be
“ ready to assist our father.” These words drew tears
from the old man’s eyes, which he could not restrain.
He reflected on the probability that some of his sons
must be killed, or wounded at least, in the assault; for
the Dutch were strong and vigilant in their guard.
There were eight men in each relief: on the forecastle
were two men ; on each side of the after deck, near the
helm, two men; and upon the poop, two men; all
armed with musquets. In this manner were Kei Damdng
and his sons guarded. On shore, within the enclosure
of the house, there were, the captain of the vessel, a
serjeant, and twelve men, and in the Dutch guard-room,
a corporal and five men. All this force was to be
encountered by Kei Damdng, his sons, and his brothers.




Having made up his mind to the enterprise, he re-
commended to his sons by all means to communicate
their intentions to Nakhoda Semporna (their uncle);
and accordingly when next he came on board with pro-
visions, Nakhoda Bujang said to him : “ What business,
“ particular business,” he replied; t£ excepting that I
“ have given instructions to (my brother) Nakhoda
“ Darman, to fit up a small vessel, to be in readiness
“ to follow you with a store of provisions and other
“ necessaries, to whatever place you may be conveyed.”—
“ Do not,” said Nakhoda Leila, “ give yourself any
“ further trouble on this score, but exert your ingenuity
“ to furnish us with some weapons that will answer our
ct purpose, for we are determined to run a-muck (make
“ a desperate attack, at the imminent risk of our own
“ lives),'* rather than suffer ourselves to be forced away
“ by these Hollanders. But even if we cannot procure
“ suitable weapons, we are still resolved at all hazards
“ to make the attempt with the best means in our power.”
Nakhoda Semporna having heard this resolution, re-
turned on shore, and communicated the matter to
Nakhoda Dayman. “ These four young men of ours,”
said he, “ are determined to run a-muck, and their
“ father has consented and gives encouragement to it.

“ By

* See the Malayan dictionary under the word amuk. The word
rarely occurs in any other than the verbal form, ^o\jLo meng-amuh ‘ to
make a furious attack.’



“ By what method shall we contrive to furnish them
“ with weapons for their purpose ?” Nakhoda Darman
immediately went to make a search and found four
shears* fit for service. They then had a meeting of
the near connexions of Kei Damdng and themselves, in
order to settle a plan of attack on shore, as soon as
they could be assured, by the landing of the former, of
the successful issue of the operations on board. The
number of persons to whose knowledge this design was
intrusted was twelve.

About four o’clock in the afternoon Nakhoda Dayman
came on board with a quantity of boiled rice, in a sort
of basket, and underneath this rice he had concealed the
four shears. As soon as he appeared on deck, Nakhoda
Leila stepped forward to receive the basket from him,
when the former intimated to him that there were weapons
in it. He hastily carried it down to his brothers, and they
immediately began to eat the rice out of the basket.
The Dutchmen did not say any thing, but seemed to
look with surprise at the manner in which they devoured
their food, like persons who had fasted for several days.
Having finished the rice they put the basket aside, and
Nakhoda Damian returned to the shore. At night he
stationed a sampan, with two men in it, for the purpose
of keeping a look-out. The signals agreed upon between
the different parties were, that if a light should be seen
from the vessel, it was to be considered as a token that


* A weapon of the hris or dagger kind, having a small, one-edged





all was well on board. If a firing of musquets should
be heard, the party on shore were instantly to commence
their attack on the Dutch who were there, to prevent
them from lending assistance to those in the ketch.

Kei Damang and his sons had been confined on board
six days and six nights, and on the seventh night it was
that they rose upon the guard, about the third hour
after midnight. The motive for deferring it till this late
hour was, that the moon had shone bright, and the wind
blew from an unfavourable quarter (set on shore). They
were apprehensive that should any alarm be given to the
Europeans in the town, it might preclude the possibility
of their friends entering Kei Damany's house, and
occasion the destruction of that part of the family that
still remained in it. When the third hour arrived, the
moon had disappeared, and the (land) wind began to
blow, (which prevented any noise in the vessel from being
heard on shore). Each of the four brothers provided
himself with a shear. On that night their father was in
a different part from them ; for which purpose applica-
tion had been made to the corporal. His place, which
was tolerable roomy, was on one side of the principal
cabin (on deck), and in it were ranged up several
spears, to the number of twenty, that were in fact his
own property and had been taken out of his own house.
Two Dutchmen stood sentinels over him in this situation.
Nakhoda Leila said to his youngest brother, , La-nddiny
“ Go you to the assistance of your father, and dispatch
“ those two sentinels.”—“ It shall be done,” said tire




other, “ but I will first accost them under some pretence.” f ^
He accordingly went towards the place where his father
lay, when one of the men called out to him, “ What
“ business have you here ?’’—“ I am come,'” said he
“ to look after my father, and to inquire whether he is
“ in want of betel, as he complained of being a little
“ indisposed to night.” The sentinel said nothing
further, and 1La-uddin, after speaking a few words (to
his father), went below again to where his brothers were,
and having taken up his siwar and provided some betel,
returned to his father’s cabin. Nakhoda Leila went
forwards, and Nakhoda Bujang, along with Si-Bantan,
to the waist of the vessel, where the greatest number of
the Dutchmen were collected. When Nakhoda Leila
had been on the forecastle about half an hour, he stabbed
those whom he found there. Nakhoda Bujang and Si-
Bantan followed the example, and ’La-uddin, with his
father, dispatched the two men that guarded them. The
weapon employed by Kei Damdng was a large Com-
pany’s pistol, with which he struck one of the guards,
and killed him. From this moment the brothers could
no longer act upon any combined plan, but each indivi-
dually was occupied in killing, wherever he could find
victims. Kei Damdng took down the lances that were
ranged in the cabin. Observing some Javans, of whom
there were seven on board in the capacity of seamen, he
called out to them : “ If you chuse to take part with
“ the Dutchmen, attack my sons: or, if not, seek for
“ yourselves a place of security.” They immediately




ran up to the mizen-top; not being inclined to take part
with the Dutch, but desirous of remaining neutral.

About an hour had been consumed in this work of
death, when Kei Damang called his sons together and
said: “ Come hither, my children all: your parent is
“ anxious to see your faces. Here, take each of you in
“ his hand one of these spears.” Presently three of his
sons came about him, and took each of them a spear.
“ But,” said he, “ where is ’La-uddin ? ”— (t I sent
“ him,” answered Nakhoda Leila, “ to the assistance
“ of my father ; since which time Ave have not fallen
“ in with him.” Upon hearing this Kei Damang
shed tears; supposing his son had been killed in the
struggle. But ’La-addin Avas at this time at the head
of the vessel, engaged in looking at four of the creAV,
who were suspended by ropes from the boAvsprit: such
Avas the object that attracted his attention; for he Avas
at this period but a lad, and had not been accustomed to
think seriously.* Upon hearing himself called, he ran
Avith speed to his father ; and all being iioav armed Avith
spears, they Avent to search for any of the Europeans
that remained alive, and such as they found they put
to death; not suffering one to escape: all perished
through the providence of Almighty God, who in his
divine dispensation, did not, on this occasion, alloAv
his faithful servants to experience any kind of injury


* This person, it will appear, was the ultimate writer of the memoirs.



Ncikhoda Leila now shewed a light,* and a sampan
soon came alongside to take them on shore. Nakhoda
Bujang was stepping into her for the purpose, but was
kept back by his father. “ You had better,” said he
“ remain in the vessel. I and Nakhoda Leila will land,
“ but do you three guard our property on board the
“ ketch :-J* and let me recommend to you not to place
“ Until we have completely effected the business on
“ shore, do not you think of landing.” He then took
Nakhoda Leila with him, and they proceeded to the
house of Nakhoda Semporna, where they found Na-
khoda Barman and other persons, to the number of
eight. u Come,” said Kei Bamdng, “ let us attack the
cc Hollanders who are now in my house.” Upon hearing
his voice and that of his son (it was still nearly dark),
they immediately descended and set out together.
Having entered the kampong (inclosed space) unper-
ceived, Nakhoda Semporna, Nakhoda Barman, and
Serif-addin, went up into the house, where the captain,
the serjeant, and one soldier then were; whom they
instantly dispatched. As soon as the soldiers belonging
to the guard who were below, heard the noise of a


* In low latitudes the day does not break earlier than five o’clock, and
this seems to have been about four.

t The reason for this distinction amongst the sons is not obvious.
Nakhoda Bujang might have been better qualified for carrying off the
vessel, in the event of a failure on shore; or, being the eldest son, the
father did not chuse to expose to further risk the life of one who would
become the protector of the family.



scuffle in the upper part of the house, they issued
hastily from the place appropriated to them, with their
musquets, drew up on the ground in front, and fired
into the house. As soon as they had given their fire,
the party with Kei Damdng and Nakhoda Leila rushed
in upon them. Of these latter, one man was killed and
two wounded, but all the Dutch soldiers were put to
death. Kei Damang then gave directions that the
whole of the Malays belonging to the place should
make an attack upon the guard-room, which was done;
but upon entering it, no person was found there. Five
men had made their escape. With the exception of
these, all the Europeans were killed; by the blessing
and through the assistance of God.

It was by this time broad day. Kei Damdng gave
orders that all his property on board the ketch should
be brought on shore, but the arms he directed to be put
into a small praw, along with some articles belonging to
the Malays: the quantity, however, that she could stow
was trifling. All the merchandise belonging to himself
and to the other traders, was left behind (at Samangka),
together with all their trading praws, to the number of
fifty, which at this season were laid up on shore. He
remonstrated with the Malays on their intention of
accompanying him (in his flight). “ In my opinion,”
he said, “ it Avould be more advisable for my friends to
“ remain where they are, and not think it necessary to
“ follow my fortunes: uncertain as I am at present
“ where I and my children may find an asylum. Per-

“ haps



“ of the English Company, and perhaps not. Why,
e< my friends, should you involve yourselves in these
“ suffer you to go without us, satisfied as we are of
“ your integrity respecting the affairs of the Company
“ or of the sultan. We consider you as an injured and
“ an oppressed man, who, whilst you were rendering
“ them every service in your power, have been treated
“ in such an unworthy manner by the Company.”
When this conversation was at an end he wrote a letter
to the governor, Mynheer Poer, and another to the
sultan, the substance of which was as follows: “ From
i( Kei Damdng Perwasidana, in the country of Lam-
tc pong-Samangka, to his honour the Governor and to
“his highness the Sultan:—Respecting the circum-
“ Malays who have been settled here, the occasion is,
“ our being no longer able to endure the conduct of
“ not by the orders of their superiors, I cannot tell;
“ but I have been treated by them like a dog; all my
“ effects have been pillaged, my house has been taken
“ prisoner. I am not conscious of having incurred any
“ debt either to the sultan or to the Company, even
“ to the amount of the smallest coin; and during the
(( whole time that I have been a sojourner in this land,
<{ I have never in any instance defrauded or injured



“ them. I now humbly acquaint them that I shall
“ never again have the opportunity of paying my duty
“ to the sultan or of appearing in the presence of the
“ (representative of the) Company. I was some time
“ since honoured by Governor S. with the gift of a
“ double-barrel gun and a pair of double-barrel pistols,

“ both of which I now deliver into the hands of Agas
“ Jamali, together with the Company’s ketch; and all
“ the praws belonging to the Malay traders we leave
“ behind us; taking with us only such articles as may
“ be conveyed by travellers on foot. I am yet undeter-
“ mined with respect to the route we may pursue, but
“ I shall resign myself with confidence to the direction
“ of God, who knows the future destiny of his servants.”
The letters being prepared, he put them also into the
hands of Agas Jamali, the sultan’s agent.

Three days and three nights had elapsed from the
time of the massacre, when Kei Damang set out on his
journey for (the English settlement of) Croee, with all
the Malays, men, women, and children, great and small;
to the number of about four hundred souls. After 9)
travelling three days they reached a place called Ben-
kunat,* from whence he wrote a letter and sent it to
Doctor Blankin, who at that period had (temporary)


* A small factory subordinate to Croee, near the south-western ex-
tremity of the island, and not far across the isthmus, from the upper part
of Samangka bay. The progress of such an assemblage of people,
carrying with them whatever could be removed, must necessarily have
been very tedious.


charge of the residency of Croee. It was to the following
effect: “ Kei Damdng from Samangka, presents his
“ respects to the chief of Croee; being desirous of
“ passing onward to that place, he earnestly solicits his
“ protection. The occasion of his making this request
“ arises from a difference he has had with the Dutch
“ Company. It is his wish to live under the flag of the
“ English; but if that cannot be allowed him, he begs
“ his Avay to any country where he may afterwards
“ settle.” Having dispatched this letter, he suffered
one day to elapse before he pursued his journey. In
three days he received an answer from the chief of
Croee, acquainting him that he might come on to that
settlement, and remain there till the business could be
submitted to the consideration of the Governor and
Council of Bencoolen. The effect produced by this
letter on the mind of Kei Damang Avas like that AvJiicli
thirsty plants experience from the fall of rain. He con-
tinued his (sIoav) journey, and in seAren days from the
time of his leaving Benkunat, reached Croee. Upon
his arrival he waited on Mr. Blankin, accompanied by
Nakhoda Sembawa, Avho Avas ensign (officer of the
country-guard) at the place, and having paid the usual
compliments, asked him his opinion Avhether he should
have permission to remain under the protection of the
English flag, or not. “ The matter,” said the chief,
“ shall be brought to a determination in this Avay: I
“ Avill Avrite on the subject to the governor and council,

“ and

7 G


“ and you shall also address a letter to them.” At
this period Mr. Carter was governor, and the council
consisted of Mr. Wyatt, Mr. Daryal, Mr. Hay, Mr.
Nairne, and Mr. Steuart,* who were then assembled at
Bencoolen. The chief of Croee’s letter to the Board
advised it of the circumstance of Kei Dam ling's arrival,
with four hundred persons in company, and of his
claiming the protection of the English flag, in conse-
quence of his having cut off the Hollanders at Sa-
manglca, from whom he had received ill-treatment; and
desired to be furnished with instructions for his conduct
\ on the occasion. The letter from Kei Damang was to
the same effect; representing the oppression under
which he had laboured, his own and his children’s im-
prisonment, and the plunder of his property; that his
spirit could not endure this ignominious treatment,
which on his part was wholly unmerited ; that with the
assistance of God he had effectually resisted them ; and
that he now craved protection from the governor and
council, with permission to live under the English flag.

Eight days after the dispatch of these letters, his son,
Nakhoda Leila, was ordered to proceed to Bencoolen, in
the small praw that had come round from Samangka to
Benfcunat, where he embarked, and his voyage was
completed two days after the delivery of the letters (for-

* In the original these names are sufficiently correct, but their order
is transposed. The members respectively are here restored to their
proper rank. The fact of their being collected at the presidency took
place shortly before the expiration of Mr. Carter’s government, in 1766.


warded over-land). He carried his vessel into the river
of Sillebar, where he addressed himself to the people of
(the village of) Kandang, requesting that some of them
would accompany him to Bencoolen,* as he had matters
to communicate to the '"governor and council, as well
as to Daiong (Marupa), to the two pangerans, and the
four datus ;*f* being sent by his father to solicit protection
and assistance from those personages, in consequence of
the family having been engaged in a quarrel with the
Dutch Company. “ Such,'” said he, “ are my reasons
“ for troubling you. I know not but it may be my fate
“ to be put to death by order of the government, and
“ in this case I wish that you should be spectators of
“ my execution. My vessel, which I leave here, I beg
“ that you, my friends, will take care of for me; but
“ in case of my death, you will do ivith her what you
“ think proper.” The Kadang people having listened
to this address from Nakhoda Leila, consented to escort
him, and seven persons accordingly set out in his train.J
When they reached Fort Marlborough he went to the
house of Radln Si Ndka,§ who was governor Carter’s


* The name of Bencoolen is here, as elsewhere, used for the settle-
ment of Fort Marlborough, distant from it about two miles. From
Kandang, near the river of Sillebar, to the latter, is seven or eight miles.

t The first of these was captain or head man of the Bugis people from
Celebes; the others, native chiefs and magistrates, composing what is
termed the country government.

| The natives always walk in single files.

§ This person was the son of a king of Madura, whose tragical and
affecting history (casting a stain on the English character) is well related




orderly serjeant, and acquainted him that it was his
desire to be introduced to the governor, having a
message to deliver to him from his father Kei Damang
of Samangka. The officer said it was well, and directly
proceeded to make his arrival known, and to ask per-
mission for him to pay his respects. The governor sent
back the serjeant with a message to Nakhoda Leila,
desiring that he would come to him at four o’clock that
afternoon, when he should have an audience ; it being
then but a little past noon, and near his hour of dining.
Upon receiving this message he retired to a house in
the bazar of Marlborough, and at the time appointed,
repaired to the government-house. Preparatory to his
approach the governor had sent an order into the fort,
to furnish a corporal’s guard of eight men, and as soon
as these were drawn up in rank behind him, he gave
directions that Nakhoda Leila should be admitted to
the council-room. After the usual compliments, the
governor inquired of him from whence he came. “ I
“ am come,” said he, “ from Samangka, and wait upon
“ you by desire of my father.”—“ What is the nature
“of your business? Let me understand it.”—“The

“ occasion,

in a work entitled ‘ A Voyage to the East-Indies in 1747 and 1748/
published in 1762. “ The old king,” it says, “ loved* the English, and

“ had his youngest son, at that very time at Bencoolcn, for his educa-
“ tion ; and as he wanted to cultivate a good understanding with them,
“ he ordered his son to dress and to live after their manner.” This son,
when an elderly man, was well known to the translator, between the
years 1771 and 1779. He was no longer employed in a military capacity,
and had wisely relinquished the European dress. His manners were
polished, and his mind well-informed.



“ occasion, Sir, of our intruding upon you is, that
44 having suffered oppression from the Dutch at that
44 place, we were driven to rise against them. In the
“ contest they were all killed, and of the Malays on
44 our side, two also fell. In consequence of this un-
44 happy affair, all the Malays Avho were settled at
44 Samnngka have removed to Croee, where they wish to
44 be indulged with permission to dwell under the pro-
44 tection of the flag of the English Company; humbly
44 craving their lives at your hands.”—44 What,” said
the governor, 44 was the foundation of your quarrel P I
44 am persuaded there must have been, on your parts,

44 some cause (for strong measures), which it will be
44 right in you to make me acquainted with, truly and
44 without reserve.”—44 Sir,” answered Nakhoda Leila, |.
44 I can inform you of every circumstance leading to it,

44 from the beginning to the end, but the relation, I fear,

44 will prove tedious to you.”—44 No matter,” replied the
governor, 44 for its prolixity. Begin and narrate your
44 story at length, that I may be fully acquainted
44 with it.” Nakhoda Leila then proceeded to furnish
governor Carter with a complete detail of all the cir-
cumstances that occurred, from the period of Kei
Damang’s first settling at Samangka and being invested
with authority there by the sultan and the governor of
Bantam, to that of Nakhoda Satia and Nakhoda
Dug am going to Bencoolen during the French warfare,
for which he incurred a fine, and of Captain Forrest’s
touching at Samangka: in short, he apprised him of

g 2




every event that had taken place. When the narrative
was concluded the governor sent for Captain Forrest,
and asked him whether it was true that he had been
there some time since. 44 Certainly,” answered the
captain, 44 I did put in there.”—44 And what,” said the
governor, 44 was your motive for so doing ?”—44 Because,”
said he,44 I was in want of water and live stock.”—44 And
44 who supplied you with them?”—44 A Malay chief,
44 who was named ICei Damang, assisted me in procuring
44 whatever I stood in need of.”—44 Did you sell cloth
44 or opium, or did you purchase pepper there?”—
44 Whilst I was at Samangka I neither sold any goods
44 whatever, nor did I purchase pepper.”—44 Who is
44 that person ?” said the governor, pointing to Nakhoda
Leila. When Captain Forrest had looked at him, he
said : 44 I know this man : he is the son of Kei Damang
44 of Samangka. What can have brought him here ?” —
44 He is come,” said the governor, 44 to claim protection
44 from us; having killed the Dutch who were at that
44 place.”—44 The governor,” said Captain Forrest,44 will
44 do a just act in protecting them, for I am persuaded
44 they have not been to blame in the matter, but must
44 have been forced to it by the insufferable proceedings
44 of the Dutch. As to the idea that their debts might
44 have been a motive, it is by no means probable, nor
44 would thousands of dollars be an equivalent to them
44 for leaving their establishment at Samangka.”

Nakhoda Leila was then desired to return to the
bazar, to the house of serjeant Miyut. After an interval




seven days the governor again sent for him, to attend in the
council-room, where the council was assembled, together
with the two pangerans, and the datus of the town of
Bencoolen, when he spoke to him to the following effect:
“ Return,-” said he, “ to Croee, and convey to Kei Da-
u mdng the letter that I shall deliver to you. With
t( respect to the future residence of you Samangka
“ people, you may settle wherever your inclination leads
“ you. The place is to me indifferent. If at Croee I
“ have no objection; or if you prefer coming on to
“ Bencoolen, you are welcome so to do. Should any
“ person sent by the Dutch government inquire about
“ you, they shall be told it is no concern of ours, nor
ce shall any information be given to them: but even
<{ if they should be acquainted to a certainty with
44 the place of your asylum, you need not be under
“ apprehension of our giving you up to them. The
u English Company is not accustomed to act in that
“ manner, and you may rely upon their protection.”*


* It is not incumbent on the translator to discuss the question of the
justice or policy of affording protection to the leaders of this unfortunate
colony, under the circumstances stated; but it may be observed that at
this period, and ever since the formation of establishments by the English,
in these parts, an underhand hostility had prevailed between the servants
of the Dutch and English Companies, which manifested itself in constant
reciprocity or ill offices. Our records in Sumatra were loaded with com-
plaints of the Dutch undermining our trade, protecting our runaways,
assisting our public enemies, occupying the settlements which these had .
taken from us and abandoned, and encouraging the natives to intercept and
destroy our small trading craft—and there can be little doubt but that the
records of Padang and Batavia teem with remonstrances and protests on



Upon receiving this assurance Nakhoda Leila lost no
time in embarking for his return to Croee; where, upon
his arrival, he was made acquainted with the death of
his father, Kei Damong, who did not live to hear the
favourable contents of governor Carter’s letter to him.
He delivered it into the hands of his elder brother
Nakhoda Bug any .

From the fatal hour in which they lost their revered
father, it is not to be imagined what cares and troubles
have been experienced by each individual of the chil-
dren of Kei Damang ; the consequence of having quitted
their native land. The sons were separated and scattered
over different countries, to which their fortunes happened
to lead them. Some remained in the island of Percha
(Sumatra), some went to the island of Balli, and some
to those parts of Java that lie beyond the jurisdiction of
the Dutch Company. These were their resting places.
Like birds they directed their flight to wherever the
trees of the forest presented them with edible fruit, and
there they alighted. They were like chickens that had
lost their tender and careful mother, who used to foster
them. When it was their chance to meet with people
who Avere inclined to shew them compassion, to those
they devoted their services. Such has been the condition
of Kei Damang's children since their parent’s death.*


similar subjects: eacli of the parties supposing themselves to be in the
right; whilst both were wrong.

* It, would seem from these expressions that security for their lives,
not countenance or encouragement, was the boon received from the



For the information of all respectable persons who may
be desirous of knowing their (eventful) story, this nar-
rative has been committed to writing, in a style of
faithful simplicity, so that those who read it may think
themselves eye-witnesses of the adventures of the family
from Samanglca to whom it relates. But God Almighty
it is who alone knows what is good and what is evil for
his servants in this world. Finis.

Transcribed on the eighth day of the twelfth month
of the Mahometan year :* even at that time hath
Jurotulis'f* Inchi ’La-uddin[ made a transcript of the
account of his own adventures and those of his family,
at the settlement of Palli.§

Thus the poets say: —

[The poetry, however, is too rhapsodical, or sublime,


English governor, whose answer may probably have amounted only to
this: that their sanguinary quarrel with the Dutch authorities was no
concern of his, and that the place where they should establish them-
selves was matter of indifference to him; with the important addition,
however, that they should not, in any case, be given up by him to their

* The year itself is omitted, but being at the time of Mr. Hunning’s
residence, it was probably in 1788, or 1202 of the hejra.

f Munshi, amanuensis, native writer.

f This name of 'La-uddin is in the original which may be

presumed a Malayan corruption of the common Arabic name of ilc

‘ over or protecting the Faith.’

§ A small place about twenty miles north-west of the presidency, and
subordinate to the residency of Laye.



to admit of an intelligible prose translation; but the
purport of the first stanza is to insinuate, figuratively,
that although the copy was recently made, at the desire
of the gentleman who was then chief of the place (Mr.
B. Hunnings), the work itself had been written long
before. The remaining stanzas contain pious reflections
and exhortations, mixed, in alternate couplets, with
allusions to common objects, for the most part irrelevant
to the matter.*]

* For an account of the pantun or proverbial sonnet, see the Malayan
Grammar, p. 128 and 208.






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Translated from the abridged Arabic Manuscript Copies preserved in the Public
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Written by his attendant Archdeacon, Paul of Aleppo, in Arabic. Part the First.
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Translated from the Persian of Neamet Ullah. Part I.


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A Romance, translated from the Chinese Original, with Notes and Illustrations;
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A Cingalese Poem, descriptive of the Ceylon System of Demonology; to which
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Written by Himself; translated from two Persian Manuscripts, and illustrated with
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The Travels of Evlia Effendi; translated by Herrn Von Hammer.

This work contains an account in Turkish, of the travels of Evlia in all parts of the Turkish
empire, and in Turkestan, &c. in the middle of the seventeenth century.

The Tuhfat al Kebar of Kateb Cbelebi al Marhoom: translated by James Mitchell,

This Turkish History contains a detailed account of the maritime wars of the Turks in the
Mediterranean and Black Seas, and on the Danube, &c. from the foundation of their empire in
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The History of Vartan, King of Armenia ; translated by Professor Neumann.

This work contains an account of the religious wars between the Persians and Armenians in the
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The Mukhtasar fi hisab el-jebr wa’l mokabeleh, by Mohammed ben Musa of
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This is the earliest system of Algebra extant in Arabia.

The Tuzzuk Timuri; translated by Major Charles Stewart.

This work contains an account of the first forty-seven years of the life of Tamerlane, written by
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Class 1st.—Theology, Ethics, and Metaphysics.

The Sanc’hya Carica ; translated by Henry Thomas Colebrooke, Esq.

This Sanscrit work contains the principles of the Sanc’hya System of Metaphysical Philosophy,
in seventy-two stanzas.

The Akhlak-e-Naseri of Naser-ud-Din of Tus in Bucharia ; translated by the Rev.
H. G. Keene, A.M.

This Persian system of Ethics is an elaborate composition, formed on Greek models, and is very
highly esteemed in Persia.

A Collation of the Syriac MSS. of the New Testament, both Nestorian and Jacobite,
that are accessible in England, by the Rev. Professor Lee.

This collation will include the various readings of the Syriac MSS. of the New Testament, in
the British Museum, and the Libraries at Oxford, Cambridge, &c.

The Didascalia, or Apostolical Constitutions of the Abyssinian Church ; translated
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This ancient Ethiopic work is unknown in Europe, and contains many very curious opinions.

Class 2d.— History, Geography, and Travels.

The Siar Motaakhkherin, of Seyyid Gholam Hosein Khan ; translated by F. C.
Belfour, Esq., LL.D.

This celebrated Persan work comprises the annals of I-linddstan from the time of TimOr Leng
to the administration of Warren Hastings in Bengal.

The Travels of Macarius, Patriarch of Antioch, written by his attendant Arch-
deacon, Paul of Aleppo; translated by F. C. Belfour, Esq., LL.D. Part II.

This Arabic Manuscript, which is of great rarity, describes the Patriarch’s journey through
Syria, Anatolia, Rumelia, Walachia, Moldavia, and Russia, between the years KJ53 and 16(50 of
the Christian JEra.

Sheref Nameh ; translated by Professor Charmov.

This is a Persian History of the Dynasties which have governed in Kurdistan, written by Sheref
Ibn Shemsud Din, at the close of the sixteenth century.

The History of Mazenderan and Tabaristan ; translated by Professor Charmoy.

This is a Persian history of part of the Persian empire, written by Zaher ud Din, and comes
down to A.D. 14715.

The Tareki Afghan; translated by Dr. Bernhard Dorn. Part II.

This isa Persian history of the Afghans, who claim to be descended from the Jews. It will be
accompanied by an account of the Afghan tribes.

The Annals of Elias, Metropolitan of Nisibis; translated by the Rev. Josiah
Forshall, A.M.

This Syriac Chronicle contains chronological tables of the principal dynasties of the world, brief
memoirs of the Patriarchs of the Nestorian church, and notices of the most remarkable events in
the East, from the birth of our Saviour to the beginning of the eleventh century.

The Ghazavati Bosnah ; translated by Charles Frazer, Esq.

This Turkish work was written by Omar Effendi, a native of Bosnia, and contains the history of
the wars in that province between the Turks and Austrians, from 1730' to 173!).

Ibn Ilaukul’s Geography; translated by Professor Hamaker.

This Arabic work was compiled in the tenth century by a celebrated Mohammedan Traveller,
and is not the same as the Oriental Geography of Ebn llaukal that was translated by Sir William

This Turkish History comprises the period between 1622 and 1692, and includes accounts of the
Turkish invasion of Germany, the sieges of Buda, Vienna, &c.

The Asseba as Syar of Syed Muhammed Reza; translated by Mirza Alexander

Kazem Beg.

This is a Turkish History of the Khans of the Crimea, written about A.D. 1740, and contains
many interesting particulars relating to Turkey, Russia, Poland, and Germany.

Nipon u dai itsi ran ; translated by Monsieur Jules de Klaproth.

This Japanese work contains the History of the Dairis or Ecclesiastical Emperors of Japan from
the year 660 Ante Christum.

A Description of Tibet; translated by Monsieur Jules de Klaproth.

This will consist of extracts from various Chinese and Mandchu works, forming a complete
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Ibn Khaldun’s History of the Berbers; translated by the Rev. Professor Lee.

This is a rare and valuable Arabic work, containing an account of the origin, progress, and
decline of the dynasties which governed the northern coast of Africa.

The great Geographical Work of Idrisi; translated hy the Rev. G. C. Renouard,

This Arabic work was written A.D. 1153, to illustrate a large silver globe made for Roger, King
of Sicily, and is divided into the seven climates described by the Greek geographers.

Makrisi’s Khitat, or History and Statistics of Egypt; translated by Abraham

Salame, Esq.

This Arabic work includes accounts of the conquest of Egypt by the Caliphs, A.D. 640; and of
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Part of Mirkhond’s Ruzet-al-Suffa ; translated by David Shea, Esq.

The part of this Persian work selected for publication is that which contains the History of
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Class 3d.—Bibliography, Belles-Lettres, and Biography.

Haji Khalfa’s Bibliographical Dictionary; translated by Herrn Gustavus Fliigel.

This valuable Arabic work was written by the celebrated Kateb Chelebi al Marhoom, and con
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Heft Peiker, an historical Romance of Behram Gur; translated by the Right Hon.

Sir Gore Ouseley, Bart.

From the Persian of Nizami of Ganjah, containing the romantic history of Behram, the Fifth of
the Sassanian dynasty of Persian kings.

Meher va Mushteri; translated by the Right Hon. Sir Gore Ouseley, Bart.

This Persian poem, of which an abridgment will be published, was composed by Muhammed
Assar, and celebrates the friendship and adventures of Meher and Mushteri, the sons of King
Shapur and his grand Vizier.

Ibn Kbalikan’s Lives of Illustrious Men : translated by Dr. F. A. Rosen.

This is an Arabic Biographical Dictionary, arranged alphabetically, of the most celebrated Ara-
bian historians, poets, warriors, &c. who lived in the seven lirst centuries of the era of Mahom-
mcd, A.D. 600 to A.D. 1300.

The Bustan of Sadi; translated by James Ross, Esq., A.M.

This is a much-admired Persian poem, consisting of Tales, &c. illustrative of moral duties.

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