Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

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JOURNAL OF THE PALESTINE ORIENTAL SOCIETY
VOL. V


THE PALESTINE ORIENTAL SOCIETY
JERUSALEM

Patrons:.

H. E. Field Marshal the Viscount Allenby G.C.B., G.C.M.G.
H. E. Field Marshal Lord Plumer G-.C.JB., G.C.V.O.,

G.B.E., A.D.C.

The Right Honourable Sir Herbert Samuel G.B.E.

Board of Directors:
Dr. Max L. Margolis President
Le Rev. Pere Gaudens Orfali Vice-President
Dr. T. Canaan Vice-President
The Rev. Dr. Herbert Danby Secretary
Dr. w. F. Albright Treasurer
Prof. J. Garstang Director
The Rev. Pere Dhorme Director
Sir Ronald Storrs Director

Editor of the Journal:

The Rev. Dr. Herbert Danby

Editorial Advisory Board:

Dr. w. F. Albright
Dr. T. Canaan
Le Rev. Pere Dhorme
Dr. Leo Mayer
Mr. Davtd Yellin


THE JOURNAL

OF THE

PALESTINE
ORIENTAL SOCIETY

VOLUME V
1925

JERUSALEM



PUBLISHED BY THE PALESTINE ORIENTAL SOCIETY
1925


PRINTED BY w. DRUGULIN, LEIPZIG (GERMANY.)


TABLE OF CONTENTS

Albright, w. F. The Administrative Divisions of Israel and Judah . . 17

Ben Zvi, J. Historical Survey of the Jewish Settlement in Kefar-Yasif 204
Canaan, T. Mohammedan Saints and Sanctuaries in Palestine (2) . . . 163

Eliash, M. The Cuthites and Psalm 74................................55

Jaussen, Le Rev. Pere J. A. Inscription arabe du sanctuaire de Sitt

Sulaymiyah, au mont Ebal, a Naplouse........................75

Mallon, Le Rev. Pere Alexis. Des Hyksos et les Hebreux..............85

Margolis, Max L. Presidential Address................. . . 61

MayerD.A. De Blason de 1Amir Salar................... . . . 58

Arabic Inscriptions of Gaza. II.................... . .64

Stephan, Stephan H. Dunacy in Palestine Folklore . . 1

Animals in Palestinian Folklore.................. ... 92

[Arabic Supplement . . . . .............. I]

Tolkowsky, s. Gideons 300....................... .... 69

New Tight on the History of Jaffa............................82

Book Reviews......................................................218

Treasurers Report for Year Ending, Dec. 31, 1924 ............................ 162

Members of the Palestine Oriental Society.....................................223




LUNACY IN PALESTINIAN FOLKLORE

STEPHAN H. STEPHAN
(JERUSALEM)

IT sens lather cult give an ex t definition of luriacy sine
as the proverb says, there are many ways in which it may manifest
itself. Anything eccentric, out of the way, contrary to custom, may
fall under this head though it may be everything but lunacy proper,
e. g, walking alone in tlie moonlight, talking loudly to oneself, thinking
aloud, laughing to oneself without an obvious reason, and similar
unconsciously performed habits. The Arabic term yjnun ( (
applies to a state of mind in which a person is possessed by jinn.
The category of lunatics majamn (plural of majnun 2) comprises in
our opinion the Roman division into furiosi, dementes and mente capti.
Although the grades of derangement of intellect differ obviously, yet
they are assigned to the same category.

The Bible relates some cases of derangement of mind. King

Nebuchadnezzar (Daniel 4 33) and Saul (1 Samuel 19 24) we would
classify as lunatics. The latter stripped off his clothes . and -lay
down naked all that day and all that night and an evil spirit
troubled him 4 (1 Sam. 17 14). The Gospels thus describe the possessed
one: He wore no clothes, neither abode in a house (Luke 8 27) but
had his dwelling among the tombs (Mark 5 3). Although he had been

1 yjnun is denominated from jinn, spirits (angels and devils) also something
liidden from the eye, unconceivable, yet believed to be existent (Muhit il-Muhit).

2 majnun like maskun in the case of a house inliabited by a sakuneh or rasad,
-both spirits.

3 An epileptic is subjects to sucli fits. Cfr. proverbs 6870.

4 Cfr. proberbs 5354. We may also say about sucli a -person: yssitun
(il')yrd, il? afrit) rakbd, the devil is riding Ilim, in explanation of some strange,
queer action of a usually sane person.


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kept bound with chains and fetters, he brake the bands and was driven
by the devil into the wilderness (Luke 8 29). He was exceedingly
fierce (Matth.8 28), so that no man might pass that way. This is
exactly our present-day view of the lunatic.

A majnun is now the laughing-stock of all. Nobody likes to have
anything to do with him. His illness is counted as a crime2 nobody
cares for him, and he is left to himself and to the grace of God who
is expected to help him and heal him, for God has inflicted the
madness upon him as a punishment In this way lunacy is considered
as something divine." 4 But aside from this the lunatic is believed
to be inhabited by jinn, who manifest themselves through him. In
common parlance we use about thirty synonyms for the word majnun,
which, although they do not cover the meaning exactly (being sonae-
times originally intended to convey another idea), yet are used

expressly to convey a meaning parallel to insane, lunatic," etc.
They are mostly of the ]passive forms maful and mufacal, rarely
ma
majnun being lunatic possessed absolutely mad m a
fit of passion; being mad with joy or anger
furious.
U)h (state of) madness; lunacy.
lid stupid; silly; fool.
babal stupidity, silliness, foolishness.
bablaneb stupid acts, etc.; nonsense.
babaloneh fool, simpleton.
mabwut crack-brained.
bait liauwat ; madden, annoy.
a1t idiot, crack brained.
bauteb maddening noise, etc.
A. mal crack-brained (from the same stem as ^'^,poet).
5. maruS startled; head trembling from old age.
. mansum corrupt of mind.
mahxuus crack-brained,, over-excited.

1 People nowadays believe that he roams about in the wilderness, his, rather
than among the graves.

2 If one may say so, although no one reproaches the idiot for his derangement.

3 The common belief is that God has taken the mind of the lunatic before-
hand. (Artas.)

* xli alii ahi rableh


STEPHAN: Lunacy in Palestinian Folklore

3

las
haus *
8. mafu
. mahlu
t maji
jtdab
jadbeh
mabu
ymhabbal
habaX
mazmu ,
matiuus
matwuh
.ymwib
.ymwahhyt
. ymsarsab
syrsab
. ymsarsct
masru
19. ymtarta'
20. ymnaTyd
yrnnafycl
. ymhaXXys
. ymkammyl
ymdamuys
ymharbyt
26. hatileh
hlXeh
, ymtarmah
28. ym'ar'd
29.. ymmahmal
30. ymharhys ,
31. muhtall ys-s11ur

crotchet, monomania, insanity.

idiot, fool.

crack-brained, eccentric.

intoxicated, paralysed.

imbecile, idiot.

imbecility, idiocy, furor sanctus because
caused by a good spirit.

craziness, madness.

disordered in brain (by grief or love),
insane, crack-brained,
madness, unsoundness of mind,
bewildered, dazed by fear (or love),
mad.

mad.

remaining under the influence of the jinn
coming within their reach.

crazy, without brains.

mytsarsyb over-excited by love, fear
or grief.

touch.

epileptic, insane, sar' epilepsy,
do. kalb masru mad dog.
tartu stupid, fool.

with disordered brain.

having dusted (his brains and thus lost them),
finished (having no more brains),
completed (having no more brains),
being like a dervish, careless, absent minded,
delirious.

idiot.

imbecile.

crack-brained.

clattering, crushing, rumbling (denoting an
empty skull).

dazed, ..crazy, deranged in mind.

tinking, jingling, crack-brained.

(originally classical),,-having a
disordered mind.

1*


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From the legal point of view a lunatic is not punishable for the
deeds he commits during his benighted state. Before the law he has
the same rights which the minor enjoys. Like the minor he has a
trustee according to whose decision he may marry. But if both
parties are insane, a marriage cannot take place. If the husband
becomes insane during the marriage the woman has the right to ask
the qadi for a divorce, which will be granted to her in case her
husband is irrecoverably lost. The man on his part may either
divorce a wife with a deranged mind, or, if the case is less serious,
await her improvement which is left to his entire discretion. He
cannot be forced to divoice her although lunacy may make a
marriage null and void. No evidence of a lunatic is accepted before
the court.

It is not necessary, that a person must be inhabited by a spirit
to be considered insane. There are symptoms which we are apt to
regard as signs of jinn, even when they have no relation whatsoever
with them. In every case, in which such manifestations of a deranged
intellect are noticed, the man of the street is inspired by reverence
to those hidden forces of unknown origin which appear in the lunatic,
thus giving him supernatural influence the bahlul has the halo of a
saint 2

The causes of lunacy are manifold. The most important are surely
the jinn, which are divided into good and evil spirits, jinn rahmam
from God, and jinn sitani from the devil (1 Sam. 16 14). Both
kinds may cause the disease, although it is very seldom that the
good jinn inflict any punishment. They do so only in those cases in
which a person has committed a sin against universal moral laws.
But as they are good natured, burning of frankincense will reconcile

Somnambulism (Psalms 1216) hytym qdmari, lunatic dream, qamrah,
waking or walking in the moonlight, is not a sort of lunacy, but is due to
the influence of the intense moonlight, fiami, upon a sensitive sleepei.

2 This is to be understood cum grano salis, as far as the usual mad man is
concerned. But it is regular in the case of dervishes falling in ecstasy. It is
often very difficult to tell a true lunatic from a derwisli majdub in his holy rage.
Dr. Canaan, whom I have to thank for many helpful suggestions in this article,
brought to my notice tlie case of an old woman who used to go barefoot and
in rags, begging from houses and mumbling. Although she was mentally disturbed,
people used to give her liberal alms, on account of their considering her to be
a holy woman.


STEPHAN: Lunacy in Palestinian Folklore 5

them. The same method is adopted in the case of evil spirits, to
make them favourably inclined, if one is afraid of having roused
their anger. These latter far outnumber their good brethren. They
are known also as unbelieving" jinns to distinguish them from the
former, the believers." It is a common belief that female demons
are numerous. 2 Our idea about the activities of the jinn is that there
seems to be no particular class of them which consistently strives to
afflict the human race with insanity. All their activities along this
line being admittedly occasional, the 'afdrit (, plural of afrit
), who inhabit wells and springs, cisterns and houses, may safely
be considered as the mischief-makers par excellence! No difl'erence
exists between the activity of male and female demons, unless one
is inclined to consider the better half more wicked than the other.

A transgressor of universal moral laws must bear in mind that
he has offended the good jinn themselves. Defiling their dwelling-
places, no matter whether by word or deed, is among the causes of
lunacy. 3 Also a mother beating hei child on the thresholds or pouring
water out-of-doors, without, in the latter case, asking the earth jinn
for permission 01 even d!awing their attention to it, may entail
insanity. By disturbing them in one of the ways mentioned one is
liable to such punishment The manner in which it. is inflicted upon
The technical term is lazym ytbahhyr u-ythalli, you must burn frankincense
and offer sweets. It occurs very seldom that good jinn inflict punishment

they rather help men, contrary to the bad spirits.

2 From our standpoint this seems only natural, in accordance witli the common
belief in the inferiority of women.

3 Anything defiling the habitation of good and bad jinn irritates them. So
does coitus under a black fig tree or a carob tree, because these trees are their
usual dwelling place. (Cfr. Dr. Canaan: Mohammedan Saints and Sanctuaries.)

A threshold is the dwelling place of the jinn who inhabit the house.

5 Spirits are supposed to hover before the door, so pouring out of water
would irritate them. This is also the case when one urinates in fire or pours
water in it without asking permission. This leave must be applied for by
. dastur, Hadur, ya sukkan ynnar 3^tfarru la tytfa au.
By your permission, take care, 0 inhabitants of the fire. Scatter but do not
, Abegtahe id Volksmedizih).

It may also be inflicted upon a person shouting into a cave or a well
(cistern). The same applies to drawing water without asking for permission.
A girl of my acquaintance went to draw water from a well in the courtyard at
a rather advanced hour. She-must have forgotten to ask for leave or tlirown
the bucket so abruptly as to hurt tlie jinn in the well. What was the result?
Slie was at once frightened to death and has been paralysed .for ten years.


6 Journal of tlie Palestine Oriental Society

a person is of interest. The lunatic either receives a blow in the
face (2 Cor. 12 7) or he is shouted at (Acts 9 4); in some cases he
will hear words, sweet and tender (2 Cor. 12 4), which ravish him.
The latter may be the experience of those who by chance hear the
voice of the 'arayis (plural of arus, bride), our Arabic naiads, nymphs
and dryads in well, spring and tree. All these manifestations are
known mostly to the person affected only,2 rarely to someone else
(cf. Acts 9 7 and 22 9). Nearly all insanity is caused by jinn; every
other cause is exceptional, e. g. the writing of .amulets to make an
enemy mad.3 The use of aphrodisiacs with wine or other liquids
may tend to cause temporary insanity. Then the seed of mandragora
officinalis, Sujja, tuffah il-majamn (besides three other variants of
the name) affects the mind for a certain period, so the plant, as
well as the fruit itself, is called lunatics apple. One of the foetida
is believed to cause madness in animals its name sekaran
indicates its inebriating effect upon the animal which eats it

The liaddah a sudden nervous shock is also partly responsible
for the derangement of the human mind. Even small children are

But if he does not follow tliem they may inflict upon him one of the
following ills: fever with fits, paralysis of the face, disturbed speaking due to
paralysis of the tongue, hysteric fits, melancholy, and other similar mental troubles.

2 Even after heiug cured such a person always remembers the sweet,
enchanting voice (Cf. Canaan, Aberglaube und Volksmedizin, p. 14).

As people do not boast of such a success, a similar case may be described:
From a reliable source I heard lately that a man of Nablus succeeded through
an amulet in compelling a married woman, who hated him exceedingly, to ask
for divorce from her husband, whom she loved ardently. She left instantly for
Jerusalem, where the writer of the amulet was staying tempoiarily. He ascribes
this to tlie magic forces of tlie syhyr by virtue of which he forced the jinn to
obey him and to turn the womans mind towards him, so that he^ could ulti-
mately marry her.

* Some years ago a well-known person of Jerusalem had fits which led his
acquaintances to believe him mad. As he was a habitual drinker he is generally
thought to have been given a medicine, which caused his derangement. He
recovered later.

5 The ripe fruit of the mandrake is yellow and of the size of a green gage.
The smell is aromatic and resembles (also in taste) that of the musk melon.

Hydrophobia in common belief is caused by evil spirits, who have taken
their permanent abode in a mad dog. Also other animals are believed to become
possessed. Thus the ardiyyeh, epilepsy, attacks the cow, which may be possessed
periodically, in occasional fits, or for life with a bad temper, etc. The evil
spirit harms the possessed animals. Is this not a parallel to Luke 8 33?

In reality the hdddah is a predisposing cause.


STEPHAN: Lunacy in Palestinian Folklore 7

affected by it, and if the symptoms are combined with convulsions
then they are surely of demoniacal origin [Dr. Canaan]. Although
we do not believe in inherited insanity, superstitious people know
that coitus nudus, also the act performed in the open (or during
menstruation [Dr. Canaan] affects the mentality of the child to be
born, if it be not the one and only cause of inherited lunacy.
Nervous trembling of an overexcited person may also be ascribed to
the haddak Some, hold the opinion that love combined with any
other sudden enaotion, such as sorrow, grief or fright, is apt to make
a man mad. Paralysis is one of the serious manifestations caused
by the irritation of the jinn by men. Epilepsy is another illness
inflicted by the evil spirits (in this case jinn tayyar, flying jinn
[Dr. Canaan]). Hysteria, melancholia, neurasthenia, etc. may also be
attributed to the evil spirits. Then there are non lunatic symptoms
caused by jinn, e. g., the nervous impotence of a husband, who
temporarily cannot fulfil his marital duties, much against his will.
During this period he is considered as being bound up by those
spirits, marbut (Dr. Canaan).

Despite the proverb that there is no remedy for madness 2 we have
a number of ways in which we contrive to drive evil spirits out. The
following is an enumeration of more or less happy methods used.
Prayers3 are often said, with burning of incense, which has been
famous since antiquity for its efficacy in expelling evil spirits. In
some cases the recitation of magic words (tazim) would be appropriate.*
Some also try the lnjab, amulet, with equal success. There is

The relation between love and insanity is a special subject of its own. In
my article Palestinian Parallels to the Song of Songs there are different
passages dealing with love which drives the lover mad. But the classical example
of tragical love is the majnttn leilah, a certain Qais ibn Aniirah who died A.D. 700.
If a man loves his wife ardently, she may be supposed to have given him a
love potion (saato gtyyeK), which may sometimes be as bad as that which caused
the death of the poet Ovid.

2 See proverb 22.

5 Matth. 17 21 which op.inion we share.

4 This summer I heard of the case of a father, who went to a certain exorcist
in Jerusalem to get him to expel the evil spirits from his epileptic son. As the
charge was excessive- (the man aslcing five pounds Egyptian and a sheep) the
father returned without having achieved anything.

5 A Seh south of Jerusalem ordered the gall vesicle of the white carrion
vulture for the epileptic.


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Journal of fclie Palestine Oriental Society

something of a system in the work of exorcists among the Moslems.
The order of the Qadriyyeh, called after h 'Abdelqadir yl-K a I
(Gilani), of whom a descendant of his spoke to me as amir id- didia,
prince of saints, and whose maqam is in Bagdad, usually takes
charge of the treatment of lunatics. In the district of Majdal Sadeq
(Majdal Yaba) the descendants of a certain D mrah replace the
Qadriyyeh order. This Pamrah is supposed to have suckled the baby
Prophet, wherefore she and her family have been endowed with
superhuman forces against the jinn.[ In Der Gassaneh the family
of Rabi act as exorcists.

The lunatic, according to their treatment, must observe a special
diet, liymyeh. He is given only a certain quantity of food, of special
kinds only, mostly unleavened bread. Imprisonment in a dark room
or in a dry cistern must be undergone. Occasionally he will be given
a special medicin, nasqah, for inhalation. It is so astringent that he
falls into a state of deliriuna, but later comes lethargy, whereupon
he is supposed to have improved. Or he may be cauterized on the
back of his neck or the top of his head. A. sort of naassage is also
used, but seems to be less effective than beating the mad person
with a pomegranate stick, which possesses special virtue.2 As a very
curious treatment I naay mention the belief, that possessed women
may be cured by regular sexual intercourse with their husbands.
The jinn in the vicinity will then say to the demon who inhabits
the woman: Eheu! Homo ponet penem suum in anum tuum! where-
upon he is ashamed and bydbal, fades away, leaving her forever! 3

Christians (and also Moslems) used to take lunatics to the monastery
of St. George at el-HacIr, a village called after the Mohammedan
name of this saint, in the vicinity of Bethlehem. This monastery
was formerly an established lunatic asylum, where insane people were
brought for a treatment 4 such as was considered the best in Europe

One wonders whether this family name (after the ancestress) is not a survival
of matriarchy.

2 The pomegranate tree is never inhabited by jinn therefore it is nsed
against them.

3 A jinni leaving a person is not supposed to return. But against this ct'.
the passage Matth. 12 43 ft., dealing with the evil spirit which returns with seven
others worse than himself.

Under quite usual conditions the patient would be healed in a fortnight
or three weeks, (statement of the muhtar of el-ad)


SrrEPHAN: Lunacy in Palestinian Folklore 9

up to some two centuries ago. The abbot of the monastery was in
charge of these unhappy creatures, who were kept chained (Luke 8 29)
night and day to the walls of the church. To-day this practice has
ceased and th'e Government has a lunatic asylum near Bethlehem
which employs modern methods. But in those days the saint, in the
person of an old man, appeared to those chained, and unloosed the
chain from their neck. Such a person, considered by St. George to
be sane (or harmless?) and set free by a miracle, was sent home
without further difficulties. For God will surely heal such a person,
for the sake of the intercession of the eternally young Hadr.2

In the following I give a number of pioverbs, proverbial sayings
and conveisational phrases regarding the insane:

A. Proibs:

1. 'asat yfonajnun Jjasabeh The stick of the
lunatic is a beam. This children's phrase is used to ridicule
a person who attacks his adversary in anger (with a piece of
wood).

1 masri/yzyat (ri/yyat, mason) byd/iu 'a-balat (masabyb)
yl-lirnmamin [*- [] [
The money of fools is squandered on the flag-stones
(stone benches) of bath-houses.

1 rama hajar Ur, alf aj ma talo
A fool has thrown a stone in a well, and
a thousand wise men cannot raise it. A fool asks a question,
which cannot easily be solved. An inconsiderate person does
something, which cannot be undone.

4. ma ly'aTyl majnun ilia majnun Nobody
but a lunatic can make a lunatic prudent (as they are supposed
to understand each others mentality).

1 Beating the lunatics was considered in mediaeval ages a cure for insanity.
" Tormentis optime curatur . fame, vinculis, plagis coercendus est .
Celsus III, 18 (quoted from Preuss, Biblisch-Talmudische Medizin). But the
practice seems to be much older; cf.Jer.29 26.

1 111% bytb kirmat %1-hadr rabbna bysmaXlo filia. Yor
than other saints, being revered by Christians and Mohammedans alike.


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5. ma hada byfham il-majnun ilia l-majnun

Nobody but a lunatic unterstands a lunatic. Cf. story
below.

Ma ydrdar mik naa yktar.

O ornament of the house there are many lunatics like you!

7. ikajanin kaman ulad nas Lunatics are
also people of standing (lit. sons of men).

8. ijijnun ifnun Lunacy is arts (crafts, moods, manners,
sorts). A lunatic may have very curious and shrewd ideas.

9. ijijnun drbaah u-(ysrin Sykyl (qyrat)

]] There are twenty four sorts (degrees) of lunacy.3

10. ij-jnun 'ala alf no Lunacy may be of a
thousend (different) kinds.

11. tartylo lytla' myn yhbal '$10 Just
tap him and he will lose his cleverness (lit. depart from cleverness
of his mind).

^ n myu salal] by-2-2at sar ma3
Not everybody who strips his clothes off has become
a lunatic. (Cf. 1 Samuel 19 24.)

13. mdliyd ijntino by-fntind He has insanity in
all its branches.

14. u fann He went raving mad and behaved like a
thorough madman.

15. ynjann u lialas (Hannah Shadeh) byddo fsddeh [^
4 ] He is completely insane (Hanna Shihadeh) he
needs bleeding. Childrens rhyme the name is inserted for the
sake of the rhyme.

The cause is, that the inhabiting jinni speaks through the madman. When
a sane man talkes to a lunatic he will not understand him, because he is different
from him. But having the same behaviour, manner and way of acting a majnun
will at once understand his fellow sufferer.

2 This alludes to a story which relates how a silly woman, in her husbands
absence, parts with all her money for the pompous name zint yd-dar (ornament
of the house).

3 When dividing the inheritance according to the serial it would be divided
into (usually) twenty-four qirdt, this number being a sort of a common denominator.

4 Bleeding is also considered a remedy against lunacy.


STEPHAN: Lunacy in Palestinian Eolklore

11

]6. yb'at met yl-'a'yl wa la t/Lvassih Send
the intelligent man on an errand and do not give him instructions."
Used ironically. Presumably derived from the classic ylfat rasulaka
'aqilan la tusiJii, a well known hemistich.

17. Ho mytil uwyt ikajamn He has the
strength of madmen (Mark 5 3).

18. ymal 'ctyl majnun Play (the role of) a lunatic
and a clever person (Cf. 1 Sam. 21 13).

19. yn suft tawil '? by-fiCdan 'tild . .
If you meet a tall man, condole with him on the loss of
his mind.

20. tawil habil Tall = idiotic.

1 tawxlCyn) yahlu mxna-abdl(yr $
No tall man is free from idiocy (of classical origin).

22. ij-jnun maid dawa There is no remedy for folly.

23. is-sakran ahu-l-majnun The drunkard is the
brother of the madman.

24. safar il-majanin fi kawanin Pools journey
in Deceinber and January. As this is the rainy period no one
likes to travel then.

yddarabat - w-xl-ama, liasbatlra -r-rana xyn ha
The lunatic
woman and the stupid woman came to blows; so the foolish
woman thought it her duty (to interfere).

1 xr-rana 3aaj? Hma masat kyn barhasat \
The present to be given to a foolish
woman is oyster-shells; whenever slie walks they will tinkle.

Vciya bythal majlxeb bxjtl: hawajbxk rntfruneh
A blind woman plucks
the (superfluous) hairs of a mad woman; she tells her: Your eye-
brows are joined (this being considered beautifying).

This is expressed contemptuously in the proverb: yt-tul tul yn-nahleh u-yl-
ayl *a l yssahleh (rhyme), The height is that of a palm-tree, but the brain is
that of a kid. Used of a man with good stature and a questionable intellect.


12 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Idiomatic sayings, conversational phrases:

28. 'ado bzdiudd His brain is shaken, stilled.

29. 'aid clyrr His brain is harmed, injured.

30. 'ado myzz His biain is sour, tasteless.

31. 'add 'ajyr His brain is sour, unripe.

32. 'ado ncCso gdhveh His brain needs (another)
boiling. This and the four preceeding phrases imply that a
person is not quite sane.

33. 'ado bytity tamuttu' ^ His mind pays an income
tax. He has too much of it (ironically).

34. 'add ymtalmas His brain is completely benighted.
He has no intelligence.

35. 'ado ymharbat His mind is deranged.

36. 'ado bulu ( His brain is shaken, stirred.

37. 'dZd mytl illi bydarri fi-t-tybyn
His mind is like one who winnows straw.

38. 'ado (muldid) yabys (nasif) [ [] [ His brain
has dried up (is hard).

39. 'ado jozten (Mfen) a-jamal [] His
mind is (equivalent in weight to) two nuts (variant: two sandals)
on a camel.

40. 'ado dtimeh or dameh mitl 'ad il-majanin []
His mind is bewildered like that of lunatics.

41. tar 'ado myn ha-sisofeh His 'mind flew
away at this sight. (Over-excitement.)

42. hada majnun buthutt 'adak fi 'ado?
This is a fool, do you take him seriously? (lit. Do you compare
your mind to his?). Said to appease one of two parties quarrelling
or disputing, etc.

43. majnun illi by allyl 'ado ma'ak
(He is) a lunatic who lessens his intelligence (so as to be
mentally on a level) with you! Said to cut short a futile dis-
cussion; also used reproachfully. Slang.


13 STEPHAN: Lunacy in Palestinian lklore

\ 10 byil (bull) aiami ajnu-bylah# il" .
He who follows a lunatic must be more
foolish than he. Variant: ma bylahy il-majnun ilia ajann mynnd
No one follows the lunatic except

.a still crazier one

\ biai 1 mgu %Vma3un germa a3ct
No one is more foolish than a lunatic but he who 1

speaks (seriously) witli him.

Lunatics 46. il-majamn byfhamu rala bad
understand each other according to common belief.

The more 47. kidlma lahtitd bynjann aktar
you press him (worry, vex him) the more rabid, (violent, furious)

.he gets

He needs to be bound. I. e., he has the 48. byddo rabt
furor melancholicus, he i'S mad. Also used for an unmanageable,

uncouth, clownish, boorish person.

Leave him, 49. dassrak mynno liada majnun
(.he is insane. (Do not have anything to do with him

There are ants .in his head. His raso namyl .50
mind is not quite in ordei.

His brain is wormy. () 51. dmdyo ymsauwiseh
Did I come to 52. ana jay haaTyl majdnin

convert lunatics into wise men? This is none of my business.

If (only if) I was a 53. dnja lawanny majnun

lunatic (would I have done this).

He has a lunatic [] 54. surS Cyrj yjnun
vein.

A vein of lunacy has affected 55. sabo "yr yjnun
.him

His actions (doings) amailo ramayel majanin .56
.are those of lunatics

There is no bigger fool than lie. ajann mynnd .57
It drives one mad [] (58. igi byjannin (biiydsb
(by force, against ones will). Impatient exclamation at something


14 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

unendurable or unsupportable. hada (isi) byjannin
It 18 ravishing. Said of the eyes of a woman, her gait,
beauty, etc. Cf. the hemistich: sawad i'yund jannanni
The darkness of his eyes has distiacted, ravished me.

59. injann tamarind (lamanno) saf ha-s-sofeh []
He went mad when he saw this sight (saw it).

60. injann fill He is crazy for it.

61. sabs byjannin An unsupportable, unaccountable
fellow, who drives one mad.

62. zdyy il'kalb il-masru' Like a mad dog.

63. yb'ylmi MU(£ kan sain kif tannd -njann?
? Since I know he was ,just now sane, how is it
that he has gone mad?

4ammalak bytharhyt, hod 01< sarbeh ta-trte
You are in delirium take a drink (purgative) to get
sober. To a person talking nonsense.

65. byhati mitl ikajanin (His mind) pours
forth like that of lunatics. He talks nonsense.

66. majnun nil ma hu mitld (He is not a fool,
but) lie is a fool who is not like him.

Ina mazjanxn ma cal zynt ya sahb yt-a .
. We are all of US crazy, but 0 you clever
one! (Ironically.)

68. dsbat ijnuno He has proved his lunacy.

69. djat sato His hour has come. He is now raving,
so beware of him. Originally used for the fits of an epileptic.

70. sabatd krdiyyeh The earth has touched

hinl. He is now raving. Also -originally conveying the meaning
of epileptic fit.

71. darabo -j-jinn The evil spirits have struck him.
Applied originally to epileptics.

1 Variant: tamanno symy has-sawiali or hal-habartyyeh . . when he heard
this report (or news).


STEPHAN: Lunacy in Palestinian Folklore

16

In conclusion I give three anecdotes ahout lunatics, which illustrate
their behaviour. They are retold after the Arabic, version current in
Jerusalem.

There was once a lunatic who fell into a dry cistern. He shouted
and screamed and people came to his rescue. They threw him a
rope and told him to bind it round his waist. But he did not follow
their advice and in spite of all persuasive words kept on refusing.
Everybody was at a loss how he could be helped, for they began to
fear for the lunatics life. Fortunately it happened that a man
passed by. He looked at the crowd and then, without speaking a
single word, fixed his eye on the insane man sharply. Then, pointing
with his finger at him, he gave him a sign to come up. The lunatic
at once understood him and climbed out.

Some lunatics once had a holiday. They went strolling about the
countiy until they came to a pool. The day was hot and so they
decided to sit down and wash their feet. They let them hang down
and forgot all about them. It was not until late in the afternoop
that they decided to go home. But how to get up, when nobody
knew which were his feet? They began to quarrel with each-other
about them. One said: These are my feet, and the other said:
No, they are mine. The noise was great and none of them knew
a way out of the difficulty. In the midst of all this fighting about
the feet a man happened to pass by. He listened to the noise and
was greatly astonished to see them in such confusion, no one being
able to tell his own feet. He asked them about the cause of their
trouble and they implored him to help them kindly to find out each
ones feet. So he disappeared and returned soon with a bunch of
pomegranate sticks. Now, he said, 111 strike at random and
whoever -feels the blow let him draw out his feet. He heat them
all soundly, one by one, until tlie last of them had drawn his feet
from the pool. They all fell upon his hands, and kissed them, thanking
him for helping them out of such a great difficulty.

Pomegranate sticks are, in addition to their enumerated virtues, also more
supple and durable than other sticks, equal to the rattan, a fact well known to
schoolmasters, who cut the branches and use them freely in and out of season.
It is said, that the strokes given by them are more painful than those given by
any other stick.


16

Journal of the Palestine 01'iental Society

A madman ,one took old of a child and ran off with him. Upon
the boys loud screaming the mother came to his rescue, but could
not catch the madman. He fled from the crowd which followed him,
and climbed up the steep staircase of a minaret. From there he
shouted to the onlookers: If anybody tries to come near me. 111
throw the boy to the ground. All the time he was holding the
youngster tightly in his arms, while nobody knew how to deal with
him. At last the idea struck a man that only another lunatic could
deal with the one on the minaret and save the boy. It did not take
long before they came across the man they needed. He brandished
a long stick, yelled threateningly at tlie first madman, who was still
on the minaret: Shall I begin to saw this minaret (variant: cut
this minaret with this two edged sword) and throw you down, or are
you willing to restore the hoy to his mother? Alas, cried the first
lunatic, Ill do whatever you want, sir, only please do not scare me
so terribly. And he gave the boy to his mother.


THE ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISIONS OF ISRAEL AND
JUDAH

. F. ALBRIGHT

(JERUSALEM)

IN these days vhen the .^alestine in adninistt?

districts is causing so much perplexity to the mandator power,
there is a special interest in determining how ancient Palestine was
divided for administrative purposes. It is true that in those days the
question of efficiency, as we understand that term today, had hardly
come up at all, since the arrangement of districts followed time-honored
trihal or territorial traditions, modified from time to time by fiscal
convenience. Yet centuries of experience have an uncanny way of
producing results often equivalent to the conclusions of trained
efficiency experts; man learns, slowly but surely, and the clash of
rival departments of government, continued thiough many reigns,
leads to the elimination of causes of friction and sources of loss.

It is quite possible that even the scholar will not remember off-
hand any sources for knowledge of our subject, but our materials
are now quite respectable, though largely unrecognized. The Old
Testament contains one passage of great importance, though very
corruptthe list of Solomons district governors, 1 Kings 4 7-19.
The precise geography of this list remained very obscure, however,
until the treatment by Alt, in 1913. We will defend his results
below against some recent indirect attacks, and endeavor to carry
the investigation of the passage in question further. The other
materials are mainly inscriptional. For Judah and Israel we have the
1oyal jar handles, whose exact significance is even yet misunderstood,

, Israel's Gaue iter Salomo, Alttestamentliclxe studien Rudolf Kittel,

Leipzig, I913,.pp. 119,

2


18

Journal of the Palestine 01iental Society

and the new ostraca from Samaria In the Egyptian texts and the
Amarna Tablets we have important sources for the administration
of Palestine under the Egyptian Empire, while the Assyrian lists
and other documents provide valuable information as to the Assyrian
administrative divisions of Palestine.s A recent paper by Klein
furnishes useful hints from parallel divisions of the Graeco-Roman
age. 4

The first traces of an organized system of provincial administration
in Palestine appear in the period of the New Empire, but it is more
than probable that this system was inherited from Hyksos or Middle
Empire times. Our knowledge of details is still fragmentary. The
administrative capit-al of Palestine was at Gaza, while that of Syria
seems to have been at Simyra. Only two of the Egyptian viceroys
of Palestine seem, however, to be known by name, Ama h tpa or
Amenophis and Ya h mu (Yanh 6). Besides, there were at'least
two classes of lower officials, the rabisu and the hazanu! The rabisu,
inspector, was evidently a tax-collector, though the viceroy was
also, as we learn from the Taanach letters, compelled to act in
serious cases of delinquency. The hazanuti were local prefects, but
their relation to the semi-autonomous local chiefs, of the awilu and
krru classes, is not clear. I.t is quite certain that there were
Egyptian garrisons in all the important centers, by the side of the
native princes, and the officials in charge of .them may have been
called hazanuti by the Syrians. The district unit was naturally the
domain of the local awilu, chief, or krru, prince, king, which
varied greatly in size. The territories of the princes of Jerusalem,
Megiddo, Accho, and Hazor, for example, were very considerable.

2 N0v published by Reisner in Harvard Excavations at Samaria, pp. 227246.

3 Conveniently and illuminatingly discussed by Forrer, Die Provinzeinteilung
des assyrischen Reiches, Leipzig, 1921, especially pp. 56-70.

>, Haluqat Yelah we-hag-Gall Sefer haSSanah Sel Eres Yisrael,
Tell Aviv, 5683 (1922-23), pp. 2441.

5 Cf. JPOS IV, 139-140.

His name is sometimes equated with * Yanam, corresponding to a Hebrv

* Yin am, but the hieratic transcription Ynhm shows that this is wrong cf, Ranke
in Knudtzons edition of the Amarna Tablets, p. 1171 below. Weber still equated
the name with a Yan'am, but this is certainly wrong. Of course the cuneiform
had to serve for the five' laryngeals eain, ghain, ha, ha and ha, since the first
four were not represented in this script directly.


ALBUHT: The Administrative Divisions of Israel and Judah

19

as these petty states went. The land belonging to Jerusalem at that
time, to judge from the indications of the letters from this city, can
hardly have been less tlian two hundred square miles in area. The
prince of Hazor is strong enough to rule all eastern Galilee, and the
new letters published by Thureau-Dangin show tliat his territory
bordered on that of Pella, thirty-tliree miles away in a straight line.
Others, like the chiefs of I achish and Ashkelon, controlled very
small principalities indeed. Then again there were confederacies, like
the later Horite tetrapolis northwest of Jerusalem, and there were
still other tracts occupied by Habiru, and hence in a primitive tribal
condition which must have been just as li.ard for tlie Egyptian tax-
collectors to oversee as similar Bedawin groups on both sides Jordan
have proved for the Turks in naore recent times.

With the settlement of Israel in Palestine, extending and con-
solidating the occupation begun centuiies before by the Habiru, or
Hebrews,8 we find a remarkably regular system of tribal districts
introduced, and preserved with surprising fixity for many generations.
It is true that we do not know the exact date to which we may
ascribe the tribal divisions and boundaries indicated with such care
in the book of Joshua, but there can be no doubt whatever that tlie
compiler did his best to reconstruct the pre-Davidic map of Israel. 9
Since it goes without saying that t'he boundaries had changed in the
centuries that had elapsed down to the Exile, no one could have
made a successful reconstruction without careful historical research
or the use of old documents. Since the reconstruction appears to
have been remarkably successful, it follows that old sources were
used by our priestly compiler. It should be emphasized in this
connection, that the account of the distribution of the tribes is very,
accurate and logical the confusion and contradictions found in our

Cf. Dhorme, RB XXXIII (192), 9.

8 The present writer hopes to discuss the problem of the Rabiru at length
soon, in opposition to the growing tendency to separate tlie Rabiru and the
Hebrews cf. especially Dhorme RB XXXIII, 12-16 and JPOS IV, 162168.

The attempt, to separate the documentary sources of the tribal geography
of Joshua, chapters 119, seems, to the writer to liave failed, nor does the.
latest analysis b'y Eissfeldt. Hexateuch-Synopse, pp. 230*ff. commend itself. The
trouble isthat the criteria are insufficient. Tlie probabilities seem to point
toward a compilation of JE in the seventh century Ps additions were very
slight and unimportant.

2*


20 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

present text disappear almost entirely after a thorough application
of our new methods of textual criticisna. These methods, which will
he developed in a series of monographs on the topography of Palestine,
consist in the restoration of the Hebrew text which underlies the
versions and the reconstitution, as far as possible, of the original
Hebrew text underlying the former. Such reconstitution of topo-
graphical documents is much more objective than the reconstruction
of poetic texts now so popular with Old Testament scholars. The
sanae principles of textual corruption are utilized, but the somewhat
elastic norm of metre is replaced by topographical facts, which
usually fuinish US with a certain measure of the correctness of ou
results. A good illustration of this method will be furnished below,
in the discussion of 1 Kings 4.

While, as just observed, we cannot be certain as to the exact
date when the tribal boundaries of the Book of Joshua were fixed,
and the comparison of the limits of the tribes of Judah, Simeon,
and Dan shows a certain amount of superimposition, at the same
time it is highly probable that they continued to be valid down to
the time of David. The Solomonic reorganization, of which more
hereafter, follows the old tribaf divisions as closely as the new
conditions established by David's conquests and the shifting of trade
centres allowed, so we may safely assume that David organized his
fiscal system on a tribal basis.

Were we in possession of the original numbers of the Davidic
census, whicli was no doubt arranged according to tribes and clans,
respective administrative districts and precincts, we should naturally
have material of the gieatest historical value. The writer believes,
however, that we do have garbled versions of the Davidic census,
preserved in Num. 1 and 26. It has long been recognized that these
figures cannot possibly refer to the number of Israelites who came
out of Egypt with Moses, nor does Petrie's extraordinary attempt to
reduce them stand before the slightest criticism. Yet they cannot

Petrie has presented his hypothesis several times the latest publication
of it is in Egypt and Israel, London,-1923, pp. 4046. It is curious to the las
degree, but undoubtedly possesses the virtue of ingenuity. According to Sil
William, the thousands (1alafim) in the census lists should be rendered
families, while the hundreds represent the total number of individuals in all the
families, i. e., in the entire tribe. Thus the 46,500 of Reuben in Num. 1 should
be rendered 46 families with 500 people, giving each family an average 01'


ALBRIGHT: The Administrative Divisions of Israel and Judah 21
be explained solely as priestly speculation on the principle of
gematria They must have a basis of some kind. Since no census
can well have been made before Davids time, and there is no record
of any having been made after, even in the divided stateswhere
it would naturally follow the later administrative divisions we can
hardly escape the conclusion that our figures belong to the census
in question. It is easy to see how the figures may have been dis-
sociated, through some misunderstanding or accident, from their
connection with the history of David, and erroneously referred to
the numbers of the tribes in Moses time. It can hardly be accidental
that both lists belong to the latest of our pentateuchal documents,
the Priestly Code. That the lists are garbled versions of the same
original may be mathematically proved.2 This fact naturally proves
that they had a complicated history befoie reaching the hands of

eleven for this tribe. The total number of Israelites dwindles to 598 (or 596)
families, with 5550 (or 5730) people, including men, women and children. Absurdly
small as this figure is for a nation wliich was to conquer all Palestine, it can
hardly appeal to the most conservative. The pliilological objections, however,
make the theory impossible. The Hebrew elefi aldfim (Petrie prefers to use the
Arabic plural alaf despite the fact that the latter never means clan) means
properly clan, main subdivision of a tribe, never family, tent(!) as he imagines.
The word elef is used in Jud. 6 15 for the Manassite clan of Ab iezer, whicli
included several towns and villages in central hlanasseh (see below). In 1 Sam. 1019,
23 23, etc., it is also used for the clan as the largest subdivision of the tribe.
In Numbers the word occurs several times as a synonym for tribe itself e. g.,
Num. 116, 10 4, etc. Originally, of course, the meaning clan, tribe connoted a
group of several hundred to several thousand individuals, wlience it came to be
used for the next decimal number above hundred. In the same way the Assyrian
cognate of Heb. le'k tribe, people, nation, means thousand (limit).

u No proof has ever been given tliat any of tlie 01iginal numbers of the
Old Testament were invented by means of isopsephism. Yet, since the process
was well known to Hellenistic liistorians, and is known to have been used in
Mesopotamia under the Sargonids, the possibility that it was employed by the
compilers of the Priest Code does certainly exist. It is not unlikely that the
total of 603,000 (not counting the hundreds!) in Num. 1 is due to the fact that
the numerical value of is 2 10 150t 10 200 + 1300 b 1 h 30 = 603. In
case this is not a mere coincidence (cf. the commentators) it can only be due
to a slight modification of the original numbers in order to produce the required
sum. Coincidence plays such tricks, however, that one should be wary.

12 In the following table I am endeavoring to illustrate the processes of
corruption, not to restore tlie original numbers, which would naturally be
impossible. Yet the result cannot be far wrong in most cases, and may safely
he made a basis for computation. Judah and Manasseh have the largest numbers.


22

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

the priestly, editor, since the numerous transpositions can only be
explained if we assume that the original -census list was handed
down in tabular form for a long period of time, being copied often
and carelessly enough to produce the two divergent recensions we
have seen. If the table had an independent documentary liistory,
dissociated from a fixed context, its separation from the Davidic
census is easy to understand.

Simeon and Benjamin the smallest, just as to be expected. The only surprises
are in the case of Dan and Ephraim, whose populations are too large and too
small, respectively, though we must remember that there were two sections of
Dan to be counted; perhaps we should interchange the numbers.

Tribe Num. 1 Num. 26

Reuben 46,500 43,730 (46,500)
Simeon 50,300 22,200 = (22,200)
Gad 40,500 (40,500)* 45,650
Judah 74,600 = 76,500 (73,730)
Issachar 54,400 = 64,300 (54,400)
Zebulun 57,400 = 60,500
Ephraim 40,500 (45,600)* 32,500 = (45,650)*
Manasseh 32,200 (69.300) = 52,700 (64.300) s
Benjamin 35,400 '(32,500)* 45,600 = (31,500)
Dan 62,700 = 64,400 (62,700)
Asher 41,500 53,400 = (45,400) *(45,400)1
Naphtfoli 53,400 = 45,400 (53,400)*
Total 603,550 601,730

In this table the numbers in parentheses represent the results of transposition;
either simple, in which case the parentheses are marked with asterisks, or complex,
where one digit is preserved unchanged by the transposition (except in (a), where
the process is slightly more complicated). As will be noted, tliese simple shifts
have resulted in eiglit exact eauations and two practical identities. The process
of alteration in individual numbers with preservation of the original totals is so
common in ancient chronological tables that no surprise can be caused by finding
the same principle at work in the textual transmission of census lists. For
instance, the Babylonian King List B has altered the original lengths of reign
of the kings of the First Dynasty in such a way that all the numbers but two
are different, yet the sum remains approximately constant. Fortunately we can
point out precisely how this happened. The Babylon list ascribed 43 years correctly
to Hammurabi, while the Larsa list gave him 12 years there, because he captured
Larsa in the 31st year of his reign. The later scribe, liaving the two lists before
him harmonized them in the characteristic ancient oriental way by simply adding
them, thus creating the 55 years wliich Hammurabi receives-in B. He or a colleague
then miscopied the preceding number, writing 30 for 20. In order to produce
agreement with the original total, he proceeded to alter the otlier reigns, cutting
twelve years 1'rom the reign of gammurabis third successor, etc. Many exactly
parallel cases might be given, but this will suffice.


ALBRIGHT: The Administrative Divisions of Israel and Judah 23
An. important additional argument., .for:'.our contention,-that the
list in Numbers belong, .to..David may .be. derived 1'rom a comparison
of. the figures otherwise reported, .for. his..census. 1 Sam. 24 9 gives
-the number of warriors in Judah as 500,000 and in Israel as 800,000,
the census covering all Israel from Beersheba to Kadesh on the
Orontes (with (S). These numbers were naturally too low for the
Chroniclers taste, so he substituted numbers- which he must have
obtained from another, but respectable source, as will be seen
presently. 1 Chr. 21 5 states the numbers as 470,000 foi Judah and
1,100,000 for Israel. Even these figures seemed too moderate, however,
so he restricted the area of enumeration to'the south of Dan, instead
of Kadesh, and excluded the tribes of Levi 3 and Benjamin from
the census. This would imply a total of about 1,000,000, allowing
160,000 for each tribe, on the Chroniclers reckoning, or half again
as much as the total in Samuel. Numbers of this type in oriental
documents exhibit precisely the same laws of growth as chronological
numbers,!* so we may easily infer the underlying processes of sub-
stitution and addition by which they grew-processes which explain
without incriminating, since the ancient historiographer was seldom
dishonest, but frequently the victim of his point of view. In the list
of Numbers, as reconstructed above, the three tribes of Judah (Judah,
Simeon and Benjamin) have together 128,000-129,000, or 130,000 in
round numbers. The nine tribes of Israel proper have thus 470,000
(600000-130,000). But this is precisely the number assigned to
Judah by the Chroniclers souice, while the source in Samuel Iounds
it off to 500,000 for Judah. The Chronicler assigns Israel 1,100,000,
or 500,000 more than the total for all Israel in Numbers. Obviously
what liappened is simply this: a confusion arose between the total for
Israel (= Israel and Judah) and that for Israel (= the northern
kingdom). Some writer took the 600,000 for all Israel to be the
population of the northern group of tribes, and then not unnaturally

13 The Chronicler evidently overlooked the fact that the Davidic census must'
have included the Levites in the enumeration of the tribal districts through
which they were scattered.

14 Cf. especially the suggestive treatment of the growth of the Manethonian
numbers by Weill, La fin du moyen empire egyptien pp. 2^2267. Cf. also the
Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, V Journal of the
Am, Or. Soc.f vol. 43, pp. 326-29.


24 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

inferred that the other available number 470,000, or 500,000 in round
numbers, also assigned to Israel (== the northern group), belonged
to the other section of Israel, that is, Judah. The total resulting
from the addition of these two numbers was 1,100,000, precisely what
the Chronicler assigns to Israel as the northern group alone.
Evidently the process was repeated again, presumably by the
Chronicler himself, whose final result (apart from his elimination of
two tribes) is equivalent to the primary figures for Israel Israel +
Judah Israel! The coincidence is so striking that we cannot well
avoid combining the Chroniclers figures with those in Numbers. The
number 800,000 assigned in Samuel to Israel proper is probably to
be explained as 600,000 for Israel plus 200,000 for Judah, con
sidering the latter figure as a round number based upon the higher
figures for Simeon and Benjamin.

It should go without saying that the restored number of 600,000
for the total of Davids census includes the entire population, men,
women and children. That it applied only to the anse hail, citizen
soldiers, was a natural assumption of later scribes and historio-
graphers, used to the exaggerated numbers handed down by tradition.
Naturally, the idea that Israel then numbered some three millions
of persons is grotesque, as frequently pointed out. The total area of
Isiaelite Palestine, exclusive of the southern desert, was between
7000 and 8000 square miles, much of which, moreover, was arid, as
in the Jordan Valley and its adjacent slopes. What remained was
mostly limestone hill-country, badly eroded, and then largely covered
with bush. Besides, the Israel of Davids day was a nation of peasants
and shepherds, long decimated by external and internal strife, and
not yet engaged to any extent in commerce. If we compare it with
modern Palestine we shall find that the country has suffered severely
since then from bad agricultural methods and Turkish oppression,
but has gained greatly from its having become a centre of' religious
and idealistic interest, which receives vast sums of money annually
from abroad, making a heavy excess of imports over exports possible.
There is a striking parallel between the population of Western
Palestine today and in Davids time, if our estimates are correct,
which indicates that the gain and loss practically cancel each other.
If we subtract the total of 100,000 120,000 belonging to the trans-

jordanic tribes of Reuben, Gad and half Manasseh from the total


ALBRIGHT: The Administrative Divisions of Israel and Judah 25
of 600,000, we obtain'a remainder of about 500,000 for cisjordanic
Israel. To tbis we must add about 200,000 for the southern part of
the coastal plain, including Philistia (which was then surely more
populous than the hill country of Southern Palestine: 130,000 + half
of Dan), and perhaps about 50,000 for southern Phoenicia, including
the coastal plain from Carmel to north of Achzib, giving US a total
of 750,000just what the population is today.

The census of David is placed by tradition at the end of his reign,
so it is doubtful whether he lived to carry through the reorganization
of his fiscal and administrative system which was evidently con-
templated in the census. Indeed, the popular revulsion of feeling
caused by an ill-timed plague was presumably so strong as to dis-
courage an effort to utilize the results of his census.

What David could not do, Solomon did. The unique document
preserved in 1 Kings 4 7-19 (cf. above) gave originally a complete
list of his new administrative districts with their prefects and their
geographical extent. Unfortunately, it was damaged when it fell into
the hands of the editor of Kings, as follows from the fact that a
number of the personal names in the first half of the document are
lost, only the patronymics !*emaining, so that the upper right hand

15 The writer hopes to discuss the probable population 01 Palestine at various
periods of its history elsewhere in tlie near future. Prohably the total population
of Western Palestine in the Amarna Age was not far from half a million in
the time of David we may reckon on a fifty percent increase, while the population
of the country two centuries later may have been about a million. Sennacherib
tells us that 200, 150 people of Judah submitted to his rule, exclusive of the
population of Jerusalem. Since Hezekiahs bodyguard and a certain number ot
fugitives must be included in this number, besides those who escaped being
captured by the Assyrians, the total population of Judah may have been about
250,000, or nearly twice what it was in Davids time. This is only natural when
we recall that Judah was a wild country, overrun with robbers, at the time of'
Davids accession, while such kings 01' Judah as Asa, Jehoshaphat and Uzziah
immensely developed it, and greatly improved the security of the Negeb and
Shephelah. At the opening of the Christian era. when Palestine reached the acme
of commercial, industrial and agricultural development under a Hellenistic
civilization and the pax romana, the population may have been about a million
and a half, not including half a million residents of Eastern Palestine (Transjordan).
One of the clearest indices (aside from actual contemporary figures given by
reliable authorities) is furnished by the relative number of occupied villages.
More than twice as many ruins in the hill country were inhabited during the
Roman period as in the Early Iron Age.


26

Journal of tile Palestine Oriental Society

corner of the original papyrus sheet was evidently, broken off. The
document is.-- also in. a very corrupt, state of text, which perhaps
indicates that it had often beeh copied, before being incorporated
in the text of Kings, after whicJi it was relatively secure from further
corruption. It is easy to see why a record of such fundamental
administrative importance should have been copied often, so its
corrupt state is easy to explain.

We may translate the document as follows, discussing corrections
of the text in the footnotes:

1. [ ) son of Hor16 18 19 in Mount Ephraim.

2. [ ] son of Deqer in Mqs and in ga'albim and Bet-semeS and

Ayyalon and Bet-hanan.17

3. [ ] son of IJesed in Arubbbt; he had ko and all the land,

of Hefer.

4. [ ] son of Abinadab, all the nafat Dor; 18 (Tafat daughter of

Solomon was his wife).

5. Ban son of Ahilud, Taanach and Megiddo as far as beyond
Yoqneam, and all Bet-Sean below Jezreel, from Betean to
Abel-mehol ah which is near §aretan.9

16 itt points Hur, but the name is of Egyptian origin, as well known.

1 Read naturally before ; it was omitted by haplography after
which should be pointed as absolute, AyyaloUi instead of construct, Eldn. In
this paper we. transcribe pioper names either according to the familiar forms of
the English Bible, when they are common, or phonetically, when rare or in
process of philological treatment. Apparent inconsistency is absolutely unavoidable
if one is not to be unnecessarily pedantic.

18 Eor the fullest treatment of the nafat Dor cf. Dahl, Materials for the

History of Dori pp. 21-27. The expression cannot mean Heights of Dor,
since the ridge behind Dor is nothing but a low outcropping of rock, absolutely
bare, and only just high enough to conceal the beautiful plain which stretches
for miles beyond. Symmachus rendering h TrapaXla seems the best, and may be
etymologically illustrated by the cognate Arabic ndfnafoT nafndfi cliff, precipice.
Much of the coast between lat. 32 20' and Carmel, corresponding to our coast
region of Dor, is lined with cliff's. \

19 Read:

. The transpositions will be discussed below in the
text. The changes of reading are insignificant and obvious.


ALBRIGHT: The Administrative Divisions of Israel and Judah 27

6. a) [Uri (?)] son of Geber in Ramoth Gilead he had the hawwot

Talr (son of Manasseh which is 'in Gilead) he (also) had
the region of Argob (which is in Bashan, sixty large towns
with walls and bronze bars).2o

b) Geber son of Or in the land of Gilead; (the land of Sihon
king of the Amcrites and Og king of Bashan).

7. Ahinadab son of 'Iddo in Mahanayim.2!

8. Ahimaas in Naphtali [and Issachar?]; (he also married BaSemat
daughter of Solomon).22

9. Ba'n& son of Husai in Asher [and Zebulun(?)].

1. Jehoshaphat son of Ba h, Bealot(?).23

1.1. 1 son of Ela in Benjamin.

12. And a prefect (nasib) who was in the land of Judah.24

The first district ofi'ers no trouble. It presumably was coterminous
with the tribal limits of Ephraim. The second one clearly corresponds
roughly to the southern Dan, since three of the towns mentioned,
&aahm, Bet-Semeg and Ayyalon (so read for Elon), recur in the
list of towns of Dan. The enigmatic Mqs has probably been identified
correctly by Clauss with the Muhhasi2^ of the Amarna Tablets (cf.
EA 1347), not far from Gezer; in this case, however, we should read
Mhs, the medial q being due to contamination by the medial q in
the immediately preceding Dqr. The Egyptian spelling Mbs (Tuth-
mosis list, no. 61, between Yura and Joppa) offers no difficulty,
since a sameh or sin frequently become sade in Hebrew under the
influence of an adjacent het (partial assimilation). Be hanan is
almost certainly modern Bet-anan, a town on the Benjamite border, in
the hills five miles east of Yalo-Ajalon. Here again there is no phonetic

20 This and the following are doublets; see below.

21 Omit the directive .

22 For changes in the order and suggested additions in this number and the
following, see tlie discussion below.

23 The text has u-be'aI0t, which could mean either and in Alot, or and
Be'alot. Since the latter is a perfectly good place-name, while the former has
no parallel, the critical task is simple.

24 We sliould naturally connect Judah with the preceding, though it is
possible that one Judah has been lost by haplography.

25 The last syllable of this name is written zi, but in the orthography of the
Amarna Tablets ZI represents zi, si, and si.


28

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

difficulty, since het and 'ayin interchange repeatedly after a preceding
voiceless t in modern Arabic equivalents of Hebrew place-names.

The third district was erroneously located in southein or western
Judah until Alt proved that it corresponds to western Manasseh (op.
cit., pp. 29). There can be no doubt that his happy identification of
Sdko with iweikeh north of Tul Harem is correct Moreover, it
is, I believe, possible to secure more data bearing on the identifications
of Arubbot and the land of Hefer. There are two possible identifications
of Arubbot, both apparently new: the ancient site of Baba north of
Tubas (bib. Tebes) and Arabeh, eleven miles in a straight line
northeast of Suweikeh. Raba is too far to the east, and its name
clearly goes back to a Hebrew *Rabbah or the like, especially since
the ruined fortress just east of the modern village is called Hirbet
Rabrabah, i. e., Aram, rabraba, very great. The location of Arheh
is most suitable, and the initial ayin is easily explained by the
influence of the common place-name Arabah () which appears
as Arrabeh in modern Arabic.27 The land of Hefer is certainly
identical with the Manassite clan of Hefer (Num.26 32ff., 271;
Jos. 17 2). Since Hefer and the other Manassite clans are said to
be descended (i. e., derived) from Gilead, it was formerly supposed
that they ware actual Gileadite clans,28 in spite of the fact that
Abi'ezer, Gideons clan, dwelt around Ofrah (Tell Farah, at the

26 Both Jewish Socohs are now represented also by the name Suweikeh,
diminutive of sokeh, thorn. Such diminutives are very common in modern
Arabic forms of ancient place-names. This popular etymology happens to be
correct Heb. Swlc means hedge about (witli thorns).

27 Cf. Talmudic 'Arabah, modern Arrabeh north of the Sahel Bat Of in Galilee.

28 The form of the Manassite gene.alogy preserved in 1 Clir. 7 14-19 is in this
respect more accurate, thougli otherwise badly corrupted. Here we should evidently
read:-The sons of Manasseh: Asriel [Heleq, etc.(?)] ( is dittography of
the preceding , influenced by the of the next clause) his Aramaean
concubine bore Machir the father of Gilead (always stiongly under Aramaean
influence), (liere follows a strictly Gileadite genealogy) and liis (Machirs?) sister
Ham-moleket bore !shod (so?) and Abiezer and Mah all. And the sons of §em1da
were Ahyan(?) and Sekem and Liqh(?) and Anian (error forAbinoam?). This
genealogy is much more complicated than tlie simplified system of relationships
given by Numbers and Joshua. Abi'ezer is heie placed on a level with the minor
clan Mahlah, elsewhere daughter (granddaughter) of the major clan Hefer. Sekem,
instead of being a major clan, is tlie son of Semida tlie pointing with two segols
does not prove for a moment that this Skm is distinct from the town of Shechem,
especially since theoriginalpronunciationwas segh01ate,$a&w0f theAmarnaTablets.


ALBKIGHT: The Administrative Divisions of Israel and Judah

29



(

X

7 '

X

Edrei

Dheki

Ahtaroth.
ammat

Ramoth'K
MANAmW

*BeXh-shan yr

. Tyre

.Kadesh



0 ;
'1 'IX ' .Acchog



1
....

.Endor^! =

!

jbhzib

BETH-REHOB

:

|

;

41 REl8E..J

Ashkelon :

Jppt^

Bfeth-horon
Gezep-:-ZI

S0c0h

Hebron

JUDAH

.Mareshah,

Gaza

Ziklag



SIMEON

.Beer-sheba '


.Arad
I

HO AB

.z

head of Wadi Farah, east of Nablus), west of Jordan. Now, thanks
to the ostraca from Samaria, of which more below, we know other-
wise. Four of the six principal clans of Manasseh appear as districts
of western Manasseh, and two of the subdivisions of Hepher (which
is not mentioned itself) figure in the same role. These five sub-clans
(daughters of Zelophehad the son of Hepher) are called Mah ah,
Noah, IJoglah, Milkah, and Tirh. No all and Hoglah (cf. the name


30

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Bet-hoglah, of a town at the mouth of the Jordan) are among the
districts of Manasseh mentioned on the ostraca. The name Tirsah
helps us to locate the region occupied by Hepher more exactly.
Hitherto, Tirsah has been erroneously located northeast of Shechem,
either at Tallftzah or at Teyasir, but neither identification is more
than a pure guess, based upon a fancied similarity of name. In
reality the names cannot possibly be identified with Tirsah. We
have, however, a valuable topographic hint, which has not been
understood. 2 Kings 15 1416 says that when Menahem rebelled
against Shallum, he marched from Tirzah to Samaria, and at that
time (az) attacked and plundered Tappuah because that town refused
to admit him.29 Tappuah is stated to have been contiguous to Tirzah
(and he smote . her borders from Tirzah). Since Tappuah lay on
the border of Ephraim and Manasseh, between Mikmetat (Hirbet
M h eh el-F6qa)30 and the nahal Qanah (== Wadi Qanah) 3 it must
be located somewhere near the headwaters of the Wadi Qanah,32 and
Tirzah must be sought near it on the Manassite side of the boundary.
The writer is not yet ready to advance a positive identification, but
a location in the group of ancient towns with mounds and springs
just southwest of Gerizim appears practically certain. The district
of Hepher is then in southwestern Manassehprecisely where the
Oanaanite town of the same name ought to be according to the

29 offers instead of , as we should naturally read with <>Luc, which
has Tr. In old Hebrew cursive samek and waw are often indistinguishable.

30 The identification will be discuBsed in the Annual of the American School,
vol. IV. For the phonetic equivalence of spirated kaf and modern Arabic ha
cf. Mikmas=Muhmds, for the dissimilation of the second mem cf. NLeiron Merom.
The haplological ellipsis of the final t may have taken place in Aramaic.

31 There is not the slightest phonetic difficulty in identifying the Hebrew
nahal Qandh with modern Wadi Qdnah. Even Buhl was inclined to hesitate
about the identification because of the writing in the Survey of Western
Palestine, Name Lists, p. 248. Balmer, howevei, very justly observed that this
spelling was probably an error of the native scribe for . The present
writer has ascertained by careful enquiry that the form Qdnah is correct, no
fellah ever pronouncing Cana, as the peasants would if the word had an initial
kaf. I have elsewhere written erroneously Qdna = .

32 It seems practically certain that Tappuah lay somewhere above tlie numerous
springs at the head of the Wadi Qdnah, and a more thoiough searcli than I
have yet been able to make would probably disclose the mound which represents
its site. The Survey examined this not unimportant section of Balestine very
perfunctorily indeed.


ALBRIGHT: The Administrative Divisions of Israel and Judah 31
sequence in Jos. 12 17-18, where it is listed between Tappuah and
Aphek of Sliaron (Qalat Ras el-'Ain).33 Solomons third district,
therefore, included all the hillcountry of Manasseh west of the
water-slied, and probably also the district southeast of tliis, about
Shechem, Shalem, and Ophrah. The region of Gilboa, northeast of
a line IbleamBezek (JeninHirbet Ibziq) must have belonged to
the fifth district, as will be seen.

Solomons fourth district brings US to tlie nafat Dor,34 35 the Coast
of Dor, that is, the coastal plain between Joppa and Carmel, with
Dor, modern Tell Tanurah, as cliief town. This district was partly
formed by newly conquered territory, in apparent distinction to
Solomons other administrative districts, which were otherwise mainly
in territory already occupied by Israelites before Davids time. In
general, conquered territories were allowed to remain autonomous
on condition that they paid their annual tribute, though we may
safely assume that David and Solomon annexed many towns and
districts claimed by Israel but occupied by more powerful neiglibors.
To a ruler with such a great interest in the development of Israelite
trade, a firm foothold on the coast must have seemed necessary, and since
both the Philistines and the Phoenicians were too strongly organized
to be dislodged easily, the relatively weak and disunited towns between
were best suited to his purpose. The fifth district must have contained
nearly, if not quite as much conquered territory as the fourth, since
it included Megiddo and Beth-shan, which were certainly not Israelite
before the reign of David, as well as Jokneam, Taanach and other
strong Canaanite towns, which were probably also annexed by David.

Axiomatic as the identification of the Biblical Dor ( ,) with
the Egyptian Dr, Phoenician D'r, Assyrian Du'ru, ;Hellenic Dora
has hitherto seemed, it has recently been rejected by Phythian-
Adams, in connection witli his excavations at Tanturah.3 The
identification of this magnificent mound with the Hellenistic city was
already topographically certain, and the excavations have confirmed it.
The sections already cut in the mound have shown that the thick
Hellenistic-Roman stratum is underlaid by successive layers of
occupation from the Early-Middle and Late Bronze and Early'Iron,

33 See JPOS III, 50-53.

34 Cf. note 18 above.

35 See British School, Bulletin No. 4, pp 35-38 (by Mr. Phythian-Adams).


32 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

while the Sikel conquest seems to be marked by a burned layer
separating Late Bronze from early Iron. Phythian-Adams therefore
accepts the identification of Tanturah with all the extra-biblical
Dors, hut denies that it represents the biblical Dor. While such
independence does credit to ones love of truth, especially in view
of the excavators temptations, it must expect refutation. It seems
to the present writer that there can be no possible doubt as to the
identity of the biblical and extra-biblical Dor. Quite aside from
other considerations is the mere fact that Phythian-Adams identific-
ation of the biblical Dor with Tell Abu Sfi§eh36 would place the
fourth district in the heart of the fifth one, to which both Jokneam
and Megiddo, between which is Abu SuSeh, belonged. It may be
added that Tell Abu Suseh is a small mound, with several more
natural identifications at hand. The arguments advanced are all
general, and mostly too tenuous to grasp. The contention that the
biblical Dor is sometimes said to be in the district of nafat-Dor in
order to distinguish it from Dor on the coast is the most plausible
one, but is not convincing; we should not forget that Dor and Endor
(written as two separate words :En-doTi Eountain of Dor) are
confused in our text occasionally, and that nafat Dor may be added to
distinguish Dor on the coast from Endor. With regard to Jos. 17 11 -13:
Manasseh had in Issachar and Asher Beth-shean, Ibleam, Dor, Endor,
Taanach and Megiddo, Phythian-Adams says that we find Dor in a
context which limits US severely to the plain of Esdraelon. Since the
tribe of Asher was strictly maritime, and was entirely separated from
the plain of Esdraelon by the tribe of Zebulun, while the plain itself
was almost entirely counted to Issachar, it is evident that this statement
in Joshua must refer to the Dor on the coast, for all the other towns
are in Esdraelon. The reason why Dor so often appears in enumer-
ations with the Canaanite towns of Esdraelon is naturally that Dor
was the only city of importance in the whole stretch of coast west of
Esdraelon. Accho is considerably farther from' J^legiddo than Dor is,
and there are several easy roads across the low ridge south of Carmel.

The extent of the fifth administrative district is clear, though a
slight rearrangement of the text has proved necessary, since the present

36 Tell Abu Suseh cannot be called a dominating site by anyone who has
its situation well in mind. It is rather absurd to compare so small a mound
with Tanturah, to the disadvantage of the latter (p. 38 below).


ALBRIGHT: The Administrative Divisions of Israel and Jndah

33

order of clauses is in part quite impossible. The correction of the
order from abcdefg to abgcefd is imperative, since Jokneam is beyond
Megiddo, and Zarethan is near Abelmehlah, not Beth-shean.3?

37 There lias been much lack of clearness regarding Saretan, whicli is otherwise
mentioned in two passages, Jos. 3 16 and 1 Kings 7 46, both demanding a critical
treatment before being used. In tlie first passage the Greek enables US to restore
the original without difficulty. Happily, the writers reconstiuction of tlie Hebrew
text underlying tlie Greek proved to agree exactly with that of Professor Margolis,
the first authority on Septuagintal criticism, to whom the writer is indebted for
tliis valuable corroboration and an additional suggestion for tlie development of
the present Hebiew text. We may place the various stages in tlie textual history
of tlie passage together, explaining them afterwards:

1. Probable original text.....................

2. Text after scribal- dittography . .

3. Correction of text by prototype of iff .

4. Correction 01' text by MS behind .

5. Present text of () .....
After tlie letters had been corrupted to () tlie had to be inserted
for syntactic reasons. The otlier phases of development are perfectly simple.
The original then ran: And the water coming down from above stood still,
(and) rose up into a single mass as far from Adamali as beside Saretan. In
other words, Saretan must be souglit in the Jordan Valley some little distance
north of ed-Eamieh (Tell ed-Eamieh = Adamah). In this connection I would
like to recant part of my opposition to Sellins Gilgal theory and also to endorse
his theory regarding the original crossing of the Israelites by the Eamieh ford
(cf. Sellin, Gilgal, pp. 21 ff.). The second passage is 1 Kings 46 7 where it is
said that Solomon cast the bronze vessels of ihe temple in the foundries(?) of
Adamah between Succoth and Saretan. It is true that Moore, followed by
ethers, corrects maSbeh, foundry(?) to mabar, passage., here ford of Adamah,
but such an emendation is against the principle of ditficilior lectio. as well as
improbable in itself. Why should the bronze be cast in the 1'ord 01' Adamali?
The liapax legomenon, vnabeli, has a plausible etymology from the stem 'by, be
tliick, s.olid. 1 Chron. 4 17, the parallel passage, has corrupted Saretan to Seredata,
directive of Seredak, the name of an Ephraimite town (see note 40), but other-
wise offers substantially the same text. The compiler of Kings, whom tlie
Chronicler followed, has evidently made a mistake, transposing tlie towns; we
should read, in all likelihood: in the foundries of Succoth, between Adamah and
retan. Succoth is to be located at Tell Eeir-'allah, with the Talmudic tradition
(Succoth = Ear alah or Tar alah), which is in strict accord with tlie biblical
l'eferences and arcliaeological indications. But since this fine mound, situated at
the point where the Jabbok' emerges from the hills, is about eiglit miles nortli-
north-east of Tell ed-Eamieh, it is Succoth which lies between Adamah and
?aretan, not the reverse. Saretan must then be identified witli one of the ruins
lying about the mouth of Wad Kafrinjl or a little further north-say with Tell
Sleihat, about ten miles north of Tell Eeir-'allah. Eight-een miles north of ed-
Damieh is as far as we can place it, that is, far south of Beth-shan. In any
case, Saretan was beyond Jordan, and cannot possibly be identified with Qarn
?artabeh, Talmudic Sarah.

3


34

Journal of tbe Palestine Oriental Society

Apparently the clause as far as heyond Jokneam was accidentally
omitted, and later inserted at the end of the verse. The authority
of Baana thus extended from the extreme northwestern end of the
plain of Esdraelon through the entire length of the plain to Beth-shan,
and down the Jordan Valley to the region of 'Ain el-Helweh.38 The
southern border of the district must have passed south of the plaiD,
in order to include Taanach, presumably also Ibleam, and probably
the whole of Gilboa, with its southern and western slopes, since the
shape of the district would otherwise be most peculiar. The fifth
district thus corresponded to northern and eastern cisjordanic
Manasseh (using the term in its widest extent, as in Jos. 17 11), while
the fourth district included western and southern Manasseh. We
are unfortunately not told where Baanas capital was, but we may be
reasonably safe in conjecturing that it was at Megiddo, the largest
town in the, district. It is quite probable that the palace of the
tenth century B. c. at Megiddo, found by Schumacher and designated
by him as Solomonic, was actually the seat of Solomons son-inlaw.

With the sixth district of Solomon we find ourselves transported
across Jordan into Gilead. The statement concerning the organization
of this district occurs in two forms, one in verse 13 and the other
in 19. Hitherto it has been supposed that different districts were
intended, but a mere comparison of the two passages will show that
this can hardly be so. As a result of the duplication of the district
of Gilead, naturally owing to the insertion of a marginal variant
into the text at the end of the list, onether district, that of Judah
(the most important of all!) has been disregarded, in 01der to preserve
the number twelve. The original text of our document may have
read: Geber son of IJri (or Uri son of Geber) in Ramoth Gilead

38 Eusebius (Onom., ed. Klostermann, p. 32) identifies Abel-mehdlah with the
village of Bethmaela, ten Roman miles south of Scythopolis. This is usually
placed at the head of the Wadi es-Serrar (south of Beisan), where there are
numerous ancient ruins, at the right distance from Beisan. Tbe name Ain el-
Helweh may or may not be a popular etymology of Meholah. It may be added
that the name Bethmaela = Bet-meholah shows that the original name was Abel-
bet-meholah Abelhetma kah d. ab \ Bet ba atme on Bet-meon
and Ba al-me'dn for the same Moabite town, as well as numerous parallel cases.
Holschers identification of Abel-meh lah with Tell el-ljammi is difficult both because
the name is an ancient one going back to a Hammat (cf. Tell elljamml on the
Yarmfik=IJammat of the Setlios and Assyrian texts, etc.) and because it is only
eight miles from Beisan on a level and hence straight 10ad (ZDPV XXXIII, 17).


ALBRIGHT: The Administrative Divisions of Israel and Judah

35

he had the hawivot Ytiir and the region of Argob. As has been
seen by the commentators, the additions which have been indicated
above by parentheses are dne to the Deuteronomic editor (cf.
Dent. 3 4, etc.). No. 6b is erroneous in part, since the land of Sihon
belonged to the seventh district. The capital of our district, Ramoth-
Gilead, is modern er-Remteh in the northeastern corner of Gilead,
as now generally recognized.

The seventh district is that of Mahanaim, southern Gilead. The
si'te is not yet certainly known, though Dalmans identification with
Tull ed-Dhab is at present the most probable one.39 Hirbet
Mahneh is hardly possible. Mahanaim was the capital of Ish-baal
and later of David, during Absaloms revolt, so it was naturally
chosen to be the administrative centre of southern Gilead. The
border between the northern and southern districts may have been
the Wadi Yabis and Jabesh-Gilead, about half-way between the
respective capitals. On the south the district of Mahanaim doubtless
extended as far as Israelite Gilead under Omri, according to the
Mesha stele that is, Aarot-AttarS north of Dibon. This would
require a very respectable length of sixty miles in a stiaight line
for this district, which corresponds to the tribal divisions of Gad and
Reuben, while the sixth district represents the half tribe of Manasseh,
with very vague boundaries, since hazuwot Yair and Argob are little
more than names to US. We may perhaps conjecture that the sixth
district included northern Ajlfin. Join and southwestern Ilaur n, as
far as the borders of Geshur, Maachah and Beth-rehob.

The next three districts afford some ground for criticism. According
to the extant form of our source no.8 is Naphtali, no. 9 is Asher
and Alot (or Bealot), no. 10 is Issacliar. Two difficulties at once
present themselves. 'Alot or Bealot is wholly unknown and ex-
ceedingly puzzling, while Issachar alone, with practically the entire
plain of Esdraelon in the fifth district, becomes altogether too
insignificant. On the other liand, Issachai and Naphtali together
(with the little Danite settlement about Dan and Abel-beth-maachah)
make a very well-rounded prefecture, since Issachar is thus reduced
to a small district just south of Naphtali and with the same extension
westward. One number may,.therefore, be assigned to Naphtali and

39 Cf. PJB IX, 68.

3


36 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Issachar. The omission of the tribe of Zebulun from our list makes
one suspect that no. 9 should be Asher and Zebulun instead of
Asher and (Bealot, especially since Zebulun was also a small
tribe* whose territory fitted just as well together with that of Asher
as the reduced Issachar did with Naphtali. This leaves (Be) a ot in
the air. Now, a Be'alot is known in southern Judah (Jos. 15 24),
listed with a gioup of towns in the extreme southeastern pait of
Juda.h, east of Simeon. Be'alot is mentioned immediately after ,
Tim, which is probably to be identified with Sauls base of operations
in his Amalekite campaign (1 Sam. 15 4) , i. e. *TVm, following
most commentators. Since the section in question (around Arad and
south) is one of the obscurest in the topograpliy of ancient Palestine,
we cannot locate Be'alot exactly. We may suppose that the prefect
in Be'alot governed Simeon as well as the southeastern extremity of
Judah, and was thus in charge of the Negeb.

The eleventh prefecture was Benjamin, small but important because
of its central position and nearness to the capital. Our list tlien
closes with the words and a prefect who was in the land of Judah,
not even the name being given. To be sure, the end of the list may
have been damaged. Yet the brevity of the final entries, dealing
with districts which later passed into the hands of the southern
king, makes one suspect that our document, beginning with Ephraim(!),
originated in tlie northern kingdom. This suspicion is increased almost
to certainty when we note (see below) that the district of western
Manasseh (prefecture no. 3) seems to have been retained witli little
or no change until the reign of Ahab. Tlie curious fact that two of
the.prefects are expressly said to have married daughters of Solomon,
information apparently superfluous in such a list, perhaps has apolitical
reason. It is probable that certain prefects succeeded in establishing
hereditary houses, as so frequently in oriental states, botli ancient and
modern. Descent from Solonaon was certainly a high honor, even in the
northern kingdom, but only of importance politically in the case of a
noble family with old prerogatives to maintain. One suspects, therefore,
that the prefectures-whether real or titular of Dor and Naphtali
were hanled down in the families of Solomons officers, who were able
to ingratiate themselves with Jeroboam and maintain their position.

If our results are correct, Solomons division of the country into
administrative districts was preserved with few clianges, if any, by


ALBRIGHT: The-Administrative :Divisions of Israel and Judah 37
Jeroboam I and his successors. Jeroboam I. (927907 B. C.)4O was
a native of Seredah, modern irbet el-Baiaah above 'Ain geridah
in west central Ephraim.* Seredah did not, however, enjoy a central
enough position to make it suitable for capital of Israel, so Jeroboam
fortified Shechem and made it his residence. Shechem had the
advantage of being the most lioly site of' Central Palestine, with
some claim to be the seat of Hebrew r0yalty.42 But its location
was very poor for puiposes of defense, a fact whicli probably led
him to make Tirzah his capital, as we find was the case later in
his reign.43 As we have seen above, Tirzah must be located some-
where in soutliwestern Manasseh, probably just soutliwest of Shechem.
Tiizah remained the capital for over a generation, until Omri trans-
ferred it to his new city Bet-Omri,44 which continued to be called
by its old name Some1on,4 Aramaic gameen,46 while the official
name was forgotten, and is never mentioned even once in the Old
Testament. Note, however, that all three capitals are in the same
administrative district of western Manasseh, which tlius remained
the centre of Israel, and was presumably administered by a kind of

40 For this date of. the writers discussion to appear elsewhere. For the present
we may refer to the excellent discussion by Kugler, Von Moses bis Paulus,
pp. 154 ff., whose date of 929-909 B. c. must, however, be leduced two years, in
the light of the reduction of the date of the battle of Qarqar from 854 to 852,
required by the observations of Forrer, MVAG 1915, 3, 5-9, and Schnabel,
Berossos, p. 206, footnote.

4 For Seredah = Hirbet el-Balatah cf. provisionally Bulletin of the American
Schools, no. 11, pp. 5ff.

42 Cf. Sellin, Grilgal, pp. 1421. The Benjamite, Saul, was probably crowned
at Gilgal near Jericho, however. The existence of two liistoric Gilgals, one near
Sliechem, the other near Jericho, has led to much confusion in OUI biblical
sources, as well as to a similar confusion in post-Christian times e. g., an Ebal
and Gerizim near Jericho, etc.

43 1 Kings 14 17.

44 Tlie Assyrians naturally did not invent the term Bit-Humri for Samaria,
which can only have received this name from tlie f'ounder himself cf. Bulletin
of the American Schools, no. 4, p. 8 above.

45 Properly Watch-tower, or tlie like, German Warte. The hypothetical
original owner of the hill, Sl'iemer (1 Kings 16 24) is naturally an aetiological
invention of tradition, as generally recognized.

48 Assyr. Samerina, pronounced, of course San,even, since Assyr. s was pro-
nounced s, i = i and e, while tlie final short vowel was no longer pronounced.
Tile literary Aramaic Samerain is only an artificial 1 ack-formation for Samerent
like Yerusalaim for Yerusalem.


38

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

mayor of the palace."47 There can be little doubt that the shifts
of capital were all conditioned by the requirements of militaiy
strength, and that strategic position with reference to the lines of
communication had little to do with them.

Thanks to the recent publication by Reisner of the famous Hebrew
ostraca from Samaria,48 we are in a position to investigate the
Israelite administrative system on the basis of contemporary
documents, without being forced to resort to corrections of the text,
or deductions from relatively late sources. Reisners treatment is
good, though he makes no serious effort to identify the place-
names, which occur in the ostraca to the number of twenty-one.
An excellent beginning in this direction was made by Rere Abel
(RB 1911, 292-93), but little could be done until the final publication
of the original texts. Now we are in a position to identify nine place-
names with certainty and several more plausibly, while most of the
remaining places are also mentioned in the Old Testament.

On the basis of the illustrative texts translated by Lyon
immediately after the discovery, Abel identified Yasit or Yasot
(49 with modern Yasid, northeast of Samaria; Qoso (50( with
Qusein to the south; Softan ( ( with Sufeh, west of Samaria;

47 Cf. the Assyrian nagir ekalli, whose role in Assyrian provincial administration
was very similar.

48 Reisners publication is excellent in every respect. One wonders wliy he
did not follow up Abels lead, and identify the villages mentioned with their
modern equivalents. Abels paper is not even alluded to, 80 probably remained
unknown to the editors.

49 Jteisner prefers tlie form Yasot, which may be correct, since a parallel
like 1Almon'Alemet (Almot'l) == ttirbet 1Alvnit suggests that final ot may have
become it in Hebrew place-names passing through Aramaic channels to Arabic.
The d for Hebrew t is anomalous, and is perhaps due to an unclear popular
etymology somewhere in the liistory of the name. Heb. Salkah = Arab. Sulhad
may not be a parallel, since tlie Nabataean Slhd suggests that the similarity of
names may be fortuitous.

50 The vocalization Qoso (Reisner: Keseh) t like , may be regarded as
certain; the name is derived from qos, thorn. Arab. Qusein stands 1'or an
Aramaic *Qosen 1'or Heb. *Qoson, by analogy, like Madon-*Maden-Madin, Maon-
*Maen-Main, Sbmeron-Sdmeren, etc. Heb. *Qbson IS a metaplastic form derived
by analogy from tlie gentilic *Qosonij like SiloJ Siloni, modern Seilun, etc.

Softan (Reisner: Shiftan) is the probably correct vocalization, like qorbdn
frulhan, etc., where the dissimilatory tendency prevented the long a of the ending
from being obscured to b. *Softan perliaps became *Sofia in Aramaic, tlie same


ALBRIGHT: The Administrative Divisions of Israel and Jndah 39
Aza* 52() with Zaw a, to the south; and Sarur, Saror, or the
like (53 *( with Hirbet Deir Serhr, to the west. Hat-tell, the
mound," he identified with Till (i. e., Aram, tilla, mound) southwest
of Shechem, also mentioned in the ostraca, but this must be
considered more doubtful. I am able to add the following certain
identifications: IJaseOt () = 'As ret el-Hatab,54 east of Zawata;
Almaton () = Amatin,55 56 57 west of Till. Some identifications
require no mention, such as Shechem = Nablus, Geba* Jeba', and
Abiezer the district of Ophrah = Tell Farah. I would further
suggest the following more doubtful combinations: [ ] =
Hrbet Beit Far southeast of Tell Farah; Yoseb(?) 57 = Kefr Sib
near Suweikeh. /

When we apply these identifications to the elucidation of our
material (succinctly presented in tabular form by JReisner on

analogy operating in Aramaic place-names in an as in Hebrew on names. *Softa
was naturally regarded by the Arabs as possessing the Aram, feminine ending
(e)ta = Arab. atun = mod. eh so *Softa became *Stifeh, since the Arabs did
not then have an 6. The name is presumably an adjectival derivative from Heb.
*60 = Aram, tofet, dung, debris (Heb. Sefot, Arab, tafat for *tafat), in which
the final t is a stem consonant, contrary to the view which lias erroneously
obtained hitherto (the Arabic equivalent remaining unknown).

52 Azah perhaps had a doublet *Azot in the plural, as so commonly in old
Hebrew- and Aramaic place-names. Tlie Aramaeans then etymologized the name
as *Zaziyata, corners, which had to become Zawatd in Arabic. Again we must
emphasize the fact tliat many Arabic place-names cannot be philologically under-
stood unless we trace them from Hebrew through Aramaic into Alabic.

53 Reisner reads , which he transcribes Sherek, but this word would have
to be pronounced Soreq, a good Hebrew place-name. The final letter is half
missing in no. 42 and entirely gone in no. 48, but if the facsimile of the former
is correct it is clearly a res, as transcribed originally by Lyon. The modern
place-name Hirbet Deir Serur confirms this impression.

Cf. Gederot and Gederah; the Gederah of Benjamin has become Jedireh.
For the initial (ayin for ha cf. Bet-horbn Beit-Ctir, Hasor-'Asur, Hblbn-'Alin,
Anaherat (Anhoret ?) en-NauraJh etc. This intercliange is due to partial
assimilation, since ayin and ha are corresponding voiced and voiceless sounds.
The opposite change is also very common.

55 The l lias been lost by a dissimilatory tendency favored by the nasalizing
influence of tlie m; n and l intercliange regularly in Arabic in the presence of m
(malih = mnih, etc.). Reisners reading El-Mattan is naturally out of the question.
For Heb. bn = Arab, in cf. note 50.

56 For *Paran = Far cf. GiFon Jib, Bet-horon = Beit-'ur.

57 The impf. hiflil has seemed to be the most plausible form. Imperfects
used as substantives in proper names usually appear in tlie jussive form, as the
Writer will sliow in a paper on Yahweh-Yahu to appear in JBL


40 Journal of tlie Palestine Oriental Society

pp. 229-230), several facts become evident at once. The person
first named on each ostracon lias a definitely marked sphere of
activity. Thus, Gaddiyo figures in the chief place in connection with
shipments of oil and wine from Qoso, Azah, Haserot and Saq.
Shipments from tliese places do not concern any of the other persons
me-ntioned in the first place. Since Quein, Zawa and Asireh form
a homogeneous group of vi!ages,58 athwart the road from Shechem,
to Samaria, they are clearly part of a single district. Al no am,
again, is connected only with the district of Geba' and Yasit, located
by the modern villages of Jeba' and Yasid, northeast of Samaria.
No one else has anytliing to do with these towns. Our material is
unfortunately too limited in extent to furnish US full details;
Baalzamar is represented by only one ostracon, connecting him
with the district of SoftSfeh, and Yeda'yo is similarly associated
with Sarur-Deir Serur. Besides these men, who are thus connected
with villages or groups of villages, there are others associated with
shipments from entire clans or tribal subdivisions. Thus Ahima has
to do with s lida' (five ostraca), though Semida' was large enough
to require the seivices also of Eeles (ben) Afsah (one ostracon) and
of Heles (ben) Gaddiyo (five). Aa(?) Ahimelek, however, deals with
Heleq (six numbers), and with s lda' and Abi'ezer (one each) as
well. Finally there is Semaryo, with Abi'ezer (one ostracon) and
tliree towns. A[ ]t-paran, hat-tell, and Beer-yam (Beeyim?)59
presumably within the borders of Abi'ezer, especially if the first is
Efirbet Beit Far, as suggested above, and the third is the Beer of
Jud. 9 21, where the Abiezrite Jotham sought refuge from his half-
brother Abimelech. In view of the fact that the persons mentioned
were not, to judge from the fact that the ostraca were all found in
the store-rooms of Ahabs palace, piivate persons, there is only one
possible explanation for the phenomena just notedthey were deputy

58 This fact shows that Azah cannot be ezZwieh, to the north, as I thought
first, and that Haserdt cannot be A1ret el-Qibliyeh, to the south.

59 fteisners Beer-yam, West Well, is rather improbable, though possible.
Since leer is feminine, we may perliaps take the name as a dual, like modern
Arabic Birein, a common place-name. I may add that I have been tempted to
identify 'Ofrah of Abi'ezer with eTaiyibeh south of Tul Karem, since two othei
biblical *Ofrahs also appear as Taiyibet ellsm (cwAos) = eTaiyibeh. In this
case Paran is Far on south of Tul Karem, since Pharaoh is clearly a popular
etymology of an older name. All this is, however, more than doubtful.


A B RG 1/ : The Administrative Divisions of Israel and Judal!

41

tax collectors, whose business it was to gather the royal revenues of
the Samaria district. It can tlius not be accidental that the districts
and towns mentioned on these ostraca are all from the Solomonic
pi'efecture of western Manasseh, as already noted above.

Reisner lias rendered the characteristic formula of the ostraca
as follows: In the --year. Sent from (a !)lace) to (a person).
jar .of wine (or oil). To be credited to (a second person or
persons). Since the tax collectois must have gatliered the wine and


42

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

oil themselves, this translation of the first is improbable. We
should simply render: From (a place). Business of (tax collectors
name). To be credited to (name of person or persons from whom
the deputy received the taxes, either local officials or tax farmers)."
The preposition is frequently used in this sense (cf. Gesenius-Buhl
p. 367 a below). Reisner has not distinguished with sufficient clearness
between the two categories of persons mentioned in the ostraca, first
the royal officers, who serve for several towns or for districts, and
are so well known that their town is never specified, and secondly
the local dignitaries or tax farmers, whose duty it was to prepare
the way for the deputy.

As observed above, the ostraca are too few in numberbelonging,
moreover, to scatteied years (ninth, tenth and fifteenth of Ahab,
cir. 871852 B. c.)60_to enable US to draw a complete picture of
the fiscal organization of an Israelite prefecture. Yet we may locate
at least the principal sub-districts of western Manasseh in the time
of Ahab. Of the ten tribal divisions of cisjordanic Manasseh mentioned
in the Bible (cf. above), six figure in the ostraca: Shechem, Ab ezer,
Semida'. Heleq, No ah and Hoglah. Of these Shechem and Abi'ezer
require no further elucidation, while Noah and Hoglah, as sub-
divisions of Hepher (cf. above), belong probably southwest of Shechem.
If it were certain that Shechem is to be supplied on ostracon 43,
as plausibly suggested by Reisner it would follow that Hoglah
belongs in the immediate neighborhood of Shechem, since the name
0' Hanan (Bait) occurs on two ostraca from Hoglah as well as on
no. 43. In this case Noah may have lain farther to the west, beyond
Tirzah (see above). Heleq can be located with considerable pro-
bability south and southwest of Samaria, perhaps originally including
the site of the later capital. No less than three or four of the
persons to whose credit the taxes received from Heleq (nos. 2226)
are placed are stated to be from Haserdt. Since this number is too
large, comparatively speaking, to be accidental, Haerot must have
been located in the district of Heleq. All these ostraca are dated
in the fifteenth year, while the ostraca of Gaddiyo from Qoso, Azh
and Haserot are from the ninth and tenth years; it is, therefore.

60 Kugler: 873-854, but cf. note 40 above.

61 No. 43 fits on no. 44, which actually bears the name Shechem.


ALBRIGHT: Tlie Administrative Divisions of Israel and Judah 43
likely that these three towns were in Heleq, but that (addiyO was
replaced by Asa, (?) All melek between the tenth and the fifteenth
years. For tile situation of Semida' a hint may perhaps be drawn
from the fact that the tax collector for Heleq was also (as supervisor?)
entrusted with business in Abezer and Semida', a fact which suggests
that the latter lay between the other two, perhaps around Tall zah.
We have as yet no means of knowing the clan to which Softn 01*
Geba' and Yasit belongedpossibly to JJeleq or Semida', since they
are neai* the towns already discu8sed.62

Below, in connection with the administrative organization of Judah
it will be shown that the taxes in wine and oil from each distiict
were collected at the capital of the district, from wliich they were
either dispatched to Jerusalem, or distributed at the order of the
central government. The same systena may have prevailed in Israel,
though there is no way to prove its existence. It is, howevei,
interesting to note that Samaria was at the same time capital of
the land and of the district, just as was then the case with
Jerusalem-and is today.

While the eight prefectures of Solomon in Central and Northern
Palestine were apparently retainedthe ninth district, Dan, was
divided under Jeroboam and his successors, the extent of the
Northern Kingdom decreased considerably. The Syrians of Damascus
conquered all of Argob and Bashan, as far as the Yarmuq, and
Ahab lost his life in defending the capital of northern Gilead
Pamoth, modern Bemteh. After Ahabs death the Moabites revolted,
reconquering northern Moab, including Medeba and Nebo. The
important port of Dor probably was lost to Israel about this time,
though Israel appears to have kept a f'oothold on the coast down
to the fall of Samaria. At all events, the Israel which finally fell

62 Additional details for the geographical distribution of the Manassite clans
may be found in 1 Chr. 7, discussed above in note 28. Abi'ezer and Mahlah
appear as brother and sister, a fact suggesting that Mahlah may have been
situated farther east tlian the other clans 01' Hepher, perhaps in the region of
Salem and *Betdagon (modern Salim and Beit Dejan), south of Wadi Far ah,
where Abi'ezer is in all probability to be located. Shechem is the son of Semida',
which accords well with the apparent deduction 1'rom the ostraca. We must
naturally employ this genealogical material with caution for geographical purposes,
since the traditional relationships of clans and tribes do not always follow
geographical lines.


44

Journal of lie Palestine Oriental Society

into the hands of the Assyrians, in 733-721 B. c., was very much
smaller than that which Jeroboam had begun to 1ule. The Assyrians
created four prefectures, amen or Samaria,63 Magido or Megidd0,64
Galaz-G ilad,65 and Duru-D0r, on the ruins of the Northern Kingdom,
corresponding to four prefectures of Damascus, situated in Qarnen-
Qa ayim,66 Hauren-Hauran67 Damascus, and s at-Zobab.68 In
which province northern Galilee was included is not clear it may
first have been divided between Megiddo and Zobah, while after the
creation of the province of Tyre (Dur-Bel-Harran-sadua)63 64 65 66 67 68 69 it was
presumably assigned to the prefect of Tyre. Since the Assyrian
provincial organization is well sketched by Forrer, in the valuable
treatise above referred to, we need not go into further details here.

As we have seen, Judah emerged from Jeroboams rebellion with
only three and a half of Solomons administrative districts: Judah,
Benjamin, Be'alot and half of Dan. The division into four districts
was probably retained for some time, but in the eighth century we
find that a fifth district had been added, that of Ziph. The Jerusalem
district now has the old prefecture of Benjamin, and presumably the
northeastern part of Judah. The Hebron district probably corresponds
to the Solomonic prefecture of Judah, considerably reduced. The
Socoh district includes the Judaean Shephelah and thus corresponds
to the old prefecture of Dan, with a soutliward extension. The old
prefecture of the Negeb, with capital at Bealot, is now the district

63 Written generally Sa-me(mi)-ri-na; see note 45.

64 Written Ma-ga-du-u or Ma-gi-du-u'j u and 0 are not distinguished in the
Assyrian script.

65 Written Gal-'a-za; see Forrer, op. cit., p. 69. Hebrew spirated d (d) had
to be written or in Assyrian. Aramaic d is usually transcribed d in Assyrian
and z in Phoenician, i. e., Melid-Mlz, while Hadad-'ezer = Adad-idri, both for
Hadad-'idr, is ratlier a case of etymological substitution.

66 Written Qani-ni.

67 Generally written (Ja-u-ri-na.

68 Written Su-bat Su-bi-ti, Su-pi-te, Su-bu-tu. etc. Zobah probably included
the southern Biqa from south of Hasbeya to north of Baalbek, as well as the
,country to the east as far as into the Syrian desert. We need not doubt that
Hadad-ezers boundary actually reached the Euphrates, though in a rather vague
way, doubtless. Zobah seems to have risen on the ruins of tlie old Amorite state
and to have claimed the same borders.

6 Cf. Forrer, op. cit.} pp. 66f.


ALBRIGHT: The Administrative Divisions of Israel and Jndah

45

of Mamsat (Mampsis-Qurnub),7) while the region of Arad and Ziph
(with Beersheba?) has become a separate district with its capital at
Ziph, southeast of Hebron.

The source of this information is naturally the well-known series
of jar handle.s with royal stamps in Old Hebrew characters, containing
the inscription: Belonging to the king (occasionally omitted). Hebron
(Socoh, Ziph, Mamsat). Since the first discovery of jar handles
bearing these stamps at Jerusalem during Warrens excavations, they
have turned up in every excavation of a pre-exilic Jewish site (except
Tell el-Hesl), as well as on the surface of mounds abandoned after
the exile. They have been discovered at Jerusalem,72 Gezer,3
Jericho, Gibeah (Tell el-Ful),7 Azekah (Tell Zakariyah), Mareshah
(Tell Sandahanna), Tell eSfi fi (Makkedah),(', Gederah (? Tell
ej-Judeideh), Gederoth (? Tell ed-Duweir) and Shilhim (? Tell
elH weilfeh). Yet not one has been found in Philistine or Israelite
sites; all occur within the borders of' pre-exilic Judah, a fact which
naturally proves that they were characteristically Jewish, since con-
siderably over a hundred have been discovered probably over a
hundred and fifty, since the number found at Gezer was fairly large.
No parallel has been established between the provenance of the jar
handle and the place of' its discovery. Mamsat stamps occur as far

70 That Mamsat is the Roman Mampsis was first suggested by Hommel,
Expository Times 1901, p. 288, and the identification was adopted by Driver,
Modern Research as Illustrating the Bible London, 1909, p. 74, n. 5, among
others. The remark ascribed to Clermont-Ganneau in Chabots Reportoire, vol. Ill,
p. 51 (no. 1243) is a tissue of error and misprints; the old identifications with
Mareshah or with the (different) town of Moresheth-gath are impossible, and
the cuneiform spelling is Muhrasti or MuraSti, not Mumurasti. For the
identification of Mampsis with Qurnub, happily proposed by R. Hartmann, cf.
this Journal, vol. IV, p. 153, n. 1.

11 Tell ed-Duweir and Tell el H weilfeh (cf. Bulletin of the American Schools,
no. 15). That these mounds were abandoned after their destruction by the
Babylonians follows from the character of the pottery (second phase of the Iron
Age, no Persian).

72 Greville Chester in Recovery of Jerusalem, London, 1871, pp. 473-74;
Vincent, Jerusalem sous terre, plate XIII.

Macalister, Gezer, vol. II, pp. 20910.

74 Sellin, Jericho, p. 158.

75 In the excavations of the American School there a Mamsat stamp.

76 1 or this and the following identifications I must refer to a forthcoming-
monograph on the topography of Judah. I no longer believe that es-Safl is
libnah.


46

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

north as Jerusalem and Gibeah in Benjamin Socoh stamps have
been found at Jerusalem and Jericho Hebron stamps occur practic-
ally everywhere. It may be noted, however, that Socoh stamps are
the most common, probably because nearly all excavations in Judali
have been made in the Shephelah.

Since there has been a great deal of discussion regarding the age
and purpose of tliese jar stamps, and the latest views advanced differ
radically among themselves, it will be necessary to go into the
question with more detail.? It is not worth while devoting space to
a recapitulation of the theories first proposed by Chester, Conder
and others we sliall limit ourselves to a consideration of the views
of Clermont-Ganneau, Macalister and other scholars of authority.
Macalister originally held a view, both in respect to the date and
the purpose of the stamps, with which mine agrees almost exactly
since then he has unfortunately seen fit to change his attitude on
both points.

As a result of their first discoveries, while excavating the mounds
of the Shephelah, Bliss and Macalister dated the handles to about
650-500 B. c. s a date endorsed by Vincent, who attributed them
to the seventh century B c. (Canaan, pp. 359 f.). Macalister later
dated the handles in the eighth and seventh centuries,9 but in
Gezer (vol. II, p 210) he retracted his position, stating that the
archaeological context in which the handles were found was that of
the Persian period. This conclusion, supported by Macalisters
authority, may seem definitive, but I venture to reject it most
emphatically. In general Macalisters dating of the Gezer pottery
is much less satisfactory than Bliss and Macalisters earlier dating
of the Shephelah finds.80 There is especially a growing tendency to
date certain classes of Jewish pottery later and later. Thus Macalister
dates the Jewish water-decanter to the Persian and Seleucidan
period only, though Mackenzie correctly placed his tombs at Beth-
shemesh with water-decanters in the late pre-exilic period. The

7 An almost complete bibliography is given by Chabot, .Repertoire d'epigraphic
emitique, tome III, pp. 4748 (no. 1242).

78 Excavations in Palestine, pp. 115 f.

4-1 5. ^ (The Craftsmens GuM of the Tribe of


s Cf. Vincent, RB XI (1914), 386 ff.


ALBRIGHT: The Administmtive Divisions of Israel and Judah 47
question will be discussed fully in the present writers publication
of the excavations at Tell el-Ful. So far as our experience goes,
the jar handles under discussion appear only in a late pre-exilic
stratum,just as Bliss and Macalister originally concluded, on the
basis of much more reliable stratigraphic material tlian was available
in Gezer, where it proved impossible for one man to distinguish
clearly between the complicated deposits of successive ages. Macalister
is mistaken in supposing that ribbing first appears on handles of the
Persian period at Gtibeah we found it appearing first in the second
phase of the Early Iron Age, along with ring-burnislied ware. It is,
however, quite true that ribbed handles do not completely drive out
the older type with a smooth oval section until the Persian period.
The paste used in the Persian period is, moreover, much freer of
foreign particles (limestone and quartz) than it is in the late pre-
exilic period; practically all of our handles are not only ribbed (i. e.,
relatively late), but also full of minute white particles (i. e., relatively
early). Archaeological speaking, the handles belong to the period
between the eighth and the sixth centuries, and a date between
750 and 590 B. c., such as I slrould propose for other reasons, is
eminently satisfactory. This is also the only reasonable epigraphic
date for our stamps, since their ductus is characteristically pre-exilic.
It is true that it is somewhat later than the script of the Moabite
Stone and other Hebrew-Phoenician lapidary monuments from the
ninth century, but it resembles that of the Siloam inscription closely.
The ostraca from Samaria, though from the middle of the ninth
century, are cursive, so their striking resemblance to the jar stamps,
with respect to ductus, only shows again that the cursive of one
century tends to become the lapidary of the next, wliile the cursive
of the latter has developed another step. If, on the other hand, we
compare the script of Aramaic monuments and seals of the Persian
period, we find a radically different form of characters, belonging
with Teima and the inscriptions of Araq el-Emir.82 A very good
illustration of this ductus is furnished by the seal impressions from
Jericho, containing the divine name Yahu. Pilches effort to date
the royal jar stamps in the Persian peiiod for epigiaphic reasons is

81 Observations at Tell el-Ful, Tell ed-Duweir and Tell eHuweilfeh.

82 Of. the useful material collected by Vincent, JPOS III, 5508.


48

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

so palpably out of the question that his results have not been
accepted by any epigrapher

There are two chief views concerning the purpose of the royal jar
stamps: 1. They designate the location of the royal potteries where
the stamp was made2 . They designate the town or distiict fiom
which taxes in kind were levied for the king. Naturally there are a
number of modifications and compromises which have been suggested
by vaiious scholars, the most important of whose suggestions may be
sketclied briefly here. The first theory seems to owe its origin to a
suggestion of Sayce, and was latei adopted by Pere Vincent with
modifications derived mainly from ClermontGanneau There is one
objection to the royal pottery theory which seems uncontrovertible,
as noted by Macalister, who justly observes: In modern Palestine
there are potteries at Pamleli, Jerusalem, Gaza, and other centres.
The clay and the technique at all these places possess so many
peculiarities-that very little practice is needed to be able to dis-
tinguish at a glance the work of each town The modern analogy
suggests that, had there been potteries at the places named, their
work would have been distinguishable by criteria other than the
stamps impressed upon them. This is not the case, however a Hebron
handle and a Shocoh handle are always so much alike that they
might have belonged to the same vessel. Such identity of type and
material is a physical impossibility if the handles come from different
manufactories. 85 The present writer heartily endorses this judgment,
and agrees respecting the identity of wares in about a score of such
handles which he has examined himself. Another argument against
the royal pottery theory is not so serious; the absence of different
types of vessels, all being precisely similar, may be explained with
Vincent as due to the fact that these vases represented current
measures of capacity, used especially in paying the royal taxes in
kind, but also employed to facilitate other business transactions.
This is almost certainly correct, but the names of towns on the
stamps cannot refer to the factories where they were made, for the
excellent reasons brought forward by Macalister. The second theory.

83 Proc. Soc. Bill. Archaeology, 1910, pp. 93101, 14312.

84 01. Vincent, Canaan, pp. 35860.

Op. cit., pp. 244 f.


ALBRIGHT: The Administrative Divisions of Israel and Judah 49
which is upheld in this paper, was advanced by Clermont-Ganneau
and his pupil, Daveh1y,86 hut was best formulated by Macalister,
who thought that the cities were the centres of districts in which
were collected the dues in kind of the surrounding villages (-
cavations in Palestine, p. 114). Scholars generally rejected this view,
and Macalister himself gave it up, when the incre-asing number of
royal jar handles found proved conclusively that -only ,four towns
were mentioned on their stamps, since the number of important
towns of Judah was naturally much greater. The possibility that
the nunaber of administrative districts was comparatively small, and
that these- towns were their capitals was dismissed because the
three known towns [Manat was not then identified] are not well
placed to be the centres of. fiscal, areas, and there are many parts
of the kingdom of Judah (such as the entire territory of Benjamin)
which they could not serve in the capacity suggested.87 These
objections are not valid, as will be seen.

Before passing on it may be well to consider a third view briefly
that of Macalister hmself.88 No one else seems to have adopted it,
but it is 80 ingenious and suggestive that it at least deserves serious
examination.89 Concluding from the arguments which he marshalled
that none of the older theories were tenable, he proposed a new
one: the supposed names of towns are in reality names of the royal
potters themselves, and belong to the heads of the potters guild.
He started with the enigmatic verse 1 Chr. 4 23, to which Clermont-
Ganneau had called attention, and connected it with 1 Chr. 2 9,18-20,42;
4 16-23, which he explained as a genealogy of the craftsmens guild.
The towns Hebron, Socoh and Ziph he explained as persons, while
Mareshah should, he considered, be corrected to Memhath." It
is indeed- curious that all these nanaes should occur in the passages
in question, but since these towns were the most important ones in
late pre-exilic Judah, there is no occasion for astonishment. The
emendation of Mareshah to MamSat is out of the question. In view
of the fact that scores of Jewish towns are mentioned along with

86 Recueil d'archeologie orientale, tome IV, pp. 1-24.

87 Op. cit., p. 245.

88 Op. cit.

d. ab Modem Research as Illustrating the Bible,
London, 1909, p. 77.

4


.50 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

personal names in these chapters of Chronicles, while most of tlie
other names are either certainly old clan names, like Jerahmeel, 01
may be regarded as such on the analogy of the genealogy of
Manasseh (cf. above), no scholar could now accept Macalisters idea.
His furthei attempt to identify the names occurring in private seal
stamps on jar handles of a similar type with names in Chronicles,
by the aid of assumptions and emendations, is very improbable, since
the same personal name may have belonged to hundreds of prominent
Jews of the last two centuries (eight generations) before the exile.
Even a name with patronymic, like Shebaniah son of Azariah, may
be like William Jones or Max Muller, whose bearers may be
counted by thousands. Since Macalister himself surrendered his
chronology later in favor of a date in the post-exilic age, he evidently
considered the association of his genealogy with pre-exilic history as
baseless. The chronology, however, is the one point which seems to
the writer well-founded.

There can be no doubt that the verse 1 Chr. 4 23 is extremely
interesting, and is probably of importance for our subject, as suggested
by ClermontGanneau. It reads as follows:
= These are the potters, which
(omit and) dwelt in itafim 90 and Gederahwith the king-in
his work theie they dwelt. Something is wrong with the latter
part of the verse, which is syntactically awkward and curiously dis-
jointed perhaps a clause has dropped out of the middle. The two
town names Neta'im and Gederah are rendered plants and hedges
in the AV. Gederah is probably Tell ej-Judeideh, as suggested
above Neta'im, hitherto regarded as unintelligible, is simply the
name of a village, properly Plantations (cf. Ar. Mezrrfah) and
is almost certainly to be identified with modern Hirbet en-Nuweit,
four miles north of' Tell ej-Judeideh.Qi Since the verse is now isolated,
and certainly has no connection with the immediately preceding
section, we must look elsewhere for its context. Nor is the latter

30 The of (BB and the AraeifA of (BA both stand for NaTaeifJL after

31 The Survey spells Nuweitih (), but there should be an *ayin at the
end; final ha and *ayin are often very hard to distinguish (cf. note 92). Nuweiti1
is a diminutive of *Nawdtv (lit. those who leave food after toying with it),
a popular etymology of an Aramaic *Natta'in for Heb. Neta'h Blisss Nuweitif
is certainly wrong (QS 1900, p. 96).


ALBKIG-HT: Tlie Administrative Divisions of Israel and Judah 51
hard to find, since the only possible section is the one next preceding,
which deals with the clan- ancestry of Gederah (so naturally lor
Gedor, which has been copied from verse 4 4, where Gedor = Hirbet
Jedur is certainly referred to), Socoh and Zanoah,92 as well as Keilah
(Hirbet Qileh), all of wliich are situated in the same district of the
central Shephelah. Gederah is only about six miles from Socoh
(Hirbet Suweikeh),93 and Netaim is only three. There can be no
doubt that the district was chosen for the royal potteries because
of its superior clay, which led Pere Vincent to favor the theory that
Socoh and Mareshah (with which MamSat was then identified) were
themselves royal pottery centes.94 Since the records preserved in
Chronicles date almost entirely from the last two centuries 01' the
pre-exilic state, we may consider it highly probable that our jars
stamped with the royal seal were made by the potters resident at
Gederah and Netaim (and neighboring villages?). In passing, it is
curious that Bliss and Macalister discovered more than twice as
many stamped handles at Tell ej-Judeideh as elsewhere in the mounds
of the Shephelah.

Now we may turn to consider the role of the jars themselves in
the system of taxation and revenue in vogue in the Southern Kingdom.
Clermont-Ganneau has well compared various passages in the Old
Testament, especially Ez. 45 14-16, where the prophet prescribes the
tithe of oil (with grain, animals, etc.) which the people sl'iould pay
to the future prince of Judah. Ezekiels conception of the state was
theocratic, but he naturally got his idea f'rom the fiscal organization
of pre-exilic Judah. Hezekiah built storehouses in Jerusalem in
which- to store the levies of grain, wine and oil which came to the
capital.95 These storehouses naturally correspond to the storehouse
attached to Ahabs palace, where the ostraca of Samaria were found,
referring, as we have seen, to payment of taxes in oil and wine.
Now we can understand why there are no royal stamps whicli
belong in the northeastein part of the, Jewish state. The oil and

92 The fellahin of Beit Nettif pronounce clearly Zenuh, not Zanu.

93 For tie site of Socoh cf. the remarks in Bulletin of the American Schools,
15 .0; the site seems certain.

Op. cit. p. 360.

2 Chr. 32 28.

4*


52

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

wine which were delivered at the capital from the district belonging
directly to it were stored in the royal miskendt, under direct royal
supervision. On the other hand, the oil and wine which was
collected in the other four districts were placed in officially gauged
jarsafter heing delivered at the district capitals, of course and
stored in the miskendt of Hebron, Socoh, Ziph and MamSat. Grain
was also levied, but was presumably handled in baskets. When the
oil and wine were required, either for use in Jerusalem, for storage
in garrrison towns and outlying forts (2 Chr. 11 6-11) or for export,
they were shipped in the same jars in which they had been sealed
originally. After being emptied the jars might be used for any
purpose, and very probably had a 'wide circulation as standard
measures of capacity, a supposition which would explain the fact
that they are found all over Judah.

It is impossible to known with' certainty what king of Judah
introduced this system of royal stamps, but we may safely ascribe
the introduction either to Uzziah (Azariah) or to Hezekiah. In
favor of the former is the undoubted fact that the- developed the
country greatly during his long reign (779[so]738 B. c.). 2 Chr. 26 10
states that Uzziah built numerous migdals in tlie desert, to protect
his cattle (and trade-routes), and that he was very much interested
in the development of agriculture and animal husbandry. There is
no reason to doubt the essential accuracy of the Chroniclers
information regarding such recent times, comparatively speaking.
We also learn, both from Kings and Chronicles, that Uzziah
recaptured Elath, the Red Sea port, -which had presumably been
lost during the Edomite revolt. This means that he was also
interested in the restoration of the trade by which Judah had
profited so greatly since the reign of Solomon. We may therefore
regard it as probable that Uzziah reorganized the fiscal system of
Judah. On the other hand, Hezekiah is said to have built store-
houses in' Jerusalem in order to serve as repositories of taxes in

kind (see above), so he may have introduced the new system of

checking and storing revenue. In any case, the royal jar stamps do

not appear until the eighth century, probably not until after the

middle of the century (750 B. c.).

The question as to their relative antiquity is difficult, Macalister
formerly wished to date the Mamgat and Ziph handles in 817798,


ALBRIGHT: The Administrative Divisions of Israel and Judah 53
while the Hebron and Socoh stamps he referred to 734719.96 It
is, however, quite certain that the stamps from the different towns
are contemporary. Yusif Kan ns belief that more Socoh handles
had been picked up on the surface of the tells where he had worked
than any other kind is no doubt correct, since the Socoh handles
were much the most frequent in occurrence, but Macalisters deduction
that these handles were the latest was hardly justified.97 On the
other hand we seem to be justified in considering the seals with the
four-winged scarab as older than those with the flying roll,98 because
the handles on which the former are stamped are nearly always less
markedly ribbed; as noted above, the ribbing of handles begins to
appear in the second phase of the JEarly Iron Age (900600) and
becomes most marked in the third phase (Persian period).

In conclusion it will be interesting to compare the Jewish
administrative districts which we have recovered with the toparchies
of the Herodian and Roman Judaea, as defined by Klein in the
valuable paper already referred to. By a careful comparison of all
the material extant in Josephus, Pliny and especially the Talmud,
he shows that the greater Judaea of that time possessed eleven
toparchies (), four of whichGophna, Acrabattene, Thamna
and Jerichowere not counted in Judaea proper, to wliich the
remaining seven districts belonged. The toparchy of Eydda was also
outside the linuits of the ancient state, so only six are left for
comparison: The Mountain (Jerusalem), Emmaus (Awas), Beth-
netophah (Beit Net f), Herodium (Jebel Furdeis), En-gedi ('Ein Jedi)
and Edom. Only three districts remain with the same centre:
Jerusalem, Hebron (capital of Edom) 99 and Beth-netophah, which is
only two miles from the ancient Socoh. The centre of gravity has
silifted northward, owing to the development of the Nabataean state,
later Palaestina Tertia, so the three districts of Mamgat, Ziph and

Op. cit., p. 338.

7 Op. cit., p. 251 f.

8 Hardly winged solar disk for the flying roll as a familiar symbol cf.
Zech. 5 1-4. It may easily be a modification of the former, however.

Contrast Klein, op. cit., p. 38 f. I would suggest that as the southern
boundary of Jerusalem corresponds to the Terebinth (Haram Ramet el-Halil),
where there was a famous shrine and market TeptpivOos, Talmudic
or (cf. Bacher, ZATW 1909, 221; Klein, ZDPV 1910, 39f.).


54

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Hebron are replaced by Edom and En-gedi, though part of the old
Hebronite district was absorbed by the new toparchy of Herodium.
Klein remarks justly that the administrative organization of Judaea
seems to have changed comparatively little from the Maccabaean
period to the Roman it is probable that if we had a complete record
the gradual character of the change would be still more evident.
Names and political divisions changed but slowly in the ancient East;
the inertia of habit and tradition was very great.


THE CUTHITES AND PSALM 74

M. ELIASH
(JERUSALEM)

An early Mishna in Eosl^Hashana II 2, ells US that he sane-

tificationof the uew moon was announced at the beginning
() by the lighting of beacons, and that since the Cuthites
caused trouble ( ) the sending of emissaries to distant
communities was instituted. The Cuthites caused trouble by lighting
beacons on the hills on some nights preceding and following the
new moon, or by lighting the beacons when the new moon was not
sanctified but the preceding month extended by one day, thus mis-
leading the Jews. This is the text of the Mishna:

.
.

... .

What is the approximate date of the trouble of the Cuthites?
That the emissaries were already an institution known during the
existence of the Second Temple in clear from Rosh-Hashana I 5,
where we are told that when the Temple still stood, emissaries
also went out in Iyyar so that the exact date of the second Passover
might be known. The expression and the historical des-
cription of the beacons together with the mention of the (cf.
Ezra 2 1, 4 1) point to a date early in the period of the Second
Temple, when the was still the majority of Jewry which had
not returned from the Exile.

Tlie Jerusalem Talmud (1. c.) ascribes the abolition of the custom
of lighting the beacons to Rabbi Yehuda the Prince, but obviously
does not refer to the original trouble with the Cuthites and to the


56 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

institution of emissaries since it adds that the custom of lighting
heacons still existed at Tiberias. It is obvious that although
emissaries were sent the custom of lighting beacons lingered at some
places though abolished elsewhere.

Josephus (.Antiqq XI iv 9) tells US of the great trouble inflicted
by the Cuthites (Samaritans) upon the Jews and that they did not
leave untried any opportunity to do thena injury during the early
days of the Second Temple. The object of the Cuthites conduct
was to mislead the Jews into fixing the Passover in accordance with
their own tradition on a Saturday. The question of fixing the Passover
and of the new moon in connection therewith was a standing subject
of controversy between the Jews and the Cuthites (1Menachoth 65 a;
cf. Josephus, ibid. 8).

Now, verses 3 to 6 of Psalm 74 have never been satisfactorily
translated or explained:

:
:

Baethgen and Duhm read instead of . Jeromes
posuerunt signa sua in tropheum in verse 4 gives very little sense.

What is the date of Psalm 74? Olshausen assignes it to the Chaldean
period. Duhm puts it between 168 and 165 B. c. and relies mostly
on some dubious evidence from the Book of Maccabees. Neither of
these dates is satisfactory, and the dating of the Psalm in the period
of Nehemia (Yavitz) or shortly after is supported be the following:

a) The Psalm refers to the promoters of the trouble as to
(V. 18) as if that were a distinctive name. Ben Sira (c. 200 B. c.)
says i. e. The Cuthites, (cf. Yebamoth 636).

b) The destruction of' synagogues is mentioned in the Psalm (V. 8)

.( )

c) The leader of the people is no more a prophet (v. 9).

d) Part of the walls was destroyed by fire (cf. Neh. 1 3; 2 13).

If, then, we take it that the enemies referred to in this Psalm

are the Cuthites a new light is shed on the obscure verses. They
contain a description of the trouble caused by the Cuthites, and
are to be translated thus:


ELIASH: Tiie Cufcbifces and Psalm 74 57

"Lift up thy steps unto the unceasing beacons, all tile evil that
tlie enemy hath caused in the sanctuary. Thine adversaries have
roared in the midst of thine assemblies their own signs they have
set up as signs. He maketh himself known, signalling upwards

with branches of trees cut by the axe.

The word used in the Mishna is Biblical (cf. Judg. 20 38-40),
Jer. 6 1 and passim) The burning of the fires on the tops of' the
hills explains the , the metaphor being one of marching
from hill to hill to extinguish these bonfires, is a complete
parallel to , the evil caused by the Cuthites.
explains the damage done to the. proper upkeep of the festive
assemblies, and finally becomes perfectly intelligible
and clear. is parallel to of
the Mishna, as is also . to .
The general reference of the Psalm to the Passover miracles (vv. 13-14)
becomes clear in the light of tlie general meaning of the Psalm, as
well as the following verses (16-17) which speak of the Divine power
over the phenomena affecting tlie calendar, specifically the sun and
the moon.

The new interpretation does away with Duhms difficulty over
the word in V. 3, since it does not means eternal ruins, but
unceasing bonfires, and the whole of the Psalm becames one
connected historical picture to wliich the Mishna is an illuminating,
and striking parallel.


LB BLASON DE LAMIR SALAR
L. A. MAYER
(JERUSALEM)

PARISI les quelques blasons musulmans connus de la litterature
contemporaine, 1ecu heraldique de 1 Arar Salar joue un role
evident. Il a ete mentionne, par un simple accident, dans un passage
important dun historien arabe 1 et consequemment cite plus souvent
quaucun autre blason mamlouk, specialement par Quatremere,
Histoire des Sultans Maralouks II p. 15, n. 12; Rogers, Bulletin
de !Institut Egyptien 1880, p. 99 et Vierteljahrschrift fiir Heraldik,
Spbragistik und Gnalogie XI, 1883, p. 413; Yacoub Artin Pacba,
Contributions a lEtude du Blason Musulman, pp. 135136; Casanova,
Memoires de la Mission Archeologique Franaise VI, p. 499; van
Berchem, Materiaux pour un Corpus Inscriptionum Arabicarum,
Jerusalem, p. 235.

Artin Pacha essaya didentifier ce blason avec un blason sur un
tesson de la collection du Dr. Fouquet, decrit par lui comme ( aigle a ailes eployees, flanquee de deux armoiries, a droite et a
gauche formant des bandes noires et blanches; la queue se termine
en un ornement ressemblant a la fleur de lis surmontee dun
croissant),. 2

Cetait, comme beaucoup dautres, une conjecture geniale du
pionnier infatigable de lheraldique musulmane, mais rien de plus.

Dans lexquise collection de photographies architectural faites
par le Capitaine Creswell que jai deja eu occasion de mentionner
dans ces pages (vol. Ill, p. 73), jai trouve la photographie du minaret
dun petit sanctuaire a Bebron, connu localement comme .le *IJaram

Taghribirdl, an-Nujum az-Zahira (anno 711 H.) MS Paris 663, f. 77 v; MS
Photo, Le Caire, Bibliotheque Egyptienne, p. 2O5s.

2 Contributions, pp. 95-96, fig. 43.


MAYER; Le Blaspu de !Amir Saiar

s


60

Journal 01' the Palestine Oriental Society

du Cl a 'All Bakka ). Linscription est faite en deux bandes, une
longue en une ligne (a) et une courte en deux lignes (b et c). Elie
se lit comme il suit:

(a)

.

. .
.

'
, . (b)



(C)


((. . Quran VI, 161 ...A ordonne la construction de ce. minaret
beni s. E. Saif ad-din Salar, fils dAbdallah an-Na in, vice-roi et
gouerneur general de lEgypte et de la Syrie, quAllah glorifie ses
victoires! Sous le regne de notre maitre le sultan al-Malik an-Na?ir
Nasir ad-dunya wa-d-din; Muhammad, fils dal-Malik al-Man u Qala n
as-Salihi, sultan de !Islam et des Musulmans, dompteur des heretiques
et des rebelles, seriteur des deux harams sacres, quA 11 h fasse
durer ses jours! Ecrit a la date du 1 du mois Ramadan de
lannee 702 de lhegire (= 19. Avril 1302). A dirige sa construction
le serviteur avide dAllah Kaykaldi an-Najmi

Aux deux extremites de (b) et (c), il y a un embleme heraldique,
consistant dune barre noire sur un ecu rond et blanc. En face de
cette inscription qui est r6p6tee (avec le blason) audssus de la
porte donnant a la cour, il y a peu de doute que ceci soit le blason
de 1Amir Salar, recherche depuis si longtemps.

Par une co'incidence curieuse, Artin Pacha lui-meme, a repioduit
le reel blason de 1Amir Salar, mais en couleurs inverses2 le
decrivant comme Sculpte sur la porte de la petite mosquee de
Hdbron (la mosaique de la partie en hachures sur le dessin a dispaiu
sur original)) 3

Mujir ad-din alUaimi, al-Uns al-Jalil, t. 2, pp. 426, 49293; trad. Sauvaire:
p. 292.

2 Contributions, fig. .37

3 Contributions, p. 138


PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS*

MAX L. MARGOLIS
(PHILADELPHIA)

Your Excellency, Ladies and Gentlemen:

Permit me to thank you most cordially for the high honour you
have conferred upon me by electing me to the Presidency of this
Society. You have heen certainly kind to the stranger in your midst.
Presidential addresses are meant to be general in scope, by all means
brief in size, almost ornamental, quite as decorative as the office of
President is in a learned society. It is told of the late Professor
Gildersleeve, of the Johns Hopkins University, that he was very mucli
chagrined when he learned tliat a colleague, an eminent student of
Greek, had been made President of a western University. hat a
pity, said he, to waste such a scholar. In my own case, fortunately,
there is nothing to waste. But perhaps I had better stick to my
last and appear before you as a searcher among searchers.

The field of oriental research is so vast and the immediate tasks
of the workei on the spot are so absorbing that diversification must
necessarily ensue. Of course, diversification need not be isolation,
and no matter how we may sequester ourselves we touch elbows witli
fellow-workers.

Textual ciiticism would seem to be a far cry from topographical
studies yet in the case of the Book of Joshua., which is but a text-
book of historical, geography in the Canon, a bristling forest of names
of Palestinian localities, the student of the text may render a service
to the topographer. I will confine myself to one example and deal
with it as untechnically as I may.

1 Delivered at the Twenty-first meeting of the Society, January 81925 ,, in
the presence of His Excellency the High Commissioner for Palestine.

5


62 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

The northern border of Judah in chapter 15 coincides' with the
southein border of Benjamin in chapter 18. In the former place
the order of tlie points along which the bordei runs is from-east to
west, in the latter place it is the reverse. Between the Fountain of
Me-Nephtoah and Kiriathearim (anciently Baalah) the border went
out, accoiding to 15 9 to the cities of mount Ephron, but in 18 15
it is said to have gone out westward. Westward is clearly im-
possible; cities of mount Ephron equally puzzling. In both places
the Septuagint presupposes another reading in the Hebrew, but in
order to get at it the Greek wording itself requires to be restored.
In 15 9 the oldest Greek tradition, the Egyptian text, seems to omit
the word cities: eic TO opoc ecbptou. The omission was found
by Origen, for he wrote * 7TL Kfs: opovs . The asterisk is the tell
tale sign of an addition in accordance with the Hebrew in order to
supply a gap in the received Greek; the supplement in the present
case was taken over'bodily from Aquila. Note the genitive: opovs.
Jerome once slyly remarked that if you wish to obtain the original
version of the Seventy just drop the passages introduced by Origen
sub asterisco. This prescription was actually followed in a recension
which was probably prepared in Palestine, possibly by Eusebius at
the time when he complied with the request of Constantine for a
number of Bibles to be distributed in the churches. This recension
seems to have had its home in the diocese of' Constantinople; a
number of extant manuscripts follow that recension, among them
the Alexandrinus, the gift of Cyril Lucar to Charles I. of England.
In the present instance the recension reads opovs e., i. e. the element
sub asterisco was passed over and the genitive was left hanging in
the air. In certain cursives the syntactical dif'ficulty was disposed
of' by changing the smooth breathing into the rough and a mountain'
into districts. There remains the Antiochene text which reads:
eic ! opoc e. This is also found in Theodotion.

Now Theodotion was a mere reviser of the Septuagint, just as
the authors of the King James Version were revisers of the pre-
ceding translations into English, and again as the Revisers of the
nineteenth century were toward those of the seventeenth. A certain
sacredness imparts itself to the translations, and a 'translation of the
Scriptures once established may be recast and improved in accordance
with progressive better knowledge, but in a conservative spilit and


MARGOLIS: Presidential Address 63

by leaving intact as much as possible. I take it that Theodotion
reproduced here the Septuagint. He had before him Palestinian
transcripts, for the Septuagint was used in Palestine as well as in
Egypt, as witness for example Josephus. In Palestine the transcripts
. re somewhat freer from errors. As a matter of fact, with all due
regald to coincidence, no two scribes make the same erior. There
is a virt.ue in this diversification: is is exactly when scribes fall out
that the truth may be ascertained. Especially in the case of place
names, the Palestinian sciibes who were familiar with the topogiaphy
of their country escaped many pitfalls. For example, 15 40 Cabbon,
?, was written by 01igen (lienee also in the Ononaasticon) as \
but the Egyptian and Syrian texts have \a/3pa in a coirupt form
the text of Constantinople, ascending presumably to Palestinian
antecedents, has the correct xa which, of couise, should be xav,
exactly as the piinter of the Aldina wisely hit upon. To leturn to
our present passage, PAI is apparently the prototype of TO through
re, and corresponds to in the place of , i. e. Ai (of) mount
Ephion. In chapter 8 and are frequently confounded, and it
is at tinaes impossible to tell wliich is the correct, i. e. 01iginal,
reading.

In tlie parallel passage, westward, to accord with the received
Hebrew, was introduced by Origen only in the Tetrapla, the second
and levised edition of his stupendous work in which the approximation
to the Hebrew was carried out with still greatei precision. But in
the earliei edition, the Hexapla, he had acquiesced in the received
Greek, and that in its obviously corrupt form, GIG PAGGIM. Here
again the text of Constantinople has preserved the correct Greek:
GIG 1AGIH. So must the Septuagint have read. The translator
accordingly read in his Hebrew for . . is a good plural
of (comp. . ,^). The name of the place touched by the border
was 01 , in the singular , and knovn specifically as Ai of mount
Ephron to distinguish it from the other Ai with which 23 18 5 is
possibly identical. Compare also the place name 29 15 for which
again the text of Consta.ntinople reads ava/1, which clearly underlies
the coriupt /3a1 or Aa\as in the Egyptian and Syrian texts.

Let the new place name be my contribution to Palestinian
topography.


ARABIC INSCRIPTIONS OF GAZA*

L. A. MAYER
(JERUSALEM)

MOSQUE OE IBN OTHMAN

FOUNDERS INSCRIPTION. 802 A H. Marble slab over
the right main entrance door in a convex frame 'of local stone.
Dimensions about 82x60 cm. Five lines of elegant Mamluk naskhi,
points throughout, a few vowels and differentiating signs also
ornaments in the intervening spaces. In the middle of the third
line an heraldic shield. (See Plate.)

1)
2) (!)

(heraldic shield) 3)
4) !)

) ( ; ' .

Quan IX, 1.8 until . Ordered to build this blessed
Mosque H. E. Ala ad-din Aqbugha at-Tulutumrl... In the month
of Rajab, of the year 802 (27th February27 March 1400 A. D.)

'Ala ad-din Aqbugha at T lutumrl, usually called al-Dakk sh,2
was a slave of the Sultan Barquq and is therefore called by Ibn
Taghribirdl a Zahirl".3 Nothing is known about his early career,
t Continued from Vol. Ill, 6978.

2 No attempt is made to translate this epithet. The Arabic dictionaries which

I have been able to consult, omit the root Iks altogether (.Lisan ulJArab, Lane,
Spiro) or give.it tlie meaning frapper (Muhit ul-Muhty, Dozy), frapper quel
quun legerement (Belot, Hava). In the vulgar dialect of Palestine lakasli,
yalkush means to flick. None of these translations seems quite satisfactory
in our case.

3 Nujum VI, p. 39, 1.18 p. 146, 1. 7.






MAYER: Arabic Inscription of Gaza 67

He became amir of a thousand cmin jumlat umara il-uluf during
the reign of his master Barquq, who probably appointed him governor
of Gaza2 at some uncertain date.3 Perhaps the merits of his brother
Bata who was an ardent partisan of Barquq during the rebellion of
Min ah influenced this or the subsequent appointment. In 800 he
was nominated Amir Majlis in lieu of Amir Shaikh as-§afaw1.4 During
the next year Aqbugha was appointed governor of Karak, but after
a very short period of office was dismissed and put into the prison
of Subaibeh, his fiefs being given to Sudun al-Maidanl.s Aqbugha,
followed the call of Amir Tenem by the end of Dhul-Hijja 801
(== August 1399)6 and joined him during his rebellion against Faraj.
He participated in the whole campaign, leaving Damascus for Gaza
on the ls Babi' I, 802 (== 1. 11. 1399).? When Faraj approached
Gaza the Syiian amirs who marched against the Sultan changed
their minds and submitted to him, following the example given by
the governors of Hama and Safad.s Aqbugha, left alone, abandoned
Gaza and joined Tenem, who made his quarters at ar-Ramleh. At
the general retreat after Tenems unexpected defeat near JitinQ on

1 Nujum VI, p. 146, 1. 7.

2 During the period of the Circassian Mamluks the governor or the commander
of troops in Gaza was a commander of a thousand (
. , Subh al-a ha IV, p. 198).

3 Ibn I as I, p. 288, 1. 20 if. says that Ala ad-din b. Aqbugha as-Sul nl was
appointed governor of Gaza and arrived there on Wednesday, the 8 Safar, 792
(=26. 1.1390). We reject the assumption-tempting as it is that ths other-
wise unknown amir is a mistake of the printed edition for Ala ad-din Aqbugha
as-Sultan, in wliich case as-Sul ni would be equal to a?-£ahr, the reigning
Sultan being a-?ahir Barquq. Describing the events of the year 802, Ibn Iyas
calls Aqbugha, repeatedly governor of Gaza (na'ib Ghazzd), e. g. p. 322,11. 23, 27;
p. 323, 1. 10; but it is doubtful whether this expression is to be taken literally as
meaning that Aqbugha was at that date actually governor, or whether it stands
for the late governor (na'ib kana). Anyhow it is worth mentioning that Ibn
Taghrl bid does not call Aqbugha governor of Gaza in the Nujum (Poppers
edition) nor does he mention him in the list of governors of Gaza under Barquq
in al-Manhal as-Safi, s. V. Barquq (MS. Cairo I, p. 331).

4 Ibn Iyas I, p. 308, 1. 11.

5 Ibn Hajar, Tarikh (MS. Or. 7321 of the British Museum) pp. 106b and 108a.

6 Nujum VI, p. 11, 1. 15.

7 Nujum VI, p. 20, 1. 15.

8 Ibn Iyas I, p. 322.

9 in the text of Ibn Iyas is an apparent corruption, cf. Nujum VI,
p. 35, note d and Hartmann, Geographische Nachrichten, p. 73, s. V., agltin.


68

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

22 Rajah, Aqbugha fled, bat was captured by Amir Jakam al-
(Awid! and imprisoned in the Dar us-Saada in Damascns.2 By an
order of JFaraj he was executed together with fourteen other amirs
on 14 Sha'ba n, 802 (= 10. 4. 1400), in the Burj al-Hammam, in
the Citadel of Damascus.s

Aqbugjas armorial bearings consist of two rhombs in the upper
field and of one cup in the middle and another one in the lower
field. The same blazon was published by Artin Pacha, Contributions,
p. 118, no. 82, and is probably identical with the one published in
Damascus die islamische Stadt by Wulzinger and Watzinger, p. 11,
fig. lb, Plate 3d. 4

1 Ibn Iyas I, p. 323, 1. 5 5 Nujum VI, p. 36, 1. 10.

2 Ibn Is I, p. 323, 1. 10; Nujum VI, p. 37, 1. 5.

3 Ibn Iyas I, p. 324, 1. 16; Nujum VI, p. 39, 1. 18, p. 146, 1.15.

4 The inscription is, in the photograph, practically illegible. Its upper part,
transcribed and translated by Littmann, op. cit., p. 156, does not contain any
name.


GIDEONS 300.

(Judges vii and viii)

s. TOLKOWSKY
(JERUSALEM)

|HE Midianites had come up the vale of Yezreel lie locusts in
T multitude and were encamped on the plain between the hill of
Moreh (Neby Dully) and the spring En-Harod. Gideon and tlie
Hebrew tribes that had assembled aiound him had taken up their

position to the south of tlie same spring, on the northern slopes of
Mount Gilboa. Instead of giving battle witli his whole force of 32000

men, Gideon dismisses most of them to their homes and keeps with
him only 300 men of tried courage and prudence, belonging to his
own clan of Abiezer. With them he attacks the nomads at night,
throwing their camp into confusion, and Spreading such a panic
among them that they abandon all their possessions in a desparate
flight across the Jordan fords into Gilead and Moab.

Erom the point of view of the student of history three interesting
questions arise in connexion with this narrative: (1) why did Gideon,
having at his disposal a much largei force, choose to give battle
with only 300 men? (2) Is it possible that with 300 men he really
defeated an enemy host like locusts in multitude? (3) Is the narrative
to be taken as no more than a legend, or does it describe a battle
which actually took place in the circumstances and in the locality
mentioned by the Bible?

In order to enable US to answer these three questions, I piopose
briefly to pass in review a number of statements referring to the use
of a force of 300 men in the histories of other nations.

[ Judges 8 2.


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Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

It is well knewn that in Sparta the principal fighting force of
the state was represented by the knights, a corps of 300 men who
served on foot as the body-guard of the kings. In republican Rome,
the normal establishment of the army comprised, besides 3000 heavy
and 1200 light infantry, a body of 300 cavally. Similarly, in 1528,
during the wars of Florence against the pope Clement VII. allied
with the emperor Charles V., when Michael-Angelo was in chaige of
the citys defences, the Florentines cieated an army comprising a
civic militia of 4000 ordinary citizens, and a selected corps of 300
young men of noble families whose special duty consisted in guarding
the palace and supporting the constitution. And the Fascist militia
of present-day Italy, as reorganized in August 1924, is ultimately
divided into cohorts of three centuries each.2

More interesting, however, and of more direct bearing upon our
subject, are the cases of battles actually fought, or of expeditions
actually undertaken, with a body of 300 men. Abishai, the brother
of Joab, and the chief of the three mighty men, lifted his spear
against three hundred and slew them; 3 and in the reign of Asa
king of Judah, Zerah the Cushite, who invaded southern Judea, had
with him, in addition to a large host of infantry, a body of 300 chariots.*

A few interesting cases occurred during the Feloponnesian War.
On one occasion Perdiccas, the king of Macedonia, being betrayed
in enemy country by ihis Illyrian allies and compelled to retreat
under conditions of extreme danger, covered the retreat of his army
with a body of 300 men selected and led by himself', and succeeded
in extricating the best part of' his forces. At the siege of Syracuse,
in 414, it is with a body of 300 men, specially chosen for the purpose,
that the Athenians rush one of the outei walls of defence of the
city;6 a yeai* later, the whole Athenian army under hJicias, surrounded
by the Syracusans and sorely tried by lack of food and ammunition
and by the unceasing missiles of the enemy, is compelled to surrender.

Sismondi: A History of the Italian Republics, chapter XVI. (Everymans
Edition, London 1917, p. 314).

2 The Times, August 2d, 1924.

3 1 Samuel 23 8.

4 2 Chronicles 14 8.

5 Thucydides, Look IV, § 125.

Thucydides, Book VI, § 100.


TOLKOWSKY: Gideons 300

71

with the sole exception of a body of 300 men who force the guard
by night and make good their escape. During the invasion of Greece
by the Persians, it is with a body of 300 Spartans that Leonidas
joins the army of the Greek allies and when their position at
Thermopylae is turned by the enemy he takes upon himself and his
300 fellow-citizens the desperate task of keeping the Persians occupied
until the retreating Greek forces have made good their escape.. A
striking parallel to the case of Gideons battle at En-Harod is
furnished by an incident which occurred during Alexander the Greats
Indian campaign in B. c. 327320. Having crossed the river Oxus on
his way into the country of Sogdiana., which is to-day called Bukhara,
he finds the Sogdian prince Arimazes encamped on a high rocky
position with 30000 tribesnaen and sufficient provisions to last for
two years. Alexander having summoned him to surrender, Arimazes
defies him and, referring to the strength and heighth of his position,
asks the messengers whethei the Macedonian king can fly. Alexander,
in reply, choses from out his whole army 300 young men who,
duiing the night, succeed in turning the enemys position with the
result that the Barbarians, stricken with panic, lay down their arms
and surrender to Alexander.2

But let use come to more recent times. In 968, the Byzantine
emperor Nicephorus II. Phokas assembles an army of 80000 and
invades Northern Syria with the purpose of taking Antioch from the
Saracens yet it is at the head of only 300 chosen men that his general
Burtzes surprised that city during a dark winter night, while there
was a heavy fall of snow, and captured its fortifications.3 During
the siege of Jerusalem by Godfrey of Bouillon, in 1099, when in the
midst of the besiegers greatest distress the news came from Jaffa
that a Genoese fleet had arrived there loaded with munitions and
provisions, it was a detachment of 300 Crusaders that fought its way
down to the coast and made it possible to bring the much needed
supplies to Jerusalem.* In 1182 Benaud de Chaillon, prince of

Thucydides, Book VII, § 133.

2 Quintus-Curtius, Book VII, 11.

3 Finlay: History of the Byzantine Empire, Everymans Edition, London 1913,
p. 308.

Besant and Palmer: Jerusalem, p. 203.


72 Journal of tlie Palestine Oriental Society

Kerak, sends an army of 300 Franks, and some rebellious Bedawin
to the Hedjaz with the purpose of capturing Medinah. Deserted by
the Bedawin, the 300 Franks were attacked and made prisoners by
Saladins forces, and sent to Cairo where they were put to death.
Some 40 years later, John of Biienne, chosen by the nobles of the
Latin kingdom to succeed Amaury of Lusignan as king of Jerusalem,
comes to Palestine with an army of 300 knights.2 The unsuccessful
attempt made during the night of the 5 of January 1453 by
Stephano Poicari to seize the Capitol in order to wrest the city of
Borne from the Pope and to re-establisli the senate of the Boman
republic, was carried out by a force of 300 soldiers whom Porcari
had marched from Bologna for the purpose.3 last case I might
mention is that which occurred only a few generations ago in Nejd,
during the reign of Feysul son of Turkee, one of the ancestors of
tlie present sultan Ibn Saftd. A numerous and well equipped army
of Ajman tribesmen had gathered near Koweit, and was about to
invade Nejd, where they expected an easy victory but while they
imagined the Kejdian forces far away, Feysuls son Abdallah fell
upon them by surprise and, with only 300 horsemen, defeated tlieii
advanced division iu such a decisive manner that their plan of invasion
was at once abandoned.*

In considering the series of historical parallels just mentioned, it
would be difficult to admit that the choice, by so many distinguished
generals, of only 300 men for the carrying out of certain military
undertakings of a specially adventurous, or difficult, or responsible
nature, can be a matter of mere coincidence. And indeed, if we
study the problems involved in the various engagements to which I
have referred above, we shall observe that in each case the object
aimed at was one that was much more difficult to achieve with a
large army than witli a small body of' men imbued with absolute

1 Besant and Balmer: Jerusalem, p. 419.

2 Besant and Balmer: Jerusalem, p. 499.

3 Sismondi: op. cit., p. 218.

Narrative of a Years Joxmey tlxroxg Central and Eastern

Arabia. Vol. II, p. 71.


TOLKOWSKY: Gideons 300

73

personal devotion to their leader and capable, on account of their
small numbers, of great mobility and perfect harmony in their actions.
Experience has shown that 300 to 400 is the maximum number of
men who can be effectively guided by the voice of one leader it is
probable that the figure of 300 was preferred because such a body
lent itse.lf to division into 2 wings and a centre, of 100 men each,
the company of 100 men being the elementary unit on which the
structure of armies was based in all countries where the decimal
system of numbers was in use.

hat was the problem that confronted Gideon? For a number
of years in succession the enemy had been in the habit of invading
western Palestine every year in spring and spoiling its crops, with
the result that the people had been reduced to extreme misery.
Gideons object was to inflict upon the nomads such a punishment
as would discourage them from renewing their .raids in the future.
But as he stood on Gilboa looking down on the vast camp of the
enemy he may not have felt quite sure whether his own Israelite
tribesmen, although experienced in guerilla warfare in the mountains,
would prove equally good fighters in a pitched battle, on the open
plain, against an enemy much more numerous than themselves and
if the Hebrew force was destroyed, nothing would be able to prevent
the Midianites, if they wished to do so, from invading the heart of
the country. On the other hand, a surprise attack carried out at
night by a small body of resolute men, shouting, blowing many
trumpets and waving numerous lights in order to make their numbers
appear much larger than they were in fact, was likely to produce
in the enemy camp a panic more destructive in its consequences
than a regular defeat in the fields and, if this attack failed, then
the main forces of the Hebrews remained intact and still capable of
defending the roads to the villages.

The problem with which Gideon was faced was, therefore, solved
by him in exactly the same manner as would have been adopted by
Perdiccas, or Leonidas, or Alexander the Great. Like them, but long
before them, he showed his skill as a tactician by fixing on the
number of 300 men as that best suited for his purpose and like
Leonidashe chose only men of his own clan. Gideons plan proved
entirely successful; and, in the light of the parallel cases mentioned
above, I think we may safely say that the narrative preserved in


74

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Judges vii and viii is history, and not legend. Because the perfect
agreement that exists between Gideons reported tactics and the topo-
graphical, political and psychological factors of the problem which he.
had to solve, is a thing that cannot have been invented, except
perhaps by a still greater soldier than Gideon himself.


INSCRIPTION ARABE DU SANCTUAIRE DE
SITT SULAYMIYAH, AU MONT EBAL, A NAPLOUSE

Le Rev. Pere J. A. JAUSSEN
(JERUSALEM)

IE mont Ebal se dresseenface dumont Garizim dont ilest separe

par la vallee profonde qucoupe eu deux la chaine de montagnes
de la Samarie et forme un passage naturel entre le Jourdain et la
Mediterranee. Cette vallee, riche en eaux, fertile, frequentee par les
caravanes etait toute indiquee pour servir demplacement a une
localite, soit a son commencement oriental, vers lactuel tombeau de
NebyYftsef,soitdans un enfoncement de la vallee, aupres.de la belle
source Has alAyn. Cette localite sappela Sichem dans les temps
anciens et porte aujourdhui le nom de Naplouse.

En arrivant dans cette yille pa1 la route de Jerusalem, le voyageur
longe sur sa droite, les flancs de lEbal. Sil desire en faire ascension,
il sengage sur un petit sentier qui passe sous lhopital actuel et
qui en serpentant sur le cote ouest de la montagne, conduit aupres
du rvely (Imad ad-Din. Un autre sentier a son point de depart plus
a 1est, a lextremite occidentale du cimetiere. Ce dernier raidillon
seleve rapidement et passe a quelques centaines de pas dun banc
de rocher qui se dresse a pic sur une hauteur de 7 8 metres. Pour
atteindre cette 1oche, dont la masse enorme attire le regard, prenons
une piste qui monte en droite ligne. Au bout de 20 minutes, nous
sommes au pied de la muraille rocheuse. Sur sa face, souvre une
grotte dont lentree est derobee a la vue par denormes cactus et
par quelques oliviers qui croissent 1 abri du vent du nord. En
avant de lentree, setend une esplanade soutenue par un mur de
pierres de taille et terminee vers le sud par un mihrab oriente vers
La Mecque. Cette esplanade, dun aspect rectangulaire, mesure


76 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

6 metres de large sur 7 metres de long. Elie forme comme une sorte
datrium oil de chapelle en plain air, amenagee devant le sanctnaire
proprement dit. Celui-ci est creuse dans les flancs de la roche vive,
en nn enfoncement natnrel, de forme irreguliere, vaguement circulaire,
mesniant 3 metres de profondeur snr 5 de large et 3 de liaut. A
ganche de la porte, en entrant, line sorte de clieminee naturelle
sonvre dans la roche et donne acces a une chambre superieure.
Dapres lusure de la pierre occasionnee pal le frottement, on serait
porte a croire que ce passage a ete souvent utilise soit par un habitant des
temps primitifs soit par quelque cenobite chretien epris de lamour
et des charmes de la solitude. A lextremite Est de cette chambre
superieure, une etroite ouverture donne acces a un petit reduit qui
ouvre sur le vide a une hauteur de 4 metres environ, un peu a lest
de lesplanade.

Cest sur cette esplanade que nous avons trouve n juillet 1923
une inscription arabe en caracteres naskliy marnluk: Elie est gravee
sur une pierre blanche et au grain friable, mesure o,58m de long sur o,34m
de large. Les lettres sont tracees sur 5 lignes separees par de petites
barres et formant un champ de 0,06 m. Malgre la disparition de
quelques lettres a droite ce document peut selire de la fa0n suivante:

1 ( )

2 () ^
3

4 () .
5

Traduction:

(1) Au nom dAllah ties misericordieux: a restaur ce lieu beni (2) le pauvre
serviteur dAllah quil soit exalte! son Excellence elevee (3) le seiviteur de
notre Maitre et Seigneur, le glaive de la religion, Nury alAsrafy grand Dawadar,
(4) le glaive de Islam, quAllah lassiste! , att.endant en cela la recompense
au jour du compte (5) supreme: le premier du mois dAllah al-muharram, 1an 836.
Commentaire:

(1) djaddad, a restaurC; avant !intervention de Nury le lieu etait
object dun culte. !al-mubarak (de beni),: le mot est restitue dapres
la forme de quelques vestiges de lettres encore visibles. Les details

donnes plus loin montreront comment cet endroit est encore consider
comme beni. -al-muqarr titre dabord royal qui fut en quelque


JAUSSEN: Inscription arabe du sanctuaire de Sitt Sulaymiyah &c. 77

sorte detrone par celui de aZ-i et fut ensuite porte par les
grands officers, surtout a partir de Qalawn (678 a 689 H. 1279 a
1290 de notre ere). Tous les grands emirs mamluks sappelerent
al-muqarr ((Excellence),. Dans le style protocolaire des inscriptions,
ce titre est generalement suivi de trois epithetes: al-asraf, alrkarim,
al-'aly. Dans notre text nous avons en premier lieu al-'aly,
£leve: (2) ensuite al-maivlawy qui signifie motamot appartenant
au maitre, mawla et dans les inscriptions, appartenant a notre maitre,-

1mawlana, vient ensuite lepithete akiakhdumy de notre Seigneur, al-
makdhum, (Celui qui est servi terme assez rare en epigraphie, mais
qui se trouve ici; as-sayfyi relatif .de sayf ad-din, le glaive de la
religion! Nury, cest ainsi que je propose de lire le nom propre
malgre certaines hesitations. Dans les ouviages dhistoire que j ai
sous la main, je nai pu trouver le nom de ce personnage. al-asrafy:
si le terme aaiaf est la plupart du temps un terme honorifique,
surtout lorsquil suit le titre al-muqarr, dans cette inscription asrafy
parait etre un relatif se rapportant a ASraf nom du Sultan regnant,
al-Malik alASraf Barsbay qui exera le pouvoir de .825 a84lH. =
1422 a 1458 de notre ere. Il remplaa sur le trone Nasir ad-Din

6


78 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Muhammad (al-Malik as-Salih); il reprima la revolte des Syriens,
fit deux campagues en Chypre; constitua prisonuier Jean de Lusignan
quil emmena au Caire, soutint la guerre contre les Turcomans et
soumit le Cherif de La Mecque. A la fin de son regne, lEgypte fut
ravagee par la peste.

Cest sous ce Sultan que Nury reconstruit a Naplouse le petit
sanctuaire qui nous occupe.

Il est nomme amir dawadar, le chef ou le premier secretaire. On
sait que le dawadar le porte encrier),, etait un fonctionnaire de la
cour des Mamluks. Non seulement le Sultan, mais les principaux
fonctionnaires avaient un ou plusieurs dawadar.

Le mot du debut de la 4 ligne est efface: je suppose le mot sayf)
glaive.

Dans la date, le mot sittat, six, nest pas absolument sur: peut
etre pourraiton lire etnayn, deux.

Dans ce cas ce serait en 632 quaurait eu lieu la restauration de

a-maka cbvubaraL

Il nous reste a expliquer la cause de ce travail et le motif de la
saintete du lieu dont nous avons esquisse une description.

Dans la capitale de lEgypte, vivait aux temps anciens Sitt
Sidaymiyah, la Dame Sulaymiyah ou la petite et gentille Salimah.
Elie appartenait a une famille princiere et aimait beaucoup son
frere Sulayman. Une tradition pretend quelle avait deux fees
Imad adD1n et Nur adD1n. Elie etait fort pieuse et faisait
dabondantes bonnes oeuvres: aussi etait elle fort connue en Egypte.
Sa mort fut un deuil public. Une foule enorme se reunit pour assister
aux funerailles. Le cortege quitte la mosquee pour se rendre au
cimetiere. En route, la biere portee par les amis, se souleve soudain,
echappe aux mains qui veulent la retenir et senvole dans les airs.
Elle fait un tour au dessus de la ville du Caire et, tel un oiseau
gigantesque, prend ensuite la route de Syrie. Elle traverse le desert,
elle traverse la sepheia et arrive a Naplouse. En ligne droite, elle
se dirige vers la roche que nous avons decrite et penetre par la toute
petite ouverture mentionne a 101ient de la chambre superieure:
le trou est extremement etroit, mais par une permission du Tres
Haut, la biere sintroduit et se range le long de la paroi. Alors la
welyah sort de sa biere, pleine de vie et etablit sa demeur dans ce
nid daigle.


JAUSSEN: Inscription arabe du sanctuaire de sat Sulaymiyah &c. 79

Que Sitt Sulaymiyah soit fixee dans cette cavite du rocher, la
croyance des fiddles qui frequentent le sanctuaire nen conoit aucun
doute. Un indigne, Abd ar-Razzaq ^tait aupres de la grote lors de
ma premiere visite; avec un certain respect, il repondit ames questions
et me donna les details suivants confirmes depuis par dautres
personnes.

La Sitt Sulaymiyah habite dans le creux, sur le bord duquel on
aperoit encore lextremite dune plancbe de sa biere! Elie se
repose la-baut, dit Abd ar-Razzaq, mais elle descend parfois sur
esplanade, en avant de la grotte; alors elle se ren visible: elle
est habillee dune robe blanche; elle porte sur la tete un grand voile
blanc. Jamais elle ne se laisse approcher. Quelquun gravit-il
esplanade? Elle disparait aussitot. De loin, (Abd ar-Razzaq la
aper u plusieurs fois, mais malgre son vif desir de lui parler et de

la toucher, il na jamais pu la rejoindre.),

Du plus la Dame naime pas les indiscretions des visiteurs;
!experience le prouve! Un fellah visitait le sanctuaire pour sacquitter
dun voeu. En gravissant la pente de la montagne, il ape1oit la (Dame),
assise au bord de lantre ou elle demeure. Pousse par le desir de
la contempler, il sapproche doucement et sans bruit parvient au
dessous du rocher: alors il leve les yeux . Sitt Sulaymiyah peignait
sa belle chevelure noire. Elle aperoit le paysan qui la fixait. Irritee
de son effronterie, elle lui lance son peigne en plein visage. Lindiscret
fellah est aussitot frappe de cecite!

'Abd ar-Razzaq continue: N0n seulement le visteur ne doit pas
manquer de discretion ni de reverence envers Sitt Sulaymiyah, mais
8il veut eviter tout malheur, il respectera ce qui appartient a la
((Dame),. Or la campagne situee en avant du rocher constitue sa
propriety et rien de ce quelle contient nest un bien halal dont on
puisse disposer sa guise. ((Un jour, me dit en confidance 'Abd
ar-Razzaq, je me suis permis de saisir un pigeon devant la grotte:
en ce lieu-, fit-il en esquissant un geste pour mindiquer lendroit
precis. Jemportais le pigeon chez moi. A peine etais-je entre dans
ma maison, que je fus saisi dun tremblement nerveux dans tout le
corps, et je passais une nuit affreuse. En reflechissant je compris
que javais offense Sitt Sulaymiyah. De bon matin, je me levais pour
rapporter le pigeon a lendroit ou je l'avais pris: le tremblement
nerveux cessa immediatement.).

6


80

Journal of the Palestine Oriental-Society

Dautres faits prouvent la saintete de ce lieu consacre a la ((Dame),.

En plus des oisaux, tous les animaux qui habitent aux aleutours de
la grotte appartiennent a Sulaymiyah. Aussi aucun chasseur aujourd
hui naurait Imprudence de tirer sur une perdrix ou sur uu lievre
qui frequente ces lieux: sou audace seiait surement ch tiee.

Mas ne pas faire du tort a la Sitt ne suffit pas a la piete des
fideles: des honneurs particuliers sont reclames par elle et lui sont
offerts par la population voisine.

Frequemment les malheureux accoureut a ce sanctuaire poui
solliciter la protection de Sulaymiyah. A la suite dune guerison
obtenue ou dune faveur accordee, hommes et femmes airivent a la
grotte et immolent, qui un agneau, qui un chevreau, en sacrifice, a la
face dAllah, en lhonneur de la Sitt. La victime est prepare sur
place et mangee par ceux qui prennent part au pelerinage < ra.

Plus souvent encore on voit de pieux. visiteurs apporter de lhuile
et allumer une lampe en lhonneur de la ((Sitt)). Lu reste un simple
coup doeil jete a linterieur de la grotte et le long du rochei a
louest de lesplanade, sur une longueur de 20 a 30 metres, peimet
de constater les traces des nombreuses lampes ffequemment allumees
en ce sanctuaire.

Parfois les pieux visiteurs organisent, le soil*, une veritable
illumination semblable a celle que japerus le 18 septembre 1923
des torches et des lampes, disposees SUI* lesplanade, en avant de
la grotte et tout le long de la paroi projetaient une brillante lumiere
sur la roche nue et en montraient au spectateur les contours grisatres
a travers les larges feuilles de cactus.

Ce lieu beni hada1 makan akubarak, de notre inscription, nous
rapelle les sanctuaiies de lArabie avec leurs Hima ou enceintes
sacrees, sanctuaires visites par les populations voisines qui sy
reunissaient pour y faire des sacrifices.

En ce sanctuaire, une roeliyali est particulierement honoree, car
cette weliyah, la Sitt Sulaymiyahj a etabli sa demeure en ce lieu.

Le fait davoir vole de lEgypte en la ville de Naplouse ne constitue
pas un fait-unique dans les legendes des ivelys: dautres saints ont
ainsi voles apres leui mort. Lorigine de cette preuve de la saintete
doit etre cherchee dans la legende qui attribue au Prophete
Muhammad leloge suivant de Djacfar fils dAbu Talib. On sait que


JAUSSEN: Inscription arabe du sanctuaire de Sitt Sulaymiyah &c. 81

la premiere rencontre des troupes musulmanes avec les forces byzan-
tines eut lieu a Mawtah, petite localite au sud de Kerak Van 7 de
1Heg. = 1an 629. La melee fut tres chaude. Le General commandant
les Musulamans, z d fut tue. Dja'far prit le drapeau et dirigea
le combat. Un coup de sabre lui abattit les deux mains, mais il
saisit ltendard entre ses deux bras jusquau moment ou il tomba.
Sa conduite courageuse fut rapportee au Prophete qui dit: ((Au
lieu des deux mains coupees dans le combat, Allab lui a donne deux
ailes avec lesquelles il vole parmi les anges. Depuis cette parole
Dja'far est appele du7 djanahayni, Dja'far aux deux ailes ou Dja'far
od-Tayyiar, Dja'far qui vole.

Dapres ce prototype beaucoup de welys musulmans ont eu le pri-
vilege de voler apres leur mort.


NEW LIGHT ON THE HISTORY OF JAFFA.

s. TOLKOWSKY
(JAFFA)

The writings of the pilgrims who visited Jaffa, from the end of
the 14th century until the end of the 17th, describe Jaffa as a
collection of totally nninhabited rnins, the common view being that
its destruction dates from its capture by Bibars in 1268.

While there is no doubt that on that occasion the city suffered
enormous damage, it is nevertheless true that within a few years
from that event Jaffa was rebuilt and became as flourishing an
industrial and commercial centre as it had ever been before. The
Arab geographer Abulfeda, writing in 1321, and the Spanish Jewish
pilgrim Rabbi Isaac Chelo, who visited the town in 1334, are reliable
witnesses of this revival; and, as late as the year 1335, the Emir
Jemal edDin ibnlsheik founded the wely known as the kulbet Sheikli
Murad, which still exists to-day and is situated to the east of the
suburb called the saknet Abu-Kebr Ludolpli von Suchem, who
passed tlirough Jaffa in 1340, found it still fairly peopled and
described it as an exceeding ancient and beauteous city, but says
that shortly before his time the harbour works had been destroyed
by the sultan of Egypt out of fear of the king of France. Fifty-five
years later, in 1395, the Baron dAnglure found the city itself completely
destroyed and entirely uninhabited, the only place where pilgrims
could find shelter for the night being in an abandoned chapel of
the church of St. Peter, the remains of which could still be recognized
amongst the ruins of the citadel.

In my History of Jaffa, published last year? I said that of the
causes which brought about this utter ruin of the once beautiful and
wealtliy city we know nothing positive, and that we can only surmise
that the destruction was the act of the only Crusader who actually


TOLKOWSKY: New light on the history of Jaffa 83

carried war into Palestine during the fourteenth century, namely,
Peter I, king of Cyprus, who sacked Alexandria in 1365, and ravaged
the coasts of Palestine and Syria in 1367.

Since writing the lines just quoted, there has come into my possession
further material which has compelled me to reconsider my views on
the subject and to absolve king Peter of Cyprus of the responsibility
for the destruction of Jaffa.

The destruction of the harbour works in 1336 had been ordered
by the sultan En-Nasir NasiredDin Mohammed on account of the
preparations for a new crusade which were being made at that moment
by the kings of England and Prance. But the sultans fears had been
in vain, and the destiuction of the harbour works at Jaffa had served
n useful purpose; for, before the crusade could be launched, the
year 1337 had seen the beginning of the Hundred Years War between
England and Prance.

However, before a few years had elapsed, the Pope endeavoured to
form a new coalition between those Christian powers which were
threatened by the Ottoman Turks, who had begun to settle in Europe
as eaily as 1308' Venice, anxious to preserve her possessions in the
Aegean islands, combined forces with the Knights Hospitallers; in
1344 they undertook a new crusade which ended in the conquest of
Smyrna. Another crusade, launched in 1345, under the leadersilip
of Humbert, dauphin of Vienne, ended in failure. The fate 01' Smyrna
and the momentary revival of the crusading spirit once more put the
fear of the Chiistians into the sultans heart; afraid of a new attempt
to seize Jerusalena byway of Jaffa, he ordered the latter town to be
entirely destroyed, and its harbour as well as those of a number of
other maritime cities of Palestine and Syria, to be filled up. A
Franciscan monk who landed at Jaffa in the spring of the year 1347,
found the city razed to the ground; only two ruined buildings remained
standing, which were inhabited by an officer and a few soldiers.
The monk whose evidence enables US thus to establish with certainty
both the approximate date, 1344 to 1346, and the causes of the final
destruction of Jaffa, is Fra Niccolo da Poggibonsi, who in his Libro
d'Oltramare (published by Alberto Bacchi della Lega, 2 vols., Bologna
\i {La citta di, Gdajfa si e tutta guasta, che non ha cdto

che due grotte dore sta uno pooero amiragtio con alquanti Sa acini alia
guardia del porto: ma il porto si e guasto e ripieno, come quegli di


84 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Sora per paxi eke nam, xe galee 'dx Crxstxam xox potessono andare
^ Terra Santa, per aqaistare xl paese 1 ..
of this passage is as follows: The city of Jaffa is entirely destroyed,
there being nothing else than two caves where are stationed a poor
officer with a few Saracens for the purpose of guarding the harbour
but the harbour is destroyed and filled up, like those of Syria, out
of fear less Christian ships or galleys land in the Holy Land with
the intention of conquering the country.


LES HYKSOS ET LES HEBREUX.

Le Rev. Rere ALEXIS MALLON
(JERUSALEM)

DANS sareponse a Apion, rhistorien Flavius Josephe admet
comme certaine et defend avec beaucoup de force Identification
des Hebreux avec les Hyksos. Il donnelui-meme daus son prologue
la raison de cette position. Ses adversaires, ses calomniateurs, comme
il les apelle, ont dnigre son grand ouvrage des Antiquites judaiques
dans lequel, sappuyant sur la Bible, il a exalte a bon droit
lanciennete et les gloires du peuple bebreu. Les historiens grecs,
disent-ils, not rien connue de semblable, ils ne parlent pas des
Hebreux.

Indigne de ces accusations, lapologiste saisit la balle au bond.

Il se met a feuilleter les anciens bistoriens et il se fait fort de
demontrer que beaucoup ont mentionne les Hebreux et que si les
autres les passent ,sous silence, cest par pure jalousie. Parmi les
Egyptiens, il sen tient a un seul, a Manethon qui, dit-il a juste
titre, west fort considere entr eux et est verse a la fois dans les
lettres grecques et egyptiennes.2

Josephe avait-il un Manetbon complet entre les mains? Ce nest
pas probable. Il semble plutot quil ne possedait que des extraits
cites par dautres auteurs. Comme on le sait, la grande bistoire
de Manetbon na pas ete retrouvee. Il nous est done impossible de
confronter avec loriginal les citations de Josepbe. Mais, dans notre
cas, il nimporte. Lbistorien juif avait sous les yeux des textes
surement manetboniens, et, rencontrant dans ces textes les Hyksos,
un peuple de Semites dont les chefs ont ceint la couronne des

Contra Apion. I, 26.
2 Ibid. I, 14.


86 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

Pharaons, il nhesite pas un instant, il y reconnait aussitot les ancetres,
les ancetres dont il revendique la gloire. Et cette identification,
pour lui si precieuse, n'est meme pas son oeuvre. Il a la bonne
fortune de la trouver deja realisee dans ses documents. Ceux-ci, en
effet, disent clairement qUapres la capitulation d^varis, les Hyksos
se retirerent en Palestine ou ils fonderent Jerusalem et devinrent
les Juifs.

Comment ce dernier detail sestil glisse dans lhistoire de Manethon?
Car, il semble bien quil soit authentique. Lauteur egyptien connais-
sait les Hyksos et la prise dAvaris, leur capitale, par les textes
hieroglyphiques. En cela, les decouvertes modernes ont pleinement
confirme son recit. Mais sans aucun doute, ces textes ne mention-
naient ni Jerusalem ni les Hebreux. Il complete done son sujet qui
sarretait brusquement avec Impulsion des Hyksos, en referant une
opinion courante a son epoque. Et cette opinion, il est facile de
voir quelle etait celle des savants juifs dEgypte. Hans la meme in-
tention que osephe, eux au^si setaient empare des Hyksos et en avaient
fait les glorieux ancetres),. Leur intervention se reconnait a la
maniere discrete dont ils avaient retouche le siege dAvaris. Dans
la version mise en vogue par eux, ce netait plus une defaite
humiliante, une expulsion des vaincus, mais une capitulation glorieuse
apres une sortie qui avait mis Pharaon en fuite, puis une retraite
triomphante dans le pays de leur choix.

Lintrusion dopinions de partis dans le texte manethonien est un
fait, qui ne semble pas contestable. On la saisit encore dans lhistoire
des <(Impurs qui suit celle des Hyksos et que Josephe rapporte et
refute longuement. Cette histoire attribua'nt un role odieux aux
Hebreux, il est eident quelle provenait de leurs ennemis. Lauteur
egyptien semble avoir voulu tenir la balance egale entre les deux
camps en rapportant deux opinions qui manifestement sont incon-
ciliables.

Meme identification dans Ptolemee de Mendes cite par Tatien, Fragrn
Hist.Gr!, Didot, IV, 485.

2 Cont. Ap. I, 26. Tous les textes concernant les les I purs et les Juifs,
dapres dautres auteurs grecs, en particulier Hecatee dAbdere, ont ete reunis
par Th. Reinach, Textes relatifs au Judaisme, p. 20 et suiv.; ils sont etudies par
R. Weill, La fin du Moyen Empire egyptien, I, p. 95130. Dans les fleaux et
maladies dont parlent les auteurs grecs, il faut voir evidemment une deformation


MALLON: Les Hyksos et les H6breux

87

Pour nous, la solution est simple. Historiquement parlant, les
Hyksos ne sont pas les Hebreux. Et pour expliquer le silence des
documents hieroglyphiques sur Israel, nous ninvoquerons ni la jalousie
ni lenvie, nous repeterons ce qui a ete dit depuis longtemps, que le
s6jour en Egypte fut un 'episode qui nattira pas attention des
scribes officiels. Admettant meme que lExode ait eu quelque
retentissement dans la vallee du Nil, on ny pouvait rien cueillir de
glorieux pour Pharaon.

Pour faire ressortir la distinction entre Hyksos et Hebreux, il
suffira dune remarque. Les Hyksos, tant ceux de Manethon que ceux
des monuments, semparerent du pouvoir et monterent sur le trone
des Pharaons. Leur souverainete fut dabord limit au Delta, mais
elle setendit, au moins avec 1undeux, le fameux Hayan (Jannas de
Manethon), sur toute la vallee. Or, les auteurs sacres qui sont *i
bien renseignes sur les choses dEgypte, qui decrivent si longuement
et avec une si legitime complaisance, lexaltation de Joseph, fils de
Jacob, ne savent rien de cette royaute. Pour eux, loin davoir ete des
Pharaons, leurs ancetres ont ete opprimes et reduits en servitude par
les Pharaons. Cest le renversement des roles, et comme, dans
lhistoire de sa nation, personne ne tient a remplacer des gloires
authentiques par des humiliations imaginaiies, il faut bien en conclure
que leur recit est 1echo fidele de la tradition.

Inutile d'insister, le tableau biblique dIsrael en Egypte ne cadre
en aucune maniere avec ce que les monuments nous apprennent
des ((Pasteurs),. Ce nest pas a dire que les deux peuples soient
restes sans relations. Loisque Jacob et sa famille descendirent dans
la plaine du Nil, les Hyksos etaient au pouvoir et ce fut un de leurs
rois, piobablement un Apophis, qui les accueillit et leur conceda la
terre de Gessen, sur la frontiere orientale. Cette bienveillance qui
setait deja manifestee a lard de Joseph, sexplique par laffinite
des-.races et la communaute dorigine.

Car,, qui sont les Hyksos? Une masse heterogene formee en
majorite de Semites, Cananeens et Amorrhens, et peut-etre de
des plaies d'Egypte quils connaissaient par la Bible. Il nexiste pas de document
egyptien faisant allusion a une expulsion dtrangers a cause de maladies
contag'ieuses. Les Impurs expulses etaient la reponse des antisemites aux
Apologistes juifs qui voulaient avoir les glorieux Hyksos comme ancetres. Voir
Meyer, Histoire de VAntiquite (trad. Moret) II, 303.


88 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society

quelques elements asianiques. Telle est, du moins, la conclusion
qui se degage des documents ecrits et figures.

Et dabord il importe de remarquer que ni entreux ni pour les
Egyptiens qui etaient si bons Observateurs et qui nous ont fait
connaitre tant dautres peuples, ils nont ^as de nom propre a eux.
Car le terme hyksos nest pas un ethnique, cest un mot compose de
deux radicaux egyptiens, hik (eg. Ilk ?) ((Chef), et de khost (eg. 1? st)
etranger, tribu, caravane),, et qui signifie done ((chef detrangers,
chef de tribu),, quelque chose comme le cheikh des Bedouins. Ce
nom qui designait dabord les chefs, fut naturellement etendu a
toute leur suite. A lorigine, sur les levres des Egyptiens, il avait
sans aucun doute un sens p£joratif, comme Barbare chez les Romans.
Mais ce qui est etonnant, cest que les etrangers eux-memes nen
chercherent pas dautre, quils sen firent gloire et quils le graverent
sur leurs scarabees. Nous connaissons cinq chefs portant ce titre:
Aha de Beni Hasan, Anat-her, Semqen, HeritAntha, Hayan.

AbSa (Abzsai) est un Semite, il descendit en Egypte avec sa tribu
sous la XII dynastie, au temps du Pharaon Amenemhat II. De
meme race sont aussi 'Anat-her etHeritAntha dont les noms composes
nous montrent, sous deux formes differentes, Anat, forme cananeenne,
et Antha, forme arameenne, le vocable de la fameuse deesse qui
occupa une place importante dans les religions orientales. Quant
a letymologie de Semqen et Hayan, elle reste incertaine, mais leurs
scarabees sont semblables aux autres et noffrent aucun caractere
distinctif. Comme on le sait, Hayan est le plus celebre de ces chefs.
Cest tres probablement le Pharaon Jannas de Manethon. Ses
monuments ont ete retrouves dans toute lEgypte a Bagdad, a
Knossos en Crete.

Plusieurs autres chefs portant aussi des noms semitiques, tels Salatis,
le premier de la liste manethonienne (du radical salita ((dominer),
d'ou 1aram. salita etlarabe et peut-etre le second de la meme

liste, Benon (banUn?),^ tel surtout Ja'qob-her des monuments
qui doit etre classe parmi les plus grands, car, sur quelques scarabees
il sattribue une titulature pharaonique, fils de Ba, Mer-ousir-ra,
Jctqob-er doue de rte.

1 Cfr. Les Hebreux en ]Egypte, 1921, p. 186.

Hfe: Die Keitisc1e) AVeihinseliriften Jer Hyhsoszeit, 4.


MALLON: Leg Hyksos et leg Hebreux

89

Au reste, on la remarque depuis longtemps, le critere onomastique
dans la question presente, comporte des reserves. Ces Orientaux, qui
aiment a se dire fils de Ra, setaient egyptianises, adoptant la langue
et les usages de leur nouveau pays, au point quil nest plus possible
de distinguer les nationalites. Aussibien quelques auteurs ont-ils emis
lopinion que les Apophis etaient des rois indigenes, a tort dailleurs,
car la mode sintroduisit vite parmi les Hyksos de prendre des noms
egyptiens. uelques noms, cependant, comme Apachnan, Qoupepen,
Semqen, Assis ou Aseth, ^ayan, ne semblent ni egyptiens ni semitiques,
et cest une des raisons qui militent en faveur delements asianiques,
Kassites ou Mitanniens, dans la masse des Semites.

Gette derniere hypothese est, par ailleurs, assez vraisemblable. La
conquete hyksos (vers 1.670) eut lieu peu de temps apres lavenement
des Kassites a Babylone (1760). Ceux-ci introduisil'ent en Mesopotamia
les chars de guerre atteles de chevaux, et le meme attelage arriva
en Egypte au temps des Hyksos. Une tribu guerriere serait de-
scendue du Nord, entrainant a sa suite Amorrheens et Cananeens, et
aurait facilement envahi les plaines du Delta. Elie se serait, du reste,
rapidement fondue.avec les peuples quelle traversait ou soumettait.
Apres la prise d'Avaris par Ahmosis, les Hyksos disparaissent comme
peuple.2 Beaucoup, sans doute, resterent en Egypte, beaucoup aussi
retournerent en Canaan, leur patrie dorigine.

Aucun monument figure ne nous montre un type hyksos different
des Semites. La caravane du cheikh Absa est composee de Cananeens.
Les scarabees que nous appelons ((hyksos), ont ete trouves un peu
partout, en Palestine et en Bhenicie, mais non pas en Haute Syrie,
ni en Asie Mineure. Ils existaient dejh en Egypte au Moyen Empire. On
en possede qui portent les cartouches de Sesostris I, dAmenemhat II.
dAmenemhat III, dAmenemhat IV (Petrie, A history of Egypt, I,

Linscription de Hatsbepsit au Speos Artemidos donne deux noms aux
envahisseurs, 'acimii et Semau. Les 'aamu sont ((les nomades les pasteurs, les
bedouins),, appellation commune aux habitants du Sinai et de Canaan. Les
semau sont assurement une categorie special dOrientaux, mais traduire ce mot
par ((Asianiques,, (non Semites), ce serait lui donner un sens precis quil na
pas dans les textes. Serna est devenu en copte Semmo qui signifie simplement
((etranger,,.

2 Ce fut, sans doute, la tribu dominante qui tenta de resister encoie dans
Sharouhen.


90 Journal of the Palestine 01iental Society

156, 164, 184, 196). Le decor a spirales qui les caracterise provenait
du mode egeen, soil par relation maritimes directes, soit par
Intermediate de la Phenicie Les brillantes decouvertes de Byblos
ont projete de nonelles iumieres sur cette epoque de culture avancee.
La tombe dun des princes de cette cite, contemporain dAenemhatlll,
a livre un recipient dargent avec le decor en volutes au repousse
{Syria, III, 285). Ce vase etait dimportation egeenne ou mycenienne,
mais il- nen reste pas moins etabli que le motif essentiel du style
dit hyksos), etait connu longtemps avant les Pasteuis, en Egypte
comme en Orient. La domination de ceux-ci favorisa la diffusion
du scarabee de type exotique, mais elle ne fut pour rien dans sa
creation. Au Nouvel Empire, apres la restauration nationale, ce
genre de cachet disparut en Egypte tandis qu'il se maintint long-
temps encore en Palestine.

Avec les scarabees hyksos),, se rencontre parfois une poterie noire
a une seule anse et decoree dun pointille geometriqe, en lignes obliques,
triangles et chevrons. Des echantillons de cette ceramique ont ete
reconnus a Tell eliJahouclyieh, a Rifeli, a Saft el-Henne en Palestine,
en Syrie, a Kafr el-Djarra pres de Sidon, a Hissarlik, a Chypre et
en Crete.2 On ignore quelle est sa patrie dorigine, mais il est.
manifeste quon ne peut en faire gloire aux Hyksos.

Le seul ouvrage qui pourrait etre attribue a ces rois, est le camp
retranche de Tell el-Jahoudyieh ou ont ete trouves en grande quantite
les scarabees de style hyksos. Ce vaste rectangle, entoure de murs
en terre battue et en briques, avec une entree en plan incline, est du
non a des Egyptiens, mais a quelque tribu .oriental On en a signale
de pareils dans la Syrie du Nord, a MiSrife et a Tell Safinat-Nuh.* 2 3 4
Cependant, !attribution aux Hyksos manque de base solide et reste
tres incertaine. Ainsi en ont juge plusieurs critiques, en particulier
Masper0.4 Les scarabees a volute et la poterie noire a pointille
geometrique prouvent que le camp fut occupe par les Pasteurs, non

Ils se manifestent meme deja a la X et a la XI dynastie, avec des noms
prives et des noms royaux (Petrie, Scarabs and Cylinders with names, pi. XI).

2 Contenau, La glyptique syro-hittite, p. 134. Dussaud, Les civilisations pre
helleniques, 239.

7. Notes et etudes dareh. or. (Mel. de 10 Foe. Or.
VII, 109).

4 Revue Critique, 1907, II, 197.


MALLON: Les Hyksos et les Hebreux

91

quil fut construit par eux. Les raisons ne manquent pas pour croire
quil leur est bien anterieur. Petrie y a exhume des monuments de
la XII dynastie. En outre, le meme explorateur a reconnu les traces
dun camp semblable a Heliopolis, enveloppant lobelisque et le temple
du Moyen Empire. On conoit difficilement comment les Etrangers
auraient choisi, pour se retrancher, un endroit si venere, ou affluait,
a certaines fetes, la population indigene. Quant aux fortifications
syriennes, leur origine est encore inconnue. Les camps rectangulaires
que certains voyageurs ont remarques en Transcaspienne, aux environs
de Men,2 sont extremement anciens, et, par consequent, sans relation,
semble t il, avec les conquerants de lEgypte au XVII6 siecle. Ainsi
de quelque cote quon se tourne, un art national hyksos), reste
insaisissable. 2

? Heliopolis, Kafr Amnar and Sbrafa, .\ .

2 The Journ. of the POS II, 123.


ANIMALS IN PALESTINIAN FOLKLORE
STEPHAN H, STEPHAN
(JERUSALEM)

This paper IS onl an attempt to collect some sayings and ideas
of the average man about animals. In no way do tey claim to
be complete, since I have dedicated to this work only a part of my
leisure moments. Moreover, they are from a very limited area (that
around Jerusalem) not the most productive one in this respect by
far. Without pretending to be exhaustive, this small collection of
proverbs, every-day sayings, rhymes, names and tales is comprehensive
enougli to help the folklorist to form an idea of his own about tliis
interesting subject

No one can enter the beautiful realm of folklore, without becoming
simple-hearted, even subconsciously. For though these proverbs have
no relation whatsoever with each other, except by their very simplicity,
they may be strung together like beads of a rosai'y, though eacli one
differs entirely from the preceding, like pictures of a kaleidoscope.

I have dwelt mostly on proverbs and proverbial sayings concerning
animals, as they are more characteristic than any others, with their
turns and expressions that give a peculiar cast to colloquial Arabic.
They are by no means obsolete, but are used by the man in the
street, in and sometimes out of season. For proverbs are merely
attempts to generalize an idea, an experience, a happening, a situation,
once for all. Such attempts can only be at best more or less happy
strokes. This holds g'ood also in the case of animals. When they
I have to offer my hearty thanks to Professor w. F. Albright, Director of
the American School of Archaeology, for having read the hole article and for
his kind help and valuable advice.

2 I have taken into this collection a considerable number of slang expressions,
etc., which, of course, are used only by the lower classes, the average man
objecting to tlieir use.


Animals in Palestinian Folklore

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