Next-of-kin marriages in old Iran

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NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

IN

OLD IRAN;

AN ADDRESS DELIVERED BEFORE THE
Bombap Branch Royal Asiatic Society,
ON THE 15th AND 22nd APRIL, 1887.

BY

VRAB DASTUR PESHOTAN SUNJANA, B.A.

Jamshedji Felloiv (Avesta and Pahlavi) of the Sir
Jamshedji Zarthoshti Madresa, Fellow of the Bombay

University, English Translator of Dr. Geiger’s
Ostiranische Kultur, etc., etc.

Tinted, from the Society’s Transactions, and
published under the kind Patronage of the

Trustees of the Sir Jamshedji Jijibhai
Translation Fund.

LONDON:
TRUBNER & Co.,

57 & 59, Ludgate Hill.
1888.

[All rights reserved.]


BOMBAY:

PRINTED IT THE EDUCATION SOCIETY’S PRESS, BYCULLA.


TO

&Ije honourable Manntontt OTesft,
iK.a., UU.R, JF-M.ffi.g.,

PRESIDENT OF THE B. B. ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

IN HUMBLE RECOGNITION OF THE INTEREST EVINCED BY

THAT HONOURABLE GENTLEMAN IN THE ADVANCEMENT OF

Asiatic Studies in Bombay,

J3t$eourse

ON the

ALLEGED PRACTICE OF

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES IN OLD IRAN

IS, WITH HIS GRACIOUS PERMISSION,

most nesp^tfullv inscribed

BT

THE AUTHOR.




CONTENTS

PAGE

Preface.................................................... iii

Introduction................................................. 1

General Remarks.............................................. 3

I.—Classical testimony on the subject................ 16

Xanthus ............................................. 19

Herodotus ........................................... 20

Ctesias ...................-....................... 24

Agathias ............................................ 26

Classical accounts respecting Cambyses ............... 29

Artaxerxes Mnemon .......................... 35

Terituchmes.......................................... 40

Kobadl............................................... 42

II.—The meaning of the Avesta word Qaetvadatha ... 49

III.—The references to Khv&tuk-ddt or Khvetuk-dasih

in Pahlavi......................................... 60

The work of Khv&tuk-dasih extolled as a merito-

rious action.................................... 65

The difficulties of interpreting an ambiguous
Pahlavi passage.............................. 68

The references to the subject in :

(a) The Dinkard ....................................... 70

(5) Pahl. Yasna XLIV .............................. 80

(c) The Varasht-mdnsar Nask ..................... 81

(c?) The Ravdyat .........,............................. 81

(ej The Arda Viraf................................. 82

(/) The Veheshtuk-Yasht ........................... 84


ii

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Incest stigmatized in the Dinkard, Bk. VII. ... 87

IV.—Proof of the Fourth Statement ............. 89

Extracts from the Proceedings of the B.B. Royal Asiatic

Society for the month of April, 1887 ...... 95

Appendix—Madigan-i-Lak-Yom ................... 105

Opinions ..................................... 117


PREFACE.

As au humble exposition of the stand-
point of a Zoroastrian priest on one of the
most difficult problems at issue in Iranian
Antiquities, viz., the alleged practice of
next-of-kin marriages in old Iran, the
following Address was delivered by me
before the Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic
Society, on the 15th and 22nd of April last,
under the Presidency of the Honourable
Mr. Justice West. The paper has been
printed in the Society’s Transactions,
whereof this is almost a reprint, which, it
is hoped, will prove convenient for gratui-
tous circulation among theParsi Community.

I would take the liberty of expressing my
acknowledgments to the Trustees of the
Sir Jamshedji Jijibhai Translation Fund


iv

PREFACE

for the kindly patronage which they have
been good enough to accord to the following
discourse. Besides, I cannot submit to
the public judgment this my humble share
in ascertaining the Zoroastrian position
with regard to the question of next-of-kin
marriages in old Iran, without professing
briefly my obligations to the devoted
authorities that guide the destinies of the
Sir Jamshedji Jijibhai Zartoshti Madresa
(an Institution unrivalled in its cultivation
of difficult Pahlavi studies), especially to the
Trustees who are presided over by the most
worthy head of the Zoroastrian Community,
Sir Jamshedji Jijibhai, Bart., C.S.I., for
the kindly encouragement which they have
always been pleased to offer me in my Zend-
Avesta and Pahlavi studies. Chiefly, how-
ever, I have to acknowledge my heartfelt
gratitude to Mr. Kharsedji Pardunji
Parakh, who endowed that Institution more
than twenty years ago with the magnificent


PEEPAOE.

V

donation of Rs. 55,000, for the foundation
of the Sir Jamshedji Fellowship (in Zend-
Avesta and Pahlavi), which it has been my
good fortune to hold since the beginning of
1885, and which, I am happy to say, has
encouraged me to undertake the arduous
task of translating into English an elabo-
rate German work on the civilization of
Eastern-Iran, by which my co-religionists
have been made acquainted with the ideas
entertained by foreigners on Zoroastri-
anism.

D. D. P. S.

Bombay,

September 1887.




NEXT-OF-KIN MAKKIAGES

IN OLD IRAN.

INTRODUCTION.

N the history of primitive marriage there
EH are few subjects which exceed in gravity
and interest the much-discussed question of the
existence of next-of-kin marriages in ancient
Iran—in other words, of marriages between
blood-relations of a near or remote degree among
the early Zoroastrians. Although the attention
of Parsi students of Zoroastrianism has often been
drawn to this delicate question by the labours of
esteemed European Oriental scholars, still it is
strange to find how few of us have endeavoured
to throw any light upon it, merely contenting
ourselves with a bare denial of the existence of


2

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES.

any trace of such marriage practices in onr Sacred
Writings. The causes of this remarkable omis-
sion may be easily traced to the manifold difficulties,
attending an examination of the evidence on the*
subject, which is met with in Western classical
history and in Iranian archives. These difficulties'
are attributable partly to want of acquaintance*
with the languages of the original works ; partly
to the obscurities of those Avesta and Pahlavi
passages which are supposed by foreigners to refer
to marriages between nearest kinsfolk; and partly
to the discouragement arising from the way in
which some of the best European authorities have
acquiesced in accepting the accounts given by
Greek historians.


IN OLD IRAN.

3

GENERAL REMARKS.

In all the inquiries which have long engaged
the attention of European Orientalists, their
efforts have been directed almost exclusively to
verifying the testimony of classical reports to the
effect that marriage between the nearest blood-
relations was not an uncommon practice among
the old Iranians in the times of the Achsemenidse,
the Arsacidae and the S&sanidae. Nay, it has
even come to pass that several European savants
have claimed to have discovered positive evidence
of such marriages in the Sacred Writings and in
the later Pahlavi works of the Iranians them-
selves. Guided solely by their opinions, the Rev.
J. van den Gheyn, S.J., in his well-known French
Essay on “ Comparative Mythology and Philo-
logy/’ has been led to remark with reference to
the moral tenets of the Avesta 1:—

1 Vide ‘ Essais de Mythologie et de Philologie Comparee*
par V van den Gheyn, S. J.; VII. ihudes iraniennes,
II. Les ikudes Avestiques de M. Gelduer, § 4—Morale,
pp. 231-234


4

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

“ If the Mazdian writers delighted in psycholo-
gical analysis, they were still more fond of dis-
cussions relating to morals. The Mazdian religion
can boast of having the soundest, the sublimest,
and the most rational system of morals among all
the non-Christian religions. The basis of these
morals rests on the free volition of man.......

“ Si les ecrivains mazdeens aimaient les distinctions psy-
chologiques, ils etaient bien plus epris des discussions de
morale. La religion mazdeenne peut se vanter d’avoir, parmi
tons les cultes non-cbretiens, la morale la plus saine, la
plus haute et la plus raisonnable. Les bases de la morale
s’appuient sur la libre volonte de l’bomme..

“ Mais a cote de ces doctrines si saines et si raisonnable,
on peut s’efconner de voir approuver une doctrine qui con-
traste etrangement avec nos idees de moralite. Nous voulons
parler du fameux Khvettik-da^, exalte comme une des
ceuvres les plus meritoires et les plus saintes. Et cependant,
ce terme designe le mariage incestueux entre proches parents,
voire meme entre pere et fille, fils et mere, frere et soeur !
Quoi de plus rebutant? Comment une religion d’une
nature si elevee que le mazdeisme, a-t-elle pu inculquer une
telle pratique? C’est la une question historique qui se
rattache a l’Avesta. Nous devons done la laisser de cote.”

“ Les Parsis modernes, on le comprend, n’ont pas garde
ees habitudes immorales. Meme ils protestent euergique-
ment contre l’accusation d’avoir jamais enseigne pareile
doctrine. Malbeureusement, ils ne peuvent aneantir leurs
anciens livres, implacables temoins qui deposent contre eux.”


IN OLD IRAN.

5

“ But side by side with these doctrines, so perfect
and so rational, one may well be astonished to
see that Mazdism approved of a doctrine which
strangely contrasts with our ideas of morality.
We mean to refer to the well-known Khvctak-
clas, exalted as one of the most meritorious and
sacred acts. This term, however, designates the
incestuous marriage between near relations, even
between father and daughter, son and mother,
brother and sister. What could be more repul-
sive ? How could a religion of so sublime a nature
as Mazdism have inculcated such a practice ?
That is an historical question relating to the Avesta.
We ought, therefore, to put it aside.

“ The modern Parsis, it is true, have not pre-
served such immoral customs. They even protest
with energy against the accusation of having
ever taught any such doctrine. Unfortunately,
they cannot burn their ancient books, the un-
impeachable testimony borne against them.”

Such is the observation of the Rev. Mr. Grheyn.
It is not, however, the outcome of personal inves-


6

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

tigations in the field of Iranian literature, but is
almost exclusively founded on the latest sources of
Oriental knowledge in the series of the “ Sacred
Books of the East” planned by Prof. Max Muller.
But far more important observations on the sub-
ject, which claim our earnest attention, have
been put forth by some of those European literati
who have delved deep in the mines of Oriental
learning, and brought to light some of the most
precious gems which will ever remain as monu-
ments marking an important epoch in the history
of Oriental literature. I beg to draw attention to
the opinion of Dr. F. von Spiegel, a veteran
Avesta scholar, which I have translated from the
3rd Vol. of his German work on “Iranian Anti-
quities” (Eranische Alterthumslmncle, Vol. III.,
pp. 678-679). He says:—“ Much offence has
always been caused in Europe by the marriages
between near relations, namely, between brothers
and sisters, between fathers and daughters, be-
tween sons and mothers. They have their origin
in the tribal relationship amongst the Iranians.


IN OLD IRAN.

7

They married in their own tribe, since no mesa 1-
liance could be contracted, and everybody regarded
his own tribe and his own family as, the most
preferable one. So early as in the Avesta the
marriage of near relations is recommended (Ys.
XIII. 28, Vsp. III. 8) ; and it is also to the
present day a custom among the nomads, whose
daughters very often decline the most favour-
able offers of marriage out of their family circle,
because they think that such marriages might
convey them into a town, and likewise into
a different tribe. The extreme case of such
marriages between relations is the marriage of
brothers and sisters. According to Herodotus,
Cambyses first introduced the custom of marriage
between brothers and sisters; but this is probably
an error. The custom certainly existed already
before him. That the kings were accustomed to
take in marriage only the spouses of their rank
from the family of the Achaemenidae is witnessed
in two passages by Herodotus. For this reason
the marriages between brothers and sisters were


8

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

much in favour with the royal family. Cambyses
married his sisters (Her. III. 31); Artaxerxes
his two daughters (Plutarch, Art. C. 27) ; Ter-
tuchmeshis sister Roxana (Ktes. Pers. C. 54) ; the
satrap Sysimithres even his mother (Curtius 8, 2,
19); Qobad I. his daughter Sambyke. Agathias
tells us that this custom also continued to later
times.”2

Such, gentlemen, is the position of the Euro-
pean view fortified by fragmentary references to
ancient history, and frowning against the most

1 Compare Dr. Geiger, Ostiranische Kultur, p. 246 :—
ten nicht fremd. Schon die klassischen Autoren wissen
davon zu berichten. Herodot ist der irrigen Ansicht, dass
Kambyses sie eingefuhrt habe, als er seine Schwester
Atossa zum Weibe nahm. Gerade in der koniglicben
Familie kam sie haufig vor. Man hatte bier besonderes
Interesse daran, den Stamrnbaum rein zu bewahren und
das eigene Geschlecht moglichst von anderen Familien zu
separieren. Ausser Kambyses ware Artaxerxes anzufiihren,
der seine beiden Tochter heiratete, sowie Terituchmes, der
mit seiner Scbwester Roxane, und Kobad I, der mit seiner
Schwester Sambyke sich vermahlte.”—Also cf. L’Museon
(1885), Les Noms Propres Perso-Avestiques, par Th.
Keiper, pp. 212 seq.


IN OLD IRAN,

9

glorious edifice of the old Iranian ethology uni-
versally acknowledged to be the sublimest among
the oldest religions of the world. This position
it is the solemn duty of every Zoroastrian student
of Iranian antiquities to inspect with the light of
evidence furnished abundantly by history, both
Occidental as well as Oriental., It is as undesir-
able as it is unphilosophic to dwell with idle
complacence on the high praise which European
scholars have almost invariably bestowed on
Zoroastrianism for its sublime ethical conceptions,
and to ignore allegations as to the practices in
question of the early followers of Zoroaster. One
of the true criteria of the morality of a nation is
its marriage institution. The moral life of
society begins and is nurtured in the family. It
is, therefore, scarcely possible to conceive how a
nation, much less a religion, which has been
generally extolled for its pure system of morals,
and proverbial for its strictly moral habits, should
have sanctioned or tolerated a custom which must

naturally have demoralized the highly valued
B


10

NEXT- OF-KIN MARRIAGES

precept of “pious mind\pious ivords,pious actions.”3 * 5
But, here, I may be allowed to observe that the

Greeks who charged the Persians with the crime
of next-of-kin marriages, and who were distin-
guished among the Western nations before the
Christian era for the high stage of civilization they
had reached, were not unfamiliar with incestuous
enormities. (1) ' In the Prefatio of Cornelius
Nepos, the contemporary of Cicero, it is said that
“ Cimon, the greatest of the Athenians, was not
dishonoured for having espoused his sister on the
father’s side.” (2) The celebrated comic poet
Aristophanes, who flourished in the 5th century

3 Comp, my ed, of C. E. Iranians, vol. I.,pp. 162-163 :—

“ It affords indeed proof of a great ethical tendency and of

a very sober and profound way of thinking, that the
Avesta people, or at least the priests of their religion,
arrived at the truth that sins by thought must be ranked
with sins by deed, and that, therefore, the actual root and
source of everything good or bad must be sought in the mind.
It would not be easy to find a people that attained under
equal or similar historical conditions to such a height of
ethical knowledge.”—Also cf.“ Christ and Other Masters,”
by the Hev. Mr. Hardwick, p. 541:—“ In the measure of
her moral sensibility, Persia may be fairly ranked among
the brightest spots of ancient heathendom,”


IN OLD IRAN.

11

B. CL, relates in verse 1371 of his comedy of The
Frogs:—“He began reciting some of the verses
from Euripides, where one perceives a brother
miserable, having married his uterine sister.” (3)
Demosthenes in his Appeal against Eubulides of
Miletus, asserts : “ My grand-father had espoused
his sister not uterine.”41 According to the Scholiast
the marriage with a half-sister, was permitted by
law among the ancient Greeks. The details which
M Henan has gathered on this subject, go to prove
that the old Spartans were also accustomed
to marry even their uterine sisters. Again Mr.
Robertson Smith remarks in his “Kinship and
Marriage in Early Arabia” (p. 162) :— c'At
Athens we find marriage with a half-sister not
uterine occurring in later times, and side by side
with this we find an ancient tradition that before
Cecrops there was a general practice of polyandry,
and consequently kinship only through mothers.”

4 For these references to Greek incest I am indebted
to the kindness of Mr. Justice West, President of the B. B.
R. A. Society, and of Prof. James Darmesteter.


12

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

Mr. Wm. Adam points out that Xenophon’s me-
moirs of Socrates refer to the intercourse of parents
with children among the Greeks {vide his disser-
tation on “ Consanguinity in Marriage,” contri-
buted to the Fortnightly Review, vol. II., p. 719).

These are some of the facts which plainly indi-
cate that the custom of consanguineous marriages
did actually exist in ancient Greece at a very
remote period. These facts are preserved in its
native archives, which it is difficult to controvert.
But, hence, it is allowable to infer that the Greek
historians of old Iran were not unfamiliar with
next-of-kin marriages, before they wrote a word
upon any Oriental history or religion, and that
their sweeping assertion of the incestuous practices
of the civilized Arians was to a certain extent due
to their knowledge of the existence of such
practices amongst Semitic nations5 as well as
amongst themselves.

5 In some of the sacred documents of the Jews, particu-
larly in the books of Genesis and Exodus, it is recorded that
Abraham was married to his half-sister Sarai, Nahor to his
niece Milcah, Amram to his aunt Jochebed, and Lot to his


IN OLD IRAN.

13

In reference to the reports of Greek historians
on Oriental customs, what assertion could be more
sweeping and loose than that of Ptolemy, who,
(relying upon the authority of the Paraphrasis of
Proclus, who flourished in the 5th century B. C).,

two daughters. Genesis xix. 36-38 says -.—“Thus were both
the daughters of Lot with child by their father ; and the
first-born bare a son, and called his name Moab ; ...... and

the younger, she also bare a son and called his name Ben-
ammi,”—At a much later period, the grand-daughter of
King Herod the Great is said to have married her uncle
Philip. Again, the Assyrians are charged by Lucian^Lwciara
de Sacirificiis, p. 183) with the guilt of close consanguineous
marriages.—Also Orosius, a Spanish Presbyter who flourish-
ed in the 5th century after Christ, relates in his Historiarwn
adversus Paganos Libri VII., that Semiramis, the widow of
Ninus, married her own son, and authorized such marriages
among her people in orddr to wipe out the stain of her own
abominable action (cf. Adam, F. R.)—The old Egyptians
seem to have legalized the marriage between brothers and
sisters (vide Rawlinson’s History of Herodotus, vol. II.,
p. 429, note 1); and, according to Philo, the Alexandrian
Jew, there was no restriction even as to marrying one’s whole
sister (Philo de Specialibus Legibus, p. 778).—The recently
published work of Mr. R. Smith illustrated the existence
of the practice of marriage between nearest blood-relations
among the early Arabs.

But how far all these statements as regards those Oriental
nations may be reliable, I leave it to the students of their
histories and religions to prove with positive evidence.


14

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

when treating of India, Ariana, Gedrosia, Parthia,
Media, Persia, Babylonia, Mesopotamia and As-
syria, relates that “very many or most of the
inhabitants of those countries intermarry with their
own mothers” {vide Adam, F.R., “ Cons, in Mar.,”
p. 713). But can this vague statement support so
grave a charge ? In the absence of something
definite to go upon, some well-attested instances,
must we not pause before believing that the Indo-
Iranians, even as individual peoples, could ever be
guilty of the heinousness they are charged with ?

With these preliminary remarks I address
myself to my task, and lay before you what I
purpose to demonstrate in the following pro-
positions :—

I. That the slight aiithority of some isolated
passages gleaned from the pages of Greek and
Roman literature, is wholly insufficient to support
the odious charge made against the old Iranians
of practising consanguineous marriages in their
most objectionable forms.

II. That no trace, hint or suggestion of such


IN OLD IRAN.

15

a custom can be pointed out in the Avesta or in
its Pahlavi Version.

III. That the Pablavi passages translated
by a distinguished English Pahlavi savant, and
supposed to have references to such a custom,
cannot be interpreted as upholding the view that
next-of-kin marriages were expressly recommended
therein. That a few of the Pahlavi passages,
which are alleged to contain actual references to
such marriages, do not allude to social realities
but to supernatural conceptions relating to the
reaction of the first progenitors of mankind.

IV. That the words of the Prophet Zarath-
ushtra himself, which are preserved in one of the
strophes of the Gatha Chap. LIII., express a
highly moral ideal of the marriage relation.6

6 Here let me draw attention to the opinion of Dr. L. H.
Mills on the contents of the Giitlias. In S. B. E. Vol.
XXXI., p. 1., the translator observes:—“ So far as a claim
to a high position among the curiosities of ancient moral lore
is concerned, the reader may trust himself freely to the im-
pression that he has before him an anthology which was pro-
bably composed with as fervent a desire to benefit the spiritual
and moral nature of those to whom it was addressed as any


16

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

I. Classical Testimony on the Subject.
Without presuming to attack any particular

European theory, I beg to put forward my humble
impressions in confirmation of the first statement.
Among the Western classical writers, who are
concerned with Persian history or religion, there
are about fifteen who have touched upon the sub-
ject of next-of-kin marriages in old Iran, and who
belong to different periods, from the 7th century
B. C. to the 6th century A. D. They are Xanthus
(I. about B C. 650) ; Herodotus (B. C. 484-409) ;
Ctesias (1. about B. C. 440); Strabo (B. C. 54 to
A. D. 24) ; Plutarch (b. A. D. 66) ; Curtius (b.
A. D. 70); Tertullian (A. D. 160-240) ; Origen,
Clemens Alexandrinus, Diogenes Laertius and

which the world has yet seen. Nay, he may provisionally
accept the opinion that nowhere else are such traces of
intelligent religious earnestness to be found as existing at
the period of the Qctthas or before them, save in the Semitic
Scriptures.” Elsewhere he also remarks: “ Nowhere, at
their period, had there been a human voice, so far as we
have any evidence, which uttered thoughts like these. They
are. now, some of them, the great common places of
philosophical religion; but till then they were unheard
(agushtd).”


IN OLD IRAN.

17

Tatian (f. in the 2nd century A.D.); MinutiusFelix
and Athenaeus (f. in thez3rd century A.D.); and
Agathias (f. about A. D. 536-538). Of these Ter-
tullian, Clemens Alexandrinus, Origen, Diogenes
Laertius, Athenaeus, Curtius, and Minutius Felix
ascribe incestuous marriages to the Persians
generally, according to Mr. Adam, ‘ without any
distinction or qualification/ The spurious works of
Xanthus, as well as the genuine books of Strabo
and Tatian, impute such practices to the Magians
alone, without drawing any line of separation
between the different Magian orders among the
Chaldaeans or the Persians. Herodotus, Ctesias,
Plutarch and Agatias make special mention of
names of persons of rank, whom they charge with
the guilt of such incest. Now, if we were to inquire
to what different sources these reports owe their
origin, we should find that Tertullian, Clemens
Alexandrinus and his pupil Origen, as well as the
true Plutarch, based their statements with regard
to this question on the authority of Ctesias (Adam,
p. 715 ; Pawlinson, Herodotus, Vol. I., p. 78).


18

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

Diogenes Laertius, Strabo and Curtius seem to
rely upon the spurious works of Xanthus (vide
Dr, Windischmann, Zoroastriche Stiidien, p. 268
seq. ; Adam, p. 717). The works of Athenseus and
Curtius are supposed to be collections of extracts
from the writings of historians, dramatists and
philosophers, who preceded them (comp. Smith’s
c Classical Dictionary,’ s. v.). In the absence of
any available information, it is difficult to trace
the isolated reports of Tatian and Minutius Felix to
Xanthus, Ctesias, or Herodotus. Consequently, the
only independent sources of information more or
less authentic, seem to issue from only four of
the classical writers above-named:—Xanthus,
Herodotus, Ctesias, and Agathias. Their reports
may be considered to have modelled the tone of
classical history relating to ancient Iran.

However, in an enquiry with regard to their
evidence, the questions most important and most
natural are : What is their authenticity ? How
far may their testimony be relied upon ? Are there
any conflicting statements in these historians


IN OLD IRA^N. 19

which, should deter us from trusting implicitly to ’
their guidance ?

It is admitted that no two nations have ever
succeeded in thoroughly understanding the man-
ners and customs of each other. If this is so in our
own day, when the means of information are nume-
rous and ready to hand, what can we expect in
those remote ages when the sources of information
were very few and very uncertain. Again, it is
necessary to be on our guard against putting
absolute faith in any particular Greek writer.—
Regarding Xanthus, Dr. Windischmann, in his
German essay on classical testimony relating to
Zoroaster, published 'in his posthumous work
Zoroastrische Studien, states (p. 268) :—“ As to the
authenticity of the works of Xanthus (B. C. 529),
a later writer, Artemon of Cassandra, advanced
some doubts, and believed that they were substitu-
ted five centuries after by one Dionysius Skytobra-
chion (f. about B. C. 120), a native of Alexandria/’
This view is supported, as the writer says, by
his tutor, Prof. Welcher. Also it is the opinion


20

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

of Dr. Smith, expressed in his ‘Classical Dic-
tionary/ that “The genuineness of the Four
Books of Lydian History, which the ancients
possessed under the name of Xanthus, and of
which some considerable fragments have come
down to us, was questioned by some of the ancient
grammarians themselves. There has been con-
siderable controversy respecting the genuineness
of this work among modern scholars. It is
certain that much of the matter in the extant
fragments is spurious/’

“ The Persian informants of Herodotus,” says
Mr. G. Pawlinson in his Introduction to the
‘History of Herodotus’ (pp. 67, 69), “seem to
have consisted of the soldiers and officials of various
ranks,7 with whom he necessarily came in contact
at Sardis and other places, where strong bodies of
the dominant people were maintained constantly.
He was born and bred up a Persian subject; and
though in his own city Persians might be rare

T These and several other words in the following quota-
tions are put in italics by me.


IN OLD IRAN.

21

visitants, everywhere beyond the limits of the
Grecian states they formed the official class, and
in the great towns they were even a considerable
section of the population. There is no reason to
believe that Herodotus ever set foot in Persia Proper,
or was in a country where the Arian element prepon-
derated. Hence his mistakes with regard to the'
Persian religion which he confounded with the
Scythic worship of Susiania, Armenia and Cappa-
docia. ... Herodotus, too, was by natural tempera-
ment inclined to look with favour on the poetical
and the marvellous, and where he had to choose
between a number of conflicting stories would be
disposed to reject the prosaic and commonplace for
the romantic and extraordinary. ... Thus his nar-
rative, where it can be compared with the Persian
monumental records, presents the curious contrast
of minute and exact agreement in some parts with
broad and striking diversity in others. Unfortu-
nately, a direct comparison of this kind can
but rarely be made, owing to the scantiness of the
Persian records at present discovered ; but we are


22

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

justified in assuming, from the coincidences actually
observable, that at least some of bis authorities
drew their histories from the monuments ; and it
even seems as if Herodotus had himself had access
to certain of the most important of those docu-
ments which were preserved in the archives of the
empire.”

Whatever might be the opinion of Mr. Haw-
linson, one thing is clear on its face, that the
truthfulness of the Persian informants upon whom
Herodotus had depended was not quite beyond
suspicion, viz., the utter silence of Herodotus upon
the founder of the Persian religion. While
Xanthus is believed to have made mention of
Zoroaster and his laws, while Plato, who flourished
55 years after Herodotus, and must have drawn
his materials consequently from sources as old as
those of the latter, freely alludes to Zoroaster, it is
impossible to conceive how Herodotus, who has
described Persian life and Persian religion so
elaborately, should have been unfamiliar with the
name of the Prophet of the land and the founder


IN OLD IRAN.

23

of the religion. Should we not assume that
Herodotus became acquainted with the Magian
belief merely through oral tradition recounted by
persons who were ill-disposed towards the Magi,
and who, therefore, were loth to divulge the name
of their renowned Prophet ?

Mr. Gr. Rawlinson remarks further on (pp. 77
seq.} :“ Several ancient writers, among them
two of considerable repute, Ctesias jbhe court phy-
sician to Artaxerxes Mnemon, and Plutarch, or
rather an author who has made free with his
name, have impeached the truthfulness of the
historian Herodotus, and maintained that his
narrative is entitled to little credit. Ctesias seems
to have introduced his own work to the favourable
notice of his countrymen by a formal attack on
the veracity of his great predecessor, upon the
ruins of whose reputation he hoped to establish
his own. He designed his history to supersede
that of Herodotus, and feeling it in vain to en-
deavour to cope with him in the charms of com-
position, he set himself to invalidate his authority,


24

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

presuming upon his own claims to attention as a
resident for seventeen years at the court of the
great king. Professing to draw his relation of
Oriental affairs from a laborious examination of the
Persian archives, he proceeded to contradict,
wherever he could do so without fear of detection,
the assertions of his rival; and he thus acquired
to himself a degree of fame and of consideration
to which his literary merits would certainly never
have entitled him, and which the course of detrac-
tion he pursued could alone have enabled him to
gain. By the most unblushing effrontery he suc-
ceeded in palming of his narrative upon the an-
cient world as the true and genuine account of
the transactions, and his authority was commonly
followed in preference to that of Herodotus, at
least upon all points of purely Oriental history.”

Now regarding Ctesias, the same writer
observes:—‘ There were not wanting indeed in
ancient time some more critical spirits, e.g. Aris-
totle and the true Plutarch, who refused to accept as
indisputable the statements of the Cnidian physi-


IN OLD IRAN.

25

cian, and retorted upon him the charge of untruth-
fulness which he had preferred against Herodotus.
It was difficult, however, to convict Ctesias of
systematic falsehood until Oriental materials of
an authentic character were obtained by which to
test the conflicting accounts of the two writers.
A comparison with the Jewish Scriptures and
with the native history of Berosus first raised a
general suspicion of the bad faith of Ctesias,
whose credit few moderns have been bold enough
to maintain against the continually increasing evi-
dence against him. At last the coup fie grace has
been given to his small remaining reputation by
the recent Cuneiform discoveries, which convict
him of having striven to rise into notice by a
system of ‘ enormous lying/ to which the history
of literature scarcely presents a parallel.”

Hence it is that the historian Grrote is perfectly

justified in remarking :— “This is a proof of the

prevalence of discordant, yet equally accredited,

stories. So rare and late a plant is historical

authenticity.”

c


26

NEXT-OF-KIN MAKK1AGES

As for Agathias, the Byzantine writer who.
flourished in the middle of the sixth century after
Christ, his works ought to he consulted with
greater caution. Besides, Diogenes Laertius is
very often called ‘ an inaccurate and unphiloso-
phical writer.’ Even the true Plutarch’s testi-
mony is frequently questioned by modren critics.
The reference to consanguineous marriages
amongst the Magi : tovtois k.h pgrpas avvepxccrOai,
7raTpLov vevopicrrcu, in Strabo s Geography, Bk. XV.,
is a very short and isolated sentence, which has
not the least connection with the main subject of
the passage wherein it occurs, viz., the mode of
disposing of the dead among the early Persians.8
It might, therefore, be justly regarded as an
interpolation by some unknown reader, similar to
the interpolations noticed in the work of
Xenophon, Bk. VIII., Ch. V., p. 26, and
condemned as such by all his critics of authority,
viz., Bornemann, Schneider and Dindorf.

8 ‘ Geographie de Strabori traduit du Grec en Fran$ais,
tome cinquieme, a Paris, de ITmpriinerie Royale, 1819,
pp. 140-141.


IN OLD IRAN

27

It must also be remembered that the works of
some of those Greek philosophers who were well-
known for their somewhat authentic description of
the Zoroastrian religion and customs, viz., Demo-
critus (f. B. C. 460), Deinon the contemporary of
Gtesias, Plato, Eudoxus, Ilermippos, Theopompos,
and Aristotle, do not contain the slightest trace or
hint as to the alleged practice of next-of-kin
marriages in ancient Iran.

Thus a majority of opinions may be cited to
prove that the reports of classical writers on the
subject of consanguineous marriages in old Iran,
are not at all beyond question. Moreover, I do not
mean to deny that some of those Greek writers who
have ascribed the rnamage practices in question in
the case of individuals to the old Iranians may have
had some grounds for their averment; but who
can reconcile their conflicting evidence ? Who can
decide between the two inconsistent statements
upon this subject by Xanthus and Agathias, where
the former charges the Magi with the crime of
marrying their parents, while the latter puts into


28

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

the mouth of King Artaxerxes II. words which
plainly denounce such practices as being inconsis-
tent not only with the laws of the land, but with
the commandment of Zoroastrianism (vide Aga-
thias, Lib. II.,. C. 24). The Achacmenian monu-
ments do not allude to such practices, nor have we
any indigenous historical record of the Achaeme-
nidae or the Arsacidae, upon which we could place
any reliance for comparison.—Alas 1 for the dis-
persion and destruction of our ancient literature,
which, had it been preserved, would not only have
assisted us to know the exact history of the old
Iranian civilization, but also to controvert with
ease all such discreditable allegations.

Nevertheless, the question arises : Granted that
the classical statements are to some extent doubt-
ful; still are we not justified in believing that such
marriages were customary or regarded as lawful
during the rule of the Achaemenian kings, since
the Greek reports refer to certain Persian monarchs
or men of authority who contracted marriages with
their nearest blood-relations ? It is true,, Herod©-


IN OLD IRAN.

29

fcus and Plutarch ascribe them to Cambyses III.
and Artaxerxes II. Herodotus states in his accounts
respecting Cambyses (vide Bk. III. 31 seq.) :—

“The second (outrage which Cambyses com-
mitted) was the slaying of his sister, who had
accompanied him into Egypt, and lived with him
as his wife, though she was his full sister, the
daughter both of his father and his mother. The
way wherein he had made her his wife was the
following :—It was not the custom of the Persians,
before his time, to marry their sisters ; but Cam-
byses, happening to fall in love with one of his,
and wishing to take her to wife, as he knew
that it was an uncommon thing, called together the
royal j udges, and put it to them, ‘ whether there
was any law which allowed a brother, if he wished,
to marry his sister ?’ Now the royal judges are
certain picked men among the Persians, who hold
their office for life, or until they are found guilty
of some misconduct. By them justice is adminis-
tered in Persia, and they are the interpreters of
the old laws, all disputes being referred to their


30

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

decision. When Cambyses, therefore, put his
question to these judges, they gave him an answer
which was at once true and safe :—‘ They did not
find any law/' they said, ‘ allowing a brother to
take his sister to wife, but they found a law that
the king of the Persians might do whatever he
pleased.’ And so they neither warped the law
through fear of Cambyses, nor ruined themselves
by over stiffiy maintaining the law; but they
brought another quite distinct law to the king’s
help, which allowed him to have his wish. Cam-
byses, therefore, married the object of his love,
and no longer time afterwards he took to wife
another sister. It was the younger of these who
went with him into Egypt, and there suffered

death at his hands.”..“ The story,” concerning

the manner of her death, “ which the Creeks tell,
is, that Cambyses had set a young dog to fight
the cub of a lioness—his wife looking on at the
time. Now the dog was getting the worse, when
a pup of the same litter broke his chain and came
to his brother’s aid; then the two dogs together


IN OLD IRAN.

31

fought the lion, and conquered him. The thing
greatly pleased Cambyses, hut his sister, who was
sitting by, shed tears. When Cambyses saw this
he asked her why she wept: whereon she told him
that seeing the young dog come to his brother’s
aid made her think of Smerdis (her brother),
whom there was none to help. For this speech,
the Greeks say, Cambyses put her to death.”

But from these statements of the historian of
Halicarnassus, is it not plain enough that the
marriage of Cambyses with his sister—if we may
rely upon the Greek evidence alone—was nothing
more than the individual act of one of the wicked-
est tyrants that ever reigned in Persia, and that
it was owing to the cruel and ferocious character
of their ruler that this most irreligious marriage
from the stand-point of the Magi was acquiesced
in by the priests as well as the people ? And is
this action of a vicious and wicked king sufficient
to justify us in affixing the stigma of such a
custom to the whole Iranian nation, or in tracing
it to their religious writings ? Further, it should


32

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

be remembered that Cambyses utterly disregarded
bis priesthood, defied the old sanitary ordinances
of his people, and set small store by his reli-
gion.9 He gave proof of this by attempting
to encourage in his kingdom the practice of in-
terring the dead amongst a people by whom it
was detested. It is not, therefore, unreasonable to
assume that the alleged marriage of Cambyses
with his sister was suggested by his familiarity
with such marriages among the Egyptians and
the Greeks conquered by the Persians, and that
it was carried into effect by a man of such

9 Compares. B. E., Vol. IV., ‘ The Zend-Avesta ’ by
Prof. Darmesteter, Part I., p. XLV.:—“ If we pass now
from dogma to practice, we find that the most important
practice of the Avesta law was either disregarded by the
Achmmenian kings, or unknown to them. According to
the Avesta, burying corpses in the earth is one of the most
heinous sins that can be committed. We know that under
the Sasanians a prime minister, Ceoses, paid with his life
for an infraction of that law. Corpses were to be laid
down on the summits of mountains, there to be devoured
by bird and dogs; the exposure of corpses was the most
striking practice of Mazdian profession, and its adoption
was the sign of conversion. Now under the Achsemenian
rule, not only the burial of the dead was not forbidden but
it was the general practice.’’


IN OLD IRAN.

33

violent passions as would brook no contradiction,
and would not be balked of their gratification.

Here I may be allowed to observe in passing,
that it is difficult to agree with those European
scholars 10 who doubt the accuracy of the assertion
of Herodotus, that Cambyses was the first Persian
to intermarry with his sister. I believe that
their hypothesis, that the institution of such mar-
riages had existed long before Cambyses reigned,
is much more open to question than the statement
of the Greek historian ; and this will be demon-
strated further on when I come to prove my
second statement.

10 Cf. Keiper, L’Museon, 1885, pp. 212-213 :—“ Heroilote
t&chait d’expliquer le mieux possible cette habitude qu’il
savait etre de la plus haute antiquite, parce qu’elle semblait
etrange aux Grecs. Il rattacha done cette innovation
pretendue au nora de Cambyse, parce qu’un fait de ce
genre lui parut etre conforme au caractere despotique et
capricieux de ce prince. Peut-etre aussi a-t-il tire cette in-
formation de ceux a qui il devait ses autres renseignements
sur Cambyse. Nous reconnaissons ici un procede pareifi a
celui dont Xenophon use regulierement dans la Cyropedie,
quand il veufc expliquer l’origine d’une habitude ou d’une
institution des Perses qui etait reellement ancienne ou
qu’il croyait ancienne.”—Vide Spiegel’sjemarks, p. 7.


34

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

There is another Achsemenian monarch who is
alluded to by Plutarch, on the authority of Ctesias
and his followers, as having married his sister. Ac-
cording to Langhorn’s translation of Plutarch’s
Life of Artaxerxes II., the Greek biographer re-
lates :—“ Artaxerxes in some measure atoned for
the causes of sorrow he gave the Greeks, by doing
one thing that afforded them great pleasure : he
put Tissaphernes, their most implacable enemy, to
death. This he did, partly at the instigation of
Parysatis who added other charges to those

alleged against him....From this time Parysatis

made it a rule to please the king in all her mea-
sures, and not to oppose any of his inclinations, by
which she gained an absolute ascendant over him.
She perceived that he had a strong passion for one
of his own daughters named Atossa. He endea-
voured, indeed, to conceal it on his mother’s ac-
count and restrained it in public. Parysatis no
sooner suspected the intrigue, than she caressed
her grand-daughter more than ever, and was con-
tinually praising, to Artaxerxes, both her beauty


IN OLD IRAN.

35

and her behaviour, in which she assured him there
was something great and worthy of a crown.
At last she persuaded him to make her his wife,
without regarding the laws and opinions of the
Greeks : ‘ God/ said she, ‘has made you law to

the Persians, and a rule of right and wrong.’ ”

Wow, what do we gather from this passage ?
Nothing more than that Artaxerxes regarded his
passion for his daughter as being in every way
hurtful to his reputation, in every way unaccept-
able to his people or unjustified by law, and, there-
fore, endeavoured to hide it from his mother as
well as the public. Hence we may, likewise, infer
that the statements of Herodotus as well as Plutarch
harmonize with each other, in showing that the
marriage of an absolute monarch with a sister or a
daughter was an act in which neither the Persian
law nor people was acquiescent. If, according to
a few scholars, it was a deed not unauthorized by
the Avesta,—if it was a practice quite familiar to
the Persian people of by-gone ages,—what earthly
reasons could have persuaded Cambyses, the most


36

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

passionate of monarchs, to ask for the decision of
the judges on the question, or Artaxerxes to con-
ceal his love for his daughter from the knowledge
of his people ? Besides, we have the evidence df
Agathias, that Artaxerxes contemptuously de-
clined every offer to contract marriage with his
nearest-of-kin relation, on the ground that it was
quite inconsonant with the faith of a true Iranian.
If we believe this, it is impossible to conceive that
such a king could ever have taken his own
daughter to wife. On the basis of this very
evidence from Agathias, Mr. Wm. Adam observes
(p. 718) :—“ But if this could be alleged by
Artaxerxes belonging to the royal race, what
becomes of the worst charges brought against,
not only the Persian people, but even against the
Magians or the ruling class ?”11

11 The question regarding the alleged marriage of
Artaxerxes Mnemon with his daughter, reminds me of a
statement of Firdausi, in his well-known Persian Epic, the
Shah-ndmeh, that Behman (Pahl. V6 hum an}, son of Isfand-
yar (Av. Spentti-data, Pahl Spend-dad}, who is also called
the Artakhshtar of the Kayanians—hence his identification
with Artaxerxes Longimamis and his successors down to


IN OLD IRAN.

37

Although Ctesias’ books were generally ac-
knowledged by his own countrymen to be teeming
with incredible and extravagant fables and
fictions,—according to Plutarch, with great ab-
surdities and palpable falsity,—still we must
admit that for the Greek writers who flourished
after him no other historian would have been

Artaxerxes Mnemon—was married to Hflmai, his daughter.
This is a statement which is unique in the Shah-nameli,
nevertheless it is based, however erroneously, on a reference
contained in the Bandeliesh, Chap. XXXIV. 8, which ad-
mits of tw o different ideas on account of the occurrence
therein of a word which is employed in Pahlavi in
two different meanings. The passage upon which Firdousi
must have relied runs:—Here
the word may mean (1) a daughter, (2) one who is coupled

or joined in wedlock with another. Thus the passage may be
rendered (1) Hdmai, the daughter of Vohdman, (reigned)
thirty years; (2) HUmai, who was coupled with (married to)
Vohftman, (reigned) thirty years. The latter rendering
is the more correct interpretation, and also in harmony
with the elaborate biography of Behman, written in the
reign of (Hijra 537-551),

and known as the Behman-ndmeh, which relates that the
HQmai whom Vohftman married, was not his own daughter,
but the daughter of an Egyptian king named dj
Nasrjars. Here it is, likewise, said that Behman:


38

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

more reliable as regards the family life of Arta-
xerxes Mnemon than one who lived at the Court of
Persia for seventeen years in the quality of physi-
cian to that king. Hence it is that most of the
Greek historians who followed him, seem to gene-
ralize the practice of consanguineous marriage in
ancient Iran, probably from Ctesias’ coloured
narrative of the alleged marriage of Artaxerxes
with his daughter. Whatever may be the degree
of truthfulness and honesty so far as Ctesias is
concerned, it is not impossible to argue from the

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IN OLD IRAN.

39

character and intrigues of Parysatis, the mother
of Artaxerxes, that a slanderous story of the
nature described by Otesias might have been set
afloat in the king’s harem to gratify the rancour
and most wicked vengeance of the queen-mother
against the children of Statira, the innocent victim
of her revenge for the murder of her own daughter
Amistris, the wife of Terituchmes and sister of
Artaxerxes. It is also not improbable that
Ctesias’ narrative of the marriage of Atossa with
her father owed its origin to the vindictive Pary-
satis alone, and was adopted by a writer who pre-
ferred to relate astounding inventions instead of
sober truths. Oriental history is not unfamiliar
with the malignant accusations of the crime of
incest by step-mothers or even by mothers-in-law
against their daughters or daughters-in-law. It
might, therefore, be inferred that if the Greek
writer did not invent any fiction as to the domes-
tic life of the Persian ruler, there was another and a
more powerful cause which would have given rise
to such an abominable story and established it as


40

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

sober truth in. the mind of the original biographer
of Artaxerxes.

Besides this, a few European scholars seem to
point to another such instance in the history of
Artaxerxes Mnemon. They discover in Ctesias
that Terituchmes, the brother-in-law of the king,
and husband of Amestris, was married to his sister
Roxana. However, with all deference to their
scholarship, I may be permitted to draw attention
to the original words of the Greek writer, wherein,
as far as I am able to comprehend, the notion of
marriage is by no means involved. According to
a passage occurring in the English translation of
Plutarch’s Lives, by Langhorne (III., p. 451),
Ctesias relates :—“ Terituchmes, the brother of
Statira (the wife of king Artaxerxes II.), who had
been guilty of the complicated crimes of adultery,

incest, and murder, .......married Hamestris,

one of the daughters of Darius, and sister to
Arsaces; by reason of which marriage he had
interest enough, on his father’s demise, to get
himself appointed to his Government. But in the


IN OLD IRAN..

41

meantime lie conceived a passion for his own sister
Roxana, and resolved to despatch his wife Hames-
tris.” It is said further on, that “ Darius, being
apprised of this design, engaged Udiates, an
intimate friend of Terituchmes, to .kill him, and
was rewarded by the king with the government
of his province/’ Such is the plain evidence of
Ctesias ; but it does not assert that Terituchmes
was ever married to Roxana. Here is evidently
the case of a passion conceived by a licentious
brother for his sister. It must, however, be
remembered, we have again to deal with a story
of Ctesias, a story which may naturally be regard-
ed as the outcome of a general hatred at court
against Terituchmes, and also as the invention of
a motive for his most cruel murder of his'
wife, the daughter of Parysatis—a queen who

had contrived the mbst wicked means of
gratifying her vengeance against her son-in-law
and all other unfortunate victims who were
suspected of abetting him. Whatever may be

the source to which we may trace this story, it is
D


42

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

still difficult to determine whether Terituchmes
married again at all after having murdered his
wife Amestris.

As regards Sysimithres, a single isolated refer-
ence in a writer like Curtius is hardly sufficient
to claim our attention.

Next we turn to the name that belongs to the
period of the Sasanidae, a single positive illustra-
tion, indeed, of incestuous marriage, according to
the Greeks, during the long period of more than
450 years. That name is Kobad I., father of the
famous king Noshir wan. He is reported by
Agathias to have married his daughter Sambyke.
However, it is remarkable that neither Professor
Rawlinson nor Ferdosi seem to notice this occur-
rence. Nevertheless, trusting implicitly to the
account of Agathias, a writer who was contempo-
raneous with Kobad’s son, we must here consider
the influences under which the king might have
been persuaded to yield to such an act. Let us
refer to the history of that part of his reign which
described the imposture of Mazdak and the


IN OLD IRAN.

43

effect which the latter produced upon that weak-
minded king by preaching his abominable creed.
“All men,” Mazdak said, “were by God’s
providence born equal—none brought into the
world any property, or any natural right to
possess more than another. Property and marriage
were mere human inventions, contrary to the
will of God, which required an equal division
of the good things of this world among all, and
forbade the appropriation of particular women by
individual men. In communities based upon pro-
perty and marriage, men might lawfully vindicate
their natural rights by taking their fair share of
the good things wrongfully appropriated by their
fellows. Adultery, incest, theft, were not really
crimes, but necessary steps towards re-establishing
the laws of nature in such societies.” ( Vide Raw-
linson, “ The Seventh Great Oriental Monarchy,”
pp. 342,

Such being the teaching of Mazdak, it is easy
to see what attractions it would have for a
licentious prince who would willingly substitute


44

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

it for the moral restraints of his purer faith.
Be this as it may, Kobad’s apostacy was
followed by a civil commotion, which ended in the
deposition of the king and his imprisonment in
the “ Castle of Oblivion/7 Now does not this
successful popular resistance to royal incest and
adultery prove that the minds of the Iranians
were averse to any violation of the moral law as to
the relation between the sexes ? There is one im-
portant point to be observed in the accounts of
Agathias bearing on the doctrines which the
Mazdakian heretics professed, his assertion
that consanguineous marriages were enormities
recently introduced in Iran, If we accept this
remark of a contemporary writer, does it not
give a death-blow to all preceding authorities ?
Mr. Adam justly remarks (p. 716) ;—“ But if
‘those enormities were recent,7 this .contradicts
all the preceding more ancient authorities, which
affirm their earlier prevalence from Ctesias

downwards/7

Now, discarding all the fanciful hypotheses in-


IN OLD IRAN.

45

dulged in by speculative thinkers upon early
human ideas and practices, I shall make a few
assumptions that naturally strike me, while exa-
mining the evidences above-mentioned. The first
point to be remarked upon is that great care is
required to. avoid the confusion arising from the
indiscriminate use of the words 6 sister, ’
* daughter, ’ * mother/ Among some Oriental

peoples the designation c sister5 is not merely ap-
plied to a sister proper or daughter of one's own
parents, but, as an affectionate term, also to
cousins, near or distant, to sisters-in-law, to
female-friends, &c, Likewise, the word for
daughter is used to denote, not only one's own
daughter, but also the daughter of one’s own
brother or sister, and generally the daughter of a
relative, &e. Similarly, the term ‘ mother * does
not signify the female. parent alone, but is em-
ployed as a respectful form of address to an
elderly lady who enjoys'the honour of being the
materf amilias of a household. It is also necessary
to observe that in Old-Persian or Pahlavi there


46

NEXT -OF-KIN MARRIAGES

are rarely any distinct expressions to distinguish
sisters from sisters-in-law or female-cousins. It
is not, therefore, too strained an interpretation to
believe that what Herodotus, Ctesias and others
supposed to be sisters and daughters, should have
been perhaps next-cousins or relations. In the
same manner, it might be surmised that a mistake
would be made owing to the same name being
borne by several female members of a family.
Thus wife and daughter, or wife and sister, or
wife and mother, having the same name, what was
asserted of one might be wrongly applied to the
other. Innumerable instances may be found in
Parsi families where the name of the mistress of
the house coincides with that of one of her
daughters-in-law, nieces, &c.

But, one can scarcely infer from the particular
illustrations of classical testimony on the subject,
which are met with in Herodotus, Ctesias and
Agathias, and are open to many objections, that
incestuous marriages were common and legal
among the old Iranians as a people, and especially


IN OLD IRAN,

47

among the Magi. The very statement of the
Greeks, that the Achaemenian monarch was sup-
posed to be above the law of the land and of reli-
gion, indicates that his adultery or incest was not in
accordance with the established institutions of his
realm. Nor did the people in the time of Kobad I.
allow such incest to pass without vehement
opposition. Even if we accept the evidence of
the Western historians who charge Cambyses,
Artaxerxes Mnemon, Kobad and Terituchmes
with incest, it must be noted that these few are
the only instances they have been able to gather
in the long period of upwards of a thousand
years, and that they are insufficient to support so
sweeping a generalization as that incestuous
marriages were recognized by law, and commonly
practised among the old Iranians. It is just as
unreasonable as to ascribe the custom of marriage
between brother and sister to the civilized Grecians,
because we discover references to it in Cornelius
Nepos, Demosthenes and Aristophanes. If the
Mahabharata tells us that the five Pandava


48

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

princes who had received a strictly Brahmanic
education were married to one wife, should we,
therefore, ignore the existence of the Brahmanic
law,12 which clearly lays down (Max Miiller,
History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p, 53 ;
M’Lennan, p. 215) “they are many wives of one
man, not many husbands of one wife,” and charge
with the custom of polyandry all the ancient
Brahmanic Indians who constituted one of the
most eminent and highly intellectual nations of
the early Oriental world.

From what I have said above, it is not difficult
to see that the doubtful evidences of the Greeks
neutralize themselves, and that it is absurd to form,

12 Compare “ Tagore Law Lectures”'(1883), by Dr. J.
Jolly, p. 155 :—“ But I have been led recently to consider
my views,” remarks Dr. Jolly, 6‘ by the investigations of
Professor Buhler, who has pointed out to me that a certain
sort of Polyandry is referred to in two different Smritis,
Apastamba (II. 10, 27, 2-4) speaks of the forbidden practice
of delivering a bride to a whole family (kula). Brihaspati
refers to the same custom in the same terms.” Further on
he says : The text of Apastamba refers to the custom as
to an ancient one, which was enjoined by the early sages,
but is now obsolete.


IN OLD IRAN.

49

with any reliance upon them, definite opinion as
regards the marriage customs of the old Iranians,
I, therefore, repeat my conviction which I have
set forth in my first statement—That the slight
authority of some isolated passages gleaned from the
pages of Greek and Roman literature, is wholly insuffi-
cient to support the odious charge made against the
old Iranians of practising consanguineous marriages
in their most objectionable forms !

The Meaning of the Avesta word (ffietvadatha*
II. In proof of the second statement—That no
trace, hint or suggestion of such a custom can be
pointed out in the Avesta, or in its Pahlavi Version—
it is first of all necessary to enquire what is the
opinion of the Avesta on the subject; whether we
are able to trace to any Avesta precept the alleged
custom of next-of-kin marriage in old Iran.

According to European scholars, the term that
expresses such a marriage is Qaetva-

datha in the Avesta, and texJwr Khvetuk-d&t or

Khvetuk-dasih in Pahlavi. It has, there-


50

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

fore, been our object to examine the evidence put
forward in favour of the European stand-point of
Ys. XII. 9, (Spiegel’s edition, Ys. XIII. 28),
which, it is assumed, contain under the word
Q.aetvadatlia an allusion to next-of-kin marriages
in question.

In the Avesta the term Qaetvadatha occurs in five
passages only, each of which belongs to five differ-
ent parts of the text,excepting the Gathas, namely,
Yasna XII. 9 ; Visperad III. 3; Vendidad VIII. 13 ;
Yasht. XXIV. 17; and Gah IV. 8 (Westergaard’s
edition). Of these, the idea expressed in Gah IV.
is repeated or almost quoted in Visperad III. 3,
and in Yasht XXIV. So we have only to consider
three references in the Yasna, the Gah and the
Vendidad respectively, and to see to what extent
they can be used to throw light on the meaning of
Qaetvadatha. The word as it stands in the Avesta is
employed as an epithet or a qualifying word. In
one place it forms an epithet of the Avesta religion,
in the second an attribute of a pious youth, in the
third a qualification for a pious male or female.


IN OLD IRAN.

51

Etymologically Qaetvadatha may be regarded as
a compound word composed of qaetu and datha,
of which the first part may be compared with Skr.
svay-am, Lat. Pahl. kh'ish, and Mod. Pers.
ktiish derived from Av. qa = Skr. sm = Lat.

= Eng. self Hence it may originally mean
‘self, ’ ‘one’sself/ ‘one’s own, ’ ‘relation,’ or ‘allied.’
The second part, daiha, which is transliterated into
Pahl. das, comes from the Av. root da = “ to
give, ” “to make, ” “to create.” Dath is properly
a reduplication peculiar to the Iranian dialect, from
the Indo-Iranian root da “to give, ” &c. Thus the
derivation of the word itself might suggest for it
a number of definitions. It may mean “ a gift
of one’s self, to one’s,self, or from one’s self” ; “ a
gift of one’s own, to one’s own ” ; “ a gift of rela-
tion or alliance” ; “ a making of one’s self” ; “ self-
association ” ; “ self-dedication” ; “ self devotion”;
self-sacrifice,” &c.13 These are some of the 1

1S Compare Prof. Darmesteter’s remarks on the derivation
of the word suggested by Dr. Geldner in his XJeber die
Metrik desjungeren Avestd (Etudes Irdniennes, Vol. II.,


52

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

significations which, may be indicated on the
ground of etymology ; however, it is hazardous to
choose from them any particular notion without
the authority of the native meaning. On applying
to the Pahlavi Translation of the Avesta to discover
what meaning was attached to the word by early
commentators, I am sorely disappointed to find
that it affords no more light than can be obtained
from a mere Pahlavi transliteration, Klwetuk-dat
or Khvhuk-dasih, of the original Avesta expres-
sion Qcietvadatha. The reason for this striking

p. 37):—Parfois les etymologies de l’auteur sont si ingenieu-
ses qu’on est peine d’etre force de les repousser ou du moins
de les ajourner: le hva&vadatho, le marriage entre parents,
devient par la simple application d’une loi d’ecriture, hvaetu-
vadatha, c’est-a-dire que le mot signifierait etymologique-
ment la chose qu’il designe en fait: mais, si tentante que
soit l’etymologie pour un sancritiste, comme vad existe en
zend, et que par suite, s’il etaitla, la tradition qui connais-
sait le sens du mot entier n’avait aucune raison de le me-
connaitre, la forme pehlvie du mot hva&tuk-dasih

nous prouvera que le mot doit se diviser comme le divisent
les manuscrits, en hva&tva-datha: ceci rend tres douteuse
l’etymologie de M. Geldner, qui a d’ailleurs l’inconvenient
d’etre trop logique et trop conforme au sens: les mots sont
rarement des definitions. 19


IN OLD IRAN.

53

omission of any definite interpretation in the
Pahlavi Version, may perhaps be that the techni-
cal meaning of the word Was, even centuries after
the compilation of the A vesta, a thing too familiar
to the native Zoroastrians to require any interpre-
tation ; or that the nature of the good work im-
plied by Qaetvadatha was too doubtful in the
minds of the old Iranian priests to be definitely
and lucidly explained.

Consequently, very little help can be obtained
from the indigeneous authority of the Pahlavi
translation of those Avesta passages wherein the
term Qaetvaclatha occurs. Fortunately, however,
there is no of lack passages in the Pahlavi, which
though sometimes very obscure and difficult, give
us a meaning for the first member of the compound,
viz., Qaetw, and which is kKish or kli ishih, mean-
ing “self,” “himself/’ “ one’s own” or “ allied,”
“ relation,” individuality,” &c. The Pahlavi
meaning of self or relation is still preserved in the
Mod. Pers. word kKish, and accords best with the
etymology and the context. Dr4 Spiegel translates


54

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

Qaeta }yy ‘ der Verwandtd (Ys. XXXII. 1, &c.)
“ the allied or relation,” and remarks in note 7’
page 125, of his German translation of the Avesta,
that it denotes ‘ the spiritual relation to Ahura
Mazda, as though one feels himself almost in
communion with Him.14 It is characteristic that
in the Gathas Qaetu very often stands in con-
nection with the terms Verezenya * 15 and Airyamna,
signifying “ an active labourer” fulfilling the
desires of Mazda, and “joyful devotion” towards
Him (XXXII. 1; XXXIII. 3, 4 ; XLIX. 7 ;
XLVI. 1;LIII. 4). The G^tha XXXII. 1,
says :— “Unto Him may the allied16 aspire, his
deeds coupled with devotion.” In XXXIII. 3
and 4 Zarathushtra speaks :—(3) “He is the best
for the Righteous Lord, 0 Ahura, who, having
knowledge, becomes Thy ally, Thy active labourer

** Comp. Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen
Gesellschaft, Vol. XVII. (1863), “ Bemerkungen Tiber einige
Stellen des Avesta,”by Dr. F. von Spiegel, pp. 58-69.

15 According to Pablavi, Verezenya may mean “an active
neighbour” of the Almighty

16 The Rev. Dr. Mills., S.B. E., Vol. XXXI.:— ‘ lprdly-
kinsman.’


IN OLD IRAN.

55

and Thy true devotee, and who arduously fosters
the cow ; it is he who thinks himself to be in the
service-field of Asha (Righteousess) and Vohu
Mano (Good Mind)?’—(4) “0 Mazda! I hate
whosoever is disobedient and evil-minded towards
Thee, disregardful of Thy ally, a demon in close
conflict with Thy active labourer, and the scorner
of Thy devoted one, the most evil-minded against
the nourishment of Thy cow ? ”

These and several other like passages enable us
to understand that Qaetu denotes one of the three
spiritual qualifications which are requisite for
human sanctity, viz., a communion with the
Almighty, the practical fulfilment of. His will,
and the free mental devotion. Likewise, Kti ishih-
i-Yazdan, relationship or communion with the
Deity, is the frequent desire and motive of the
pious JAazdayasna while discharging his moral or
religious duties. It is a gift to which he aspires
every moment.

Relying upon this meaning of Qaetu, it is not
difficult to assign an idea to Qaetvadatha, which


56

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

will harmonize with the context and be reconcil-
ed with the results of comparative philology.
According to the Gathas, it can only be “ the gift
of communion ” with the Deity; etymologically,
it may also mean “ self-association/’ <6 self-dedica-
tion, &c ” 17 In Gah. IV. the term is used as
an appellation of piety, where the passage runs—-
“ I commend the youth of good thoughts, of good
words, of good deeds, of good faith, who is pious
and a preceptor [lord] of piety; I praise the
youth truth-speaking, virtuous and a preceptor
of virtue; I praise the Qaetvaclatha youth, who is
righteous and a preceptor of righteousness.” Here
Qaetvadatha can very appropriately bear the idea
of a most desirable attribute with which a pious
youth might be gifted in the moments of devotion,
viz., a communion with Ahura Mazda, of self-
dedication.—Of the two remaining passages in

17 Should we attach importance to the meaning in which

the word is sometimes found employed in the later Iranian

writings, still could hardly denote f‘ next-of-kin

marriage.” Only marriages between relations, whether near

or distant, are therein referred to.


IN OLD IRAN.

57

Avesta, that inVendidad VIII. is so difficult and
obscure, that almost all the European translators
have failed to discern any definite sense in it.
Even the Pahlavi does not help us here, because
of the mere transliteration of the Avesta words.
What is most important to be considered is Yasna
XII. 9, (Sp. Ys. XIII. 28), a passage in which
Dr. Spiegel and several German savants who follow
his opinion, seem to discover traces of the pre-
cept of consanguineous marriage (wVfe Geiger,
Qstiranischc Kultur, p. 246; Justi,

-s. v. ; Noeldeke; Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol.
XVIIL, s. v. Persia; Geldner s.v.\ I

have already remarked upon this passage in the
first volume of my English translation of Dr.
Geiger’s Ostiranischc Kultur (p. 66, note), and I beg
to repeat that there is not the slightest indication
that the passage in question has any reference to
conjugal union of any kind; but on the contrary,
the term Qaetvadatha agreeing with the noun
Daena, ‘ religion,’ in case, number and gender, is
evidently one of the epithets applied to the

E


58

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

Mazdayasnan religion, and implies the virtue of
that religion to offer the sacred means of
alliance with Ahura Mazda, or of self-devotion
towards Him. The Pahlavi Commentary plainly
tells us that the manifestation of this gift of
communion with the Deity on earth was due to
Zoroastrism, while every stanza of the Gathas
extols this highest and noblest ideal of the human
spirit in the pious sentiments of Zarathushtra
himself (c/. 7$. XXVIII. 3, 4, 6, 7, &c.).

I translate the passage (Thsna XII. 9)
literally:—

“ I extol the Mazda-worshipping religion, that
is far from all doubt, that levels all disputes,18
the sacred one, the gift of communion (with God);
the greatest, the best, and the purest of all reli-
gions that have existed and will exist, which is (a
manifestation) of Ahura and of Zarathushtra. ”

Here it is impossible to conceive the idea of
marriage between nearest relations in a passage

18 Comp, S. B. E. Vol. XXI., Dr. Mill’s translation:
“the Faith which has no faltering utterance, the Faith that
wields the felling halbert” (p. 250).


IN OLD IRAN.

59

which glorifies the virtues of a religion. Happily,
my own humble conviction has been supported,
with reference to the A vesta, by Dr. E. W. West,
of Munich, a scholar whose high and unrivalled
attainments in Pahlavi in the European world of
letters, will ever be a matter of pride to every
English Orientalist. In his essay on the “ Mean-
ing of Khvetuk-das,” appended to Vol. XVIII.
of Prof. M. Muller’s “ Sacred Books of the East,”
(pp. 389-430), the learned writer summarizes the
result of his examination of all the passages refer-
ring to QaetvadatJia in the Aves'ta in the follow-
ing manner (p. 427) :—

“ The term does not occur at all in the oldest
part of the Avesta, and when it is mentioned in
the later portion it is noticed merely as a good
work which is highly meritorious, without any
allusion to its nature'; only one passage {Vend,
VIII. 13) indicating that both men and women
can participate in it. So far, therefore, as can be
ascertained from the extant fragments of the
Avesta—the only internal authority regarding the


60

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

ancient practices of Mazda-worship—the Par sis
are perfectly justified in believing that their reli-
gion did not originally sanction marriages be-
tween those who are next-of-kin.”

The References to Khvfouk-clat or
Khvetuk-dasih in Pahlavi.

III. In reference to the third proposition :—
That the Pahlavi passages translated by a distinguish-
ed English Pahlavi savant, and supposed to refer
to such a custom, cannot be interpreted as upholding
the view that next-of-kin marriages were expressly
recommended therein ; and that a few of the Pahlavi
passages, which are alleged to contain actual refer-
ences to such marriages, do not allude to social realities,
but only to supernatural conceptions relating to the
creation of the first progenitors of mankind,—I beg
to call your attention again to the exhaustive
essay on this subject by the English Iranist,

Dr. West, who seems to have raked the extensive
field of Pahlavi literature, and collected with
laborious industry all the Pahlavi passages bearing


IN OLD IRAN.

61

on the term Khvetuk-das. This learned scholar
couches the result of his patient useful research in
the following words :—

“Unless the Parsis determine to reject the
evidence of such Pahlavi works as the Pahlavi
Yas/ia, the book of Arda- Piraf, the Dinkard, and
the Dadistan-l-Plmk, or to attribute those hooks to
heretical writers, they must admit that their
priests in the later years of the Sasanian dynasty,
and for some centuries subsequently, strongly
advocated such next-of-kin marriages, though pro-
bably with little succes.” (FiVfe S. B. E.
Vol. XVIII., p. 428).

Thus, while Dr. West serves us as a useful
champion to guard from any adverse stigma the
sublime tenets of the Avesta regarding marriage,
while he seems to doubt the authenticity of Greek
historians as regards Persian matters (p. 389), we
are deprived of his powerful support the moment
we enter the field to defend ourselves against the
obscure and detached evidences brought from
Pahlavi tomes. Here I refer to the proofs which


62

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

are put forward by the Pahlavi savant for his per-
sonal view, that next-of-kin marriages were advo-
cated by Persian priests in the later years of the
Sasanian monarchy.

It must be noticed here that this later opinion
of Dr. West differs completely, as regards the age
in which the alleged custom might have prevailed,
from what was previously asserted in the first part
of his “Pahlavi texts” (S.B. E, Vol. V., p. 389
note 3), where the learned author observes:—“ But
it is quite conceivable that the Parsi priesthood,
about the time of the Mahomedan conquest, were
anxious to prevent marriages with strangers, in
order to hinder conversions to the foreign faith,
and that they may, therefore, have extended the
range of marriage among near relations beyond
the limits now approved by their descendants.”
Again, in a note to Chapter IV. of his English
translation of the “Dina-i-Mamogi-Xhirad,” Pah-
lavi texts, Part III. (S. B. E., Vol. XXIV., p. 26),
he says that some centuries before the composition
of that book, i. e. long before the reign of Noshir-


IN OLD IRAN.

63

wan, the term Klivetuk-dasih was only confined to
marriages between first cousins.

But all these remarks, gentlemen, go to show
that Dr. West does not agree with other scholars
in tracing in the Sacred Writings of the Iranians
the existence of such a custom in the times of the
Avesta, the Achsemenidse, the Arsacidse, or the
Sasanidae generally ; but he gives as his opinion,
that it may perhaps have been advocated by some
priests in Iran in the sixth century A.D. or later.
Thus the speculation of several European savants,
from Kleuker downwards, that the custom in
question prevailed among the Avesta people, has
been dissipated by the inquiry of one of their own
learned body.

However, in his essay on the “ Meaning of
Khvetuk-das,” Dr. West attempts to translate
about thirty Pahlavi pasaages to show how far
Khv&tidz-dasih may denote next-of-kin marriage in
Pahlavi. Five of these reference are contained in
the Pahlavi Translation of the Avesta, and two in
the Pahlavi Commentary (P. T. P$. XII. 9;


64

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

III. 3; Gdh IV.; Yishtasp Yt. 17 ; Vend. VIII.
13; P. 0. Ys. XLIV. 4; Bahman Yt. Chap. II.,
57, 61); eight of them belong to the Dinkard (DF
Bk. Ill, Ch. 80, Ch. 193, Ch. 285; Bk. VI, Bk.
VII, Varstmansar Nask, Fargard XVIII.; Bagam
Nash XIV, XXI.); eight to the Dadistdn-i-B'imk
(Ch. XXXVII. 82, LXIV. 6, LXV. 2, LXXVI.
4, 5; LXXVII. 6, 7; LXXVIII. 19); three to
the Mainog4-Khirad (Ch. IV. 4, XXXVI. 7,
XXXVII. 12); and one to the later Pahlavi
Ravayet.

It is needless to point out that of these thirty
citations more than twenty-two may be excluded
from our inquiry, since, according to the result of
Dr. West’s own survey of them, it is admitted that
“ there is nothing in those passages to indicate the
nature of the good work” meant by the word
Khvetdk-dasih (Ys. XII. 9 ; Vsp. III. 3 ; Gdh. IV ;
Vend VIII. 13; Vishtdsp Yt. 17 ; Dk. Bk. Ill,
Ch. 193, Ch. 285 ; Dk. Bk. VI. ; Maindg-i-Khirad.
Ch. IV. 4 ; XXXVI. 7 ; XXXVII. 12; Bahman
Yasht. II. 57, 61). Besides, the first five passages


IN OLD IRAN.

65

abovementioned of the Dadistan-i-Dinik contain,
according to him, mere “ allusions to the brother
and sister,” who were the first progenitors of
mankind ; as for the last three, he says it is not
certain that “ the term is applied in them to the
marriages between the nearest relatives.” Con-
sequently, we have to examine a few passages
only, viz., two of the Bag an Nask, one from
Varshtmansar Nask, three of the Binkard, one of
Ys. XLIV. 4, one of the book of Arda- Viraf, and
one from the later Pahlavi Rava/yet, which, in
the opinion of Dr. West, contain direct or indi-
rect traces of the practice of marriage between
the next-of-kin.

Before we set out'to consider those references, it
will be useful to know the extent to which the work
of Khvetuk-dasih—whatever may be its nature or
meaning—is extolled or regarded as a righteous or
meritorious action in the Pahlavi writings :—

In Chap. IV. of the Pahlavi < Bina-i-Mainog-i-
Khiradf the reply to the query “Which parti-
cular meritorious action is great and good ?” is


66

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

“ The greatest meritorious action is liberality, the
second is truth and Khvetuk-dasih, the third is the
Gahanbar, the fourth all the religious ritual, the
fifth is the worship of the sacred beings.” Here
Khvetuk-dasih, in connection with liberality and
truth, might imply some moral habit almost equal
to them in degree of excellence.

The Shayast-La-Shayast, Ch. VIII. 18, says :
“ Khvetuk-dad extirpates sins which deserve capi-
tal punishments.” Also it is said by Ahura
Mazda elsewhere:—“0 Zaratosht! of all those
thoughts, words and deeds, which I would pro-
claim, the practice of KJwetuk-dasih is the best to
be thought, to be performed, and uttered.”

The Bahman Yasht, which may be regarded as
one of the oldest Pahlavi works written on the
exegesis of the Avesta, gives us an idea of the term
which best harmonizes with our notion regarding
the meaning of Ys. XII. 9. It says in Chap.
II. 57 :—“ 0 Creator! in that time of con-
fusion” (i. e. after the conquest of Persia by the
Arabs), “will there remain any people righteous?


IN OLD IRAN.

67

will there be religious persons who will preserve
the Kusti on their waist, and who will perforin the
Izashne, rites by holding the Barsams ? and will the
religion that is Khvctuk-das continue in their
family?” A little further on it says:—“The
most perfectly righteous of the righteous will
that person be who adheres or remains faithful
to the good JYLazdayasrian religion, whereby the
religion that is Kvetuk-dasih will continue in
his family.” These two passages are supposed
by Dr. West to be translations from the original
Avesta text of the Yasht devoted to the arch-
angel VoJm-Mano (S. B. E., Vol. V., Part I., p.
212, note).

In a passage in the Shay ast-La-Shay ast (Chap.
XVIII. 4), it is again declared:—“Whosoever
approximates four times to the practice of Khvetuk-
dad will never be parted from Ahura Mazda and
the Ameshaspands.

I leave it to you, gentlemen, to say what signi-
fication ought to be attached to the word Khvetuk-
dasih from its connection with the moral and


68

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

spiritual conceptions mentioned, in the above cita*
tions. I need only say that the moral excellence
of JYhvfouk-dasili is parallel to truth and sanctity;
that its attainment, according to the Yasnat and
Bahman Yasht, is by the intermediary of the
Zoroastrian religion of Ahura Mazda; and that
the approximation to the condition of Khvetuk-
dasih is well nigh a participation in spiritual con-
ference with the Almighty and the archangels.
Consequently, it is a gift or power that must be
by far higher and nobler than any abominable
idea of marriage between the next-of-kin.

Referring to the eight Pahlavi passages under
inquiry, it is with some hesitation that I find my-
self differing from the English literal translations
of two of them, viz., the 80th Chapter in the 3rd
Book of the Dinkard, and the 21st Fargard of the
Bagdn Nask.

The difficulties of interpreting the often highly
enigmatic and ambiguous Pahlavi are multifari-
ous19 ; and one is often astonished at the totally

19 Comp. S.B. E., Vol. V., Introduction pp. XVI-XVII.


IN OLD IRAN,

69

different versions of one and the same obscure
passage, suggested by scholars of known ability,
so much so that they appear to be versions of two
quite distinct passages having no connection

“ The alphabet used in Pahlavi books contains only
fourteen distinct letters, so that some letters represent
several different sounds; and this ambiguity is increased by
the letters being joined together, when a compound of two
letters is sometimes exactly like some other single letter.
The complication arising from these ambiguities may be
understood from the following list of the sounds, simple
and compound, represented by each of the fourteen letters
of the Pahlavi alphabet respectively :—

a, a, h, kh. ___j b. 0 p, f, v. t, d. (? cli, j, z, v.

5 r, 1. 5 z. » s, yl, yad, yag, yaj, di, dad, dag, daj, gl,

gad, gag, gaj, ji, jad, jag, jaj (17 sounds). -t, sh, sh, ya,
yah, yakh, lh, ikh, da, dah, dakh, ga, gah, gakh, ja, jah,

jakh (16 sounds). gh- 5 h, g, i. £ m. j n, v, w, ii,

o,n, 1. o y, I, e, d, g, j.

. . . . There are, in fact, some compounds of two

letters which have from ten to fifteen sounds in common use,
besides others which might possibly occur. If it be further
considered that there are only three letters (which are also
consonants.as in most Semitic languages) to represent five
long vowels, and that there are probably five short vowels to
be understood, the difficulty of reading Pahlavi correctly
may be readily imagined.”


70

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

whatever with each other. Accordingly, it is per-
missible to assume that the ambiguous passages
adduced by Dr. West, as seeming to allude directly
or indirectly to next-of-kin marriage, will bear
quite another meaning from a still closer research
than the first efforts of the learned translator seem
to have benefited by. I think, therefore, it is as
reasonable as appropriate to defer for the present
any attempt on my part to give a definite trans-
lation of any of these extensive passages which are
acknowledged by Dr. West himself to be obscure
and difficult (S. B. E., Vol. V., p. 339), contenting
myself with giving briefly what remarks I have
to make upon them.

One of these obscure passages constitutes the
80th Chapter in the 3rd Book of the Dinkard. It
is very extensive, and contains a long controversy
between a Zoroastrian and a Jew,20 concerning the

80 The antagonism between the religious beliefs of the
early Jews and those of the Mazdayasnais well known to the
DinJcard, the Mafomgi-khirad, the Shayast-Ld- Shdyast, and
the Shikand-Gitmdidk-Vizdr. The Mainog-i-khirad records
the destruction of Jerusalem by Kai Lohrasp and the pre-


IN OLD IRAN.

71

propriety or impropriety of the doctrine of the
Avesta as regards the creation of mankind, the
different uses of the term Khvetuk-clasih, &c., in
which it is difficult, owing to the confusion of
different ideas as well as to the obscurity of the text,
to distinguish the words of the Jew from those
of the Zoroastrian. Any sentence that would seem
to be a point in favour of the European view, may
naturally be ascribed to the Zoroastrian as well as
to the Jew. It is not, therefore, easy to determine
whether it is the Zoroastrian or the Jew who
advocates or condemns a particular position or
custom. However, the portions wherein both the

dominance of the Zoroastrian faith therein. The Shikand-
Gdmanik-Viz&r points fo some inconsistencies in the Jewish
belief regarding the birth of Messiah. The Chapter, XV.
31, says : “ And there are some even ” (according to Dr.

West’s translation^ “ who say that the Messiah is the sacred
being himself. Now this is strange, when the mighty sacred
Being, the maintainer and cherisher of the two existences,
became of human nature and went into the womb of a
woman who was a Jew. To leave the lordly throne, the
sky and earth, the celestial sphere and other similar objects
of his management and protection, he fell for concealment
into a polluted and straitened place.”


72

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

Translators (Dastur Dr. Peshotanji and Dr. West)
agree, show that the term Klivetzik-dasih is techni-
cally applied in this passage to supernatural
unions, what are called the Klwetuk-dasih between
the father and the daughter, the son and the
mother, the brother and the sister. We know
that in the Avesta, Spentd Armaiti, Pahl. Spendar-
mat, is the female archangel, and as Ahura Mazda
is called the Creator and Father of all archangels,
Spendarmat is, therefore, called His daughter.
Now, Spendarmat is believed to be the angel of the
earth; and since from the earth God has created
the first human being, Spmdiannatf, in the later
Pahlavi writings, is alleged to have been spiritually
associated with the Creator for such a mighty
procreation as that of Gayomard, the first man
according to Iranian cosmogony. Thus this
supposed supernatural union passed into an ideal
conception, and technically denoted what is called
‘ the Klivctuk-dasih between the father and the
daughter.’ Again, it is said that the seed of
Gayomard fell into the mother-earth by whom


IN OLD IRAN.

73

he was begotten. So Mashih and Mashyanih were
called the offspring of that union between Grayo-
mard and Spendarmat, or of ‘the KJw&tuk-dasih
between the son and the mother’; and since the
first human pair was formed of brother and sister,
viz., Mashih and Mashyanih, their union, which
was an act in consonance with the Divine Will,
came to denote ‘ the Khvetuk-dasih between the
brother and the sister.’ This idea of Khvetiik-
dasih, it must be remembered, is a later develop-
ment of the abstract and religious notion of a
direct spiritual alliance with the Deity, or of self-
devotion. The term was afterwards applied to the
unions of the first progenitors of mankind, which
were believed to have been brought about by the
operation of the Creator Himself. In creating
Man endowed with the knowledge of His Will, it
was the Creator’s design to raise up an opposition
against the morally evil influence of Ahriman on
earth. Accordingly, wherever the Khv&tuk-dasih
between the father and the daughter, the son and
the mother, the brother and the sister, are referred


74

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

to in the later Pahlavi writings, they do not imply
any commendation of such unions among ordinary
men, but only among the first human beings to
whom they were naturally confined, to produce an
uniform and pure race of mankind without any
promiscuous blending with irrational creatures or
animals. What are called the Khvetuk-dasih be-
tween the father and the daughter, the son and the
mother, the brother and the sister, are, therefore,
expressly the supernatural association between
Ahura Mazda and Spendarmat, between Gayomard
and Spendarmat, and the union between Mashih
and Mashyani.

Now, as to the signification of the word Khvetuk-
das, the transition from meaning the gift of
communion with the Almighty and with the super-
natural powers, to meaning the gift of moral
union between the human sexes or among man-
kind generally, is an easy and a natural step.
Such an idea of a bond of union in a tribe, race, or
family, is suggested by the writer of this 80th
Chapter in question. Notwithstanding, it is in


IN OLD IRAN.

75

the first passage' and in the thirteenth that the
English translator seems to have1 discovered a
definite reference to next-of-kin marriages. I may,
therefore, be allowed to put forward in this place
my own interpretation of these' paras., to show
that it is not next-of-kin marriages that they in
any way recommend, but only moral or social
union in a tribe, race, family, or near relations ;
and that the 13th passage explicitly condemns
incestuous marriages as unlawful practices in*
dulged in by lewd people. My version of the
passages is as follows :—

“ Klwetuk-dasili means a gift of communion.
Thus honour is obtained, and the union of power
acquired by adherents, relatives, or fellow-crea-
tures through prayers to the Holy Self-exist-
ent One. In the treatise on human relationship,
it is the (moral) union between the sexes in prepa-
ration for, and connection to, the time of the re-
surrection. In order that this union might pro-
ceed more completely for ever, it should subsist
between the innumerable kindred tribes, between


76

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

adherents or co-religionists, between those who
are nearly or closely connected.” What follows
describes the application of the term to the three
kinds of supernatural unions which were neces-
sary for the procreation of a kindred human
pair in this world. The passage says: “ There
were three kinds of hampatvanclih : “ co-relation/’
for example, between the father (the Deity) and
the daughter (Spendarmat); between the son
(Gayomard) and the mother (Spendarmat); be-
tween the brother (Mashih) and the sister (Ma-
shyanih). These I regard as the most primitive
on the basis of an obscure exposition by a high-
priest of the good religion/’ What follows is
again a clear explanation regarding the propriety
of such unions in the creation of mankind.

The thirteenth passage of the same Chapter
says:—

“ If a son be born of a son and a mother, he
(the begetter) would be reckoned the brother as
well as the father; that would be illegal and in-
cestuous If so, such a person has no


IN OLD IRAN.

77

part in the prayers (of the Deity) and in the joys
(of Paradise); he produces harm, and does thereby
no benefit; he is extremely vicious and is not of
a good aspect.” (C/*. Dastur Peshotanji’s Din-
kard, Vol. II., p. 97.)

It must also be observed that the allusion in
this same passage to an Aruman, or an inhabitant
of Asia Minor, somewhat strengthens the opinion
of the translator of the Dinkard as to the advo-
cacy of the Jew himself for the marriage with a
daughter, sister, &c. Dr. West admits that, in the
portion where anything like (conjugal love’ is
meant, “marriages between first cousins appear to
be referred to ” (p. 410). The passage runs as
follows:—“ There are three kinds of affection
between the offspring of brothers and sisters ”

(according to Dr. West, p. 404) : “one is this,
where it is the offspring of brother and brother ;
one is this, where the offspring is that of brothers
and their sister; and one is this, where it is the
offspring of sisters.”

It is only to this passage, or to the period when


78

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

it may have been composed, that we can ascribe
the development of the idea of marriage relation-
ship between cousins attached to the term Kh/ve-
tuk-dasih under the erroneous interpretation of its
ambiguous paraphrase KJwish-deheshnih, which
occurs in it. Here the term implies the different
degrees of union,—first, between supernatural
powers and the Deity; next, between supernatural
powers and mankind ; then, between the first man
and woman,—hence the bond of moral or social
union in a tribe, race, or family. But it confines,
as is expressly indicated in the Persian Ravayats,
love or marriage union among mankind only to
such of the cousins as are described in the quota-
tion abovementioned. The idea of KJwetuk-dad,
denoting an act of forming relationship between
cousins, has rarely been expressed again in the
subsequent Pahlavi writings, nevertheless it has
been preserved in the later Persian Ravdyats
by Kdmah Rehreh, Kaus Kdmah, and Nariman
Hoshang.

Now, regarding the passage in the earlier part


IN OLD IRAN.

79

of the 14th Fargard of the Bagdn Nash, it may
well be remarked that the Khvetuk-dasih of Spen-
•darmat and Ahura Mazda here referred to, accord-
ing to Dr. West’s translation, is again an allusion
to the communion of two spiritual powers for the
creation of man, and not an indication of marriage
between a father and a daughter. Dr. West,
likewise, observes (p. 196):—“ This quotation
merely shows that Khvetuk-das referred to connec-
tion between near relations, but whether the sub-
sequent allusions to the daughterhood of Spendar-
mat had reference to the Khve,tuk-das of father
and daughter is less certain than in the case of
PahL Yasna, XLIV. 4.” The same might also
be said concerning the passage from the Seventh
Book of the Binkard mentioned at page 412,21
where we are informed, according to Dr. West’s
translation, only about the Fhvetuk-dasih of Mash-
ih and Mashyanih.

Likewise, concerning the passage inserted ir-

#1 Vide S. B. E., Vol. XVIII.


80

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

relevantly in the Pahlavi Commentary to stanza
4, Yasna, Chapter XLIV., which refers to the
fatherhood of Ahura Mazda and to the daughterhood
of Spendarmat. The passage is rendered by
Dr. West (p. 393) thus:—

“ Thus I proclaim in the word that [which he
who is Auharmazd made his own] best [Khvetuk-
das~f By aid of righteousness Auharmazd is
aware who created this one [to perform Khvetuk-
das~\. And through fatherhood (of Anharmazd)
Vohuman (referring to Gayomard) ws cultivated
by him, [that is, for the sake of the proper nurture
of the creatures, Kkvetuk-das tvas performed by
him]. So she who is his (Auharmazd’s) daughter
is acting well, [who is the fully-minded] Spendar-
mat, [that is, she did not shrink from the act of
Khvetuk-das]- She was not deceived, [that is,
she did not shrink from the act of Khvetuk-das>
because she is] an observer of everything [as
regards that which is] Auharmazd's, [that is,
through the religion of Auharmazd she attains to
all duty and law].’'


IN OLD IRAN.

81

From this quotation it is easy to see that here
the reference is plainly to the particular super-
natural Klwetuk-dasih of Ahura Mazda and
Spendarmat, and not to any practice of next-of-kin
marriage among the old Iranians.

The passage in the latter part of the Eighteenth
Fargard of the FamsAtf-mansar Nash, evidently
describes, as the heading r-tf

actually indicates, the nature of the resurrection of
the first parents of mankind, viz., Mashih and
Mashyanih, their birth and union after' the entire
annihilation of evil, and the renovation and the
reformation of the human world.

In reference to the passage in the Ravayat,
however, it may be^ suggested that the Pahlavi
expression Rlivetuli-dasih levatman borddr va bent-
man vaduntan, as used in a couple of sentences,
might well denote the exercise of the gift of com-
munion with the Almighty, or self-devotion, in
association with one’s mother, daughter or sister;
in a word, it must have been considered as highly
commendable and meritorious that a whole


82

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

Zoroastrian household should be given to devotion
or pious resignation to the Will of the Supreme
Lord of the Zoroastrian religion.

There now remain two passages which claim
our particular attention. One of these belongs to
the book of the Arda Viraf, another to the Din-
kard in the Twenty-first Fargard of the Bag an
Nask. The passage in Viraf in which European
scholars discover the alleged practice of marriage
between brothers and sisters, runs as follows :—
“ Viraf had seven sisters, and all these seven sis-
ters were like a wife unto Viraf.”—They spoke
thus: “ Do not this thing, ye Mazdayasna, for we
are seven sisters and he is an only . brother, and
we are all seven sisters like a wife unto that
brother.” Here arises an important question,
whether it is possible to conclude hence that
those seven sisters were actually married to Viraf,
or that they were merely dependent upon him
for their sustenance, just as a wife is dependent
upon her husband. It is, indeed, characteristic
that the sisters do not call Viraf their husband,


IN OLD IRAN.

83

but their brother, and they further regret that
the disappearance of their brother from this life
should deprive them of their only support in this
world. Again, the Pahlavi word chegun^

“ like, ” implies a condition similar to that of a
wife and not the actual condition of a wife.
Such an expression of similarity was quite unne-
cessary, if those sisters were actually the wives
of Viraf. On the other hand, there is a difference
in the words of the two oldest texts from which
all subsequent copies were transcribed. A copy
which is preserved in the collection of Dr. Haug’s
MSS., and dated Samvat 1466, has quite a differ-
ent word—zanan, “ wives, ”—instead of aklitman,
“sister.” If we should accept the former word,
the meaning would be “ Viraf had seven wives,
who were all sisters.” By-the-bye it is difficult
to conceive how Viraf, one of the most pious men
of his day, should have been so luxurious or
licentious as to take as his wives all his seven
sisters, an instance altogether unparalleled in the
whole history of Ancient Persia. The passage in


84

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

question, I believe, expressly points to an instance
of the dependent condition of women not
unknown to the Zoroastrian community, of unmar-
ried sisters or daughters being wholly supported
in life by parents, a brother or even a brother-
in-law, as well as to an extreme case of rigid
seclusion on the part of Viraf, and of his austere
exercise of acts of piety, devotion, and self-
denial.

The other passage which is assumed by the
English translator to be a reference to the.
marriage of father and daughter, and “ too clear,”
according to him, “ to admit of mistake, though
the term Khvktuk-das is not mentioned,” is
cited from the middle of the Veheshtuk-Yasht
Fargard of the Bagan Nask. The contents of
this Fargard are summarized in a Pahlavi version
of it, and found about the end of the Dinkard.
Regarding this ambiguous citation, it may be
observed that it admits of more than two signifi-
cations, the choice between which is made to suit
the particular construction and interpretation


IN OLD IRIN

85

adopted by the translator. Generally speaking,
this Twenty-first Fargard of the Bagdn Nask
seems to esteem, among other acts of religions
credit, the exaltedness of a modest attitude of
respect, which a woman observes towards her
father or husband. “ Tarskasih dyen abitar va
sho&” is an expression which denotes, literally,
“ awful respect to one’s father or husband,” and
is a special point of female morals frequently
urged in the sayings of old Iranian sages or high
priests. The same idea appears to have been
inculcated by this passage of the Bagdn Nask,
which, if rendered accordingly, would put for-
ward a meaning quite different from the one
expressed by Dr. West, who gives his version of
the Pahlavi text as follows (p. 397) :—

“ And this, too, that a daughter is given in
marriage to a father, even so as a woman to an-
other man, by him who teaches the daughter and
the other woman the reverence due unto father
and husband.”

According to my humble interpretation, the


86

NEXT-OF-KIN MARRIAGES

passage would convey quite a different idea. I
translate the passage thus :—

“And this, likewise, (is a virtuous act), that a
woman pays respect to another man (or stranger),
just as it is paid by a daughter to her father,, in her
womanhood or married condition, through him who
teaches his own daughter or any other woman respect
towards one's father or husband.”

Here we have a religious position ascribed to a
person who inculcates on women a modest and
respectful behaviour towards male strangers and
nearest male relations. This passage does not
expressly imply any notion of marriage 5 on the
contrary, it points to modest reverence which in
every Oriental community is due from a woman to
a male stranger, from a wife to her husband, or
from a daughter to her father, &c.

Even if we should accept the interpretation of
Dr. West,—as one might be constrained to do by
the ambiguity, obscurity, or erroneous transcrip-
tion of the original text of all the Pahlavi pas-
sages under inquiry,—still it would be difficult to

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