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Notes on the ancient geography of Burma (I)

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Title:
Notes on the ancient geography of Burma (I)
Creator:
Duroiselle, Charles, 1871-1951
Place of Publication:
Rangoon
Publisher:
Office of the superintendent, government printing, Burma
Publication Date:
Copyright Date:
1906
Language:
English
Physical Description:
1 v.

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Burma -- Historical geography ( lcsh )
Burma -- History -- To 1824 ( lcsh )
Myanmar -- Historical geography
Myanmar -- History -- To 1824
Temporal Coverage:
- 1824
Spatial Coverage:
Asia -- Myanmar
Coordinates:
22 x 96

Notes

Abstract:
A study of the Samyutta-nikaya, with extracts from it
General Note:
This title is believed to be in the public domain under copyright legislation of Burma (with guideance from WIPO) and under Crown Copyright, United Kingdom
General Note:
No more volumes published in this series
General Note:
"Reprint from the École française d'Extrême-Orient." (in translation)

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SOAS University of London
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SOAS University of London
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This item is licensed with the Creative Commons Attribution, Non-Commercial License. This license lets others remix, tweak, and build upon this work non-commercially, as long as they credit the author and license their new creations under the identical terms.
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GB398 /4499 ( SOAS classmark )

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Reprint from the Ecole Francaise d'Extreme-Orient."

NOTES

ON THE

ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF BURMA

(I)

BY

C. DUROISELLE, M.R.A.S.

LECTURER IN PAli, RANGOON COLLEGE

RANGOON

CirICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT, GOVERNMENT PRINTING, BURMA

1906




NOTES ON THE

ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF BURMA.

The Punnovada-sutta of the S amyutt a- ni kay a is found, almost
word for word, in the Sanskrit version of the celebrated Legend
of Pur/za, as translated by Burnouf from the Divyavadana.1 The
Pali Sutta does not give us any further information concerning
this interlocutor of the Buddha; but the commentaries or Attha-
katha give, as a rule, the history of the persons mentioned in the
texts.2 Consequently, while looking over the voluminous commen-
tary on the Sanriyutta, I have found therein the Legend of Pu/z^a
(Sanskrit Pura) such as it is known to the Southern School of Bud-
dhism, or, at least, that part of the legend which the commentators
have thought fit to insert in their work : for if the sutta itself seems to
be but an extract (unless one prefers to see in it the nucleus round
which the legend later on developed itself), the commentary gives
to the careful reader the impression that it (the commentary) is
but an abridgment from which are omitted secondary incidents
known to the Sanskrit version. Two points seem to me to admit
of no doubt: on the one hand, the story existed before the evolution
peculiar to Northern Buddhism, since the Purnavadana contains
the Pali sutta; on the other, it had remained quite popular
amongst the Southern Buddhists up to the time of the redaction of
the Sannyutta^Makatha, for this commentary introduces the two
brothers in the story with the words ete dve Bhataro without
these two brothers having yet been mentioned. This detail
confirms me in the opinion that the compilers whose intention was
merely to recall that part of the story relating to the country
of Sunaparanta, have not judged necessary to reproduce in its

(l) Samyutta or Sannyutta-nikaya, ed. Feer, Vol. IV, page 60 ; Divya-
vadana, ed. Cowell and Neil, pages 24.55- Burnouf, Introduction, ed. 1844,
pages 235276; ed. 1876, page 209245.

(3) Most of these commentaries have not yet been edited and are there-
fore unknown to scholars in Europe.


( 2 )

entirety a legend already well known and such probably, except a
few unimportant details, as we have it in the Divayvaddna.
The fact is that the Divyavadana is unknown in Burma, 1 but in
the History of the Foot-Print, 2 we find another legend forming
a kind of introduction to that of the Sannyutta commentary, and
from this we may infer that the Sanskrit version has not been
altogether unknown in Burma. The Legend of Pu^rca contains,

(')We have reasons to believe that Sanskrit was known in Burma before
Pali. The Burmese of the loth and nth centuries dispels all doubts on
this point: for in the inscriptions of that period are found words clearly derived
from Sanskrit, and not only technical terms, but words which must have
already been in popular use, such as, for example, prassad, from Sanskrit
prdsada, the Pali being pdsada\ Sakra = Sanskrit Cakra (Pali sakka).
After its introduction into Pagan, Pali was studied with great fervour, and the
first outcome of these studies, about one century after the fall of Thaton, was the
Sadda-niti, a grammar of the Tripitaka, and the most comprehensive in exis-
tence. Forchhammer gives 1156 A.D. as the date of this work; but
Aggavawfsa, the author, himself says that it was completed in 1154 A.D.
Now, Asgavawsa, in the second p^rt of his grammar, the Dhdtumdld or
Garland of Roots, gives here and there the equivalent Sanskrit forms. It
is therefore plausible to suppose that Sanskrit existed at Pagan in the nth
century at least and was scientifically studied before Pali, for the first work in
the latter language written in Burma bases itself on Sanskrit grammar to
explain a few Pali forms. Another proof is the use, in the dates of the nth
and the 12th centuries of the Hindu astronomical terminology; for instance,
Asan = Acvi d (1054 A.D.) ; Mrikkaso= Mrgaciras (1081 A.D.), etc The
Siddhanta, then, must have been known in Pagan anterior to those dates.
Moreover, certain names of places and rivers indicate a familiarity, very
probably already secular in Anoratas time with Hindu mythology; to
give but one example : on the banks of the Irrawaddy (=Pali, Eravati=
Sanskrit airdvati), the legend of the famous elephant uiravata is well known.
Other proofs are less sure: thus Mr. Taw Sein Ko {Notes on the Ratydni
Inscriptions) speaks,of bricks found at Tagoungand at Pagan itself, inscribed
with legends in Sanskrit and older than the introduction of Southern
Buddhism in Pagan ; but Phayre says (History of Burma, page 14) that the
legends were in Pali. As it is very difficult to procure any of these bricks,
I cannot settle this question; it is to be doubted whether even the Archaeologi-
cal Museum in Rangoon possesses any; at least, none of these short legends
has ever yet been deciphered. No Sanskrit inscription has yet been found in
Burma: Dr. Fiihrer, it is true, says (Notes on an Archceological tour in
Upper Burma) that he discovered two at Tagoung : but nothing more was
ever heard of these two lithic inscriptions, of such a paramount importance
if they do really exist, which I doubt very much.

(*) In Burmese: g}a5GOo5o3^Ss (Rhve-cak-to-Samdn). The principal
temples and pagodas each have their samow or history. These histories,
amid the overgrowth of marvellous tales, contain very precious historical infor-
mations, and give dates, which are generally exact, of contemporary events.
Some < f these samfln have been utilized for the compilation of the Maharaja-
van ; out most of them are crumbling to pieces in the dust of monasteries.


(I 3 ) .

according to the Burmese, the history of the two imprints of the
Buddhas left foot, which he, the Masterafter having, as it is
written, spent one week in the magnificent monastery built with red
sandal woodleft, one, on the bank of thec^SGqpSs (Man : Khyo#)1
stream, the other on the summit of the (Saccaban) Hill,2

whose foot is washed by the said stream. This hill, consecrated
by the Buddhas presence, is situated near Saku,in the Minbu.
District, which is itself comprised in the Province of Aparanta
or Sunaparanta ; for the Burmese have appropriated to themselves
this name at the expense of the Konkan and apply it to the region
which stretches, on the right bank of the Irrawaddy, behind
and above Pagan. They have not the least doubt that Suna-
paranta (Sanskrit ^ronaparanta) of the Sannutta^/zakatha,
is the very same as the Burmese Province called by that name.
The Legend is quoted in the Maharajavan when recording,
the foundation of Prome ;3 therein we are told that Vamjagama
is none else but the village called (Le Kine) by the

Burmese and that it is situated in the Province of Sunaparanta.

(j) Charmed-stream ; Man = manta (Sanskrit mantra): it is the Nam-
mada of the legend.

( 2) Pron. Thissaban = Saccobandha: further on, we shall see the origin of
it his name.

(a) Mahdrajavan, Vol. I, pages 167168. Prome is written 0g§ Pran, by
ithe Burmese and the Arakanese. The Burmese pronounce Pyi and Py&, the
Arakanese, Fri. But the Mon (Talaings) write this word and pronounce it
C0?S Prcn, and 0$ Prawn. It is then in Talaing documents that we must
look for the origin of this name, the signification of which Idonotknow; the
Talaings I have consulted could not give me any information on this point.
Some, however, told me that this word ought to be written, Pr6m (pro-
nounced exactly as Prome); this word means crushed, destroyed, and
Criksetra has, they say, been so called since its destruction by the Mon (Ta-
laings) some years before the foundation of Pagan. But this etymology is not
worth stopping to consider. Namanta, in the Rajava^, is given as the
name of the stream, which is also sometimes called after the Nagas name;
but Namanta is but a corruption of Nammada.

* It has been urged that Prome is derived from Brahma; this
may very well be. But it is remarkable that none of the nations that have
known this old city call it by a name derived, according to their phonetics,
from Brahma. It was better known to them as Criksetra, or its modified
equivalents Phonetically, the Burmese and Arakanese 0g§ Pran, cannot
stand for Brahma, and their pronunciation of it differs still more widely#


( 4 )

Now, the Paganrajavam tells us that Le Kine or Vawijagama is in
the Province of Purantappa. This name, Purantappa, applies to
the region already mentioned in manuscripts, and is unknown to
the majority of the Burmese, even to those well educated. However
the case may be, the Legend, as it is understood by them, is inter-
esting, in that it is a very clear example of the origin of the
artificial geography of Burma, in the fabrication of which some
texts have been flagrantly distorted and their sense deliberately
misunderstood. Before going into this question of fabrication,
let me be allowed to give here the Burmese legend which forms-
a kind of introduction to that of Punna.

In olden times, there was, in the Island of c^Sg(c^gogj§s2 (H6?z-kri r
kyvan), a cultivator who possessed a magnificent bull ; this bull, as
strong as he was beautiful, was savage and vicious ; no one but his
master dared approach him : to do so would have been to run to a
certain death. He had become the terror of the village, for he
pursued and tore into pieces everything he found in his way, beasts
and men. He had already carried mourning and sorrow into many
families, and the fear of him had come to such a pitch that all
work in the fields was at last neglected. This state of things
could not last much longer, for famine and ruin were spreading their
ravages in the neighbouring villages as well. The villagers assem-
bled and, after a short discussion, unanimously resolved to destroy
the ferocious animal. They apprized the owner of their intention,,
leaving him the choice to go somewhere else and take his bull with

Moreover, the word Brahma is well known to the Burmese, and is of very
frequent occurrence in their sacred literature; it is always and rightly written :
0Og (brahma); according to Burmese phonetics, (yog might become (ySg,
(bram), but never, by any rule, (y^S- L is strange that, possessing already
the name in its proper form (gcg> brahma), they should have altered it to-
(pran) fer the citys name and to (Mranma) for their own national

appellation.

The Talaing for Brahma is (Brom, pron, Pram), a word extensively
used in their literature, for they were under brahmanical influence for cen-
turies; but they too, rejecting the proper, ready-made and well-known appel-
lation( ), call Criksetra by a name () which, according to Talaing

phonetics, cannot be a derivation of c Brahma.

(*) Page 37 of the manuscript in my possession (page 3 of the 2nd chap.)-
(*) One of the names by which Cape Negrais is known to the Burmese.


( 5 )

him. The farmer, who was attached to his fields, allowed them,
after some demur, to do as they pleased. The villagers then
armed themselves with sticks, pitchforks, bows, etc., and, after a
quasi-homeric fight, brought the bull to his death ; they cut up the
carcase there and then, and distributed its flesh. The happy event
of the bulls death was, on the evening of the very same day, cele-
brated by a great feast, of which the enormous animals flesh formed
one of the most delicate dishes. Unfortunately, every violent act,
however justifiable, has its retribution; in consequence, all those
who had taken part in the feast were born again in the forests of
Sunaparanta, in Upper Burma. Some became bisons, some deer,
rabbits, antelopes, wild-boars, etc., and the bull, their victim, became
a hunter whose humble dwelling was a hut on the slope of the
Maku/a Hill (the same which received, later on, the name of
-Saccabandha). This hill is now known also as the Hunters
Hill. 1 His arrows never erred ; he roamed in the woods and on

(i)qc^SGo03S(Mu-cho-to/z), near L£-ko;z( cooSc^Ss), in the Minbu District.
The legend has been perpetuated in the names of certain hills; for instance,
the hill wheie he dried his skins is the stretched-out-hides Hill,ocoSG|(cgo5
GOODS Sa-re-krak-tozz; the one where he strung his bow is to-day: c8&OoS
oq?S Lim C = le= GCOS) -taw-kun; the forest wherein he pursued the hare is
known as lO^fttJgSGCO:) ,Yun kran-to; and so forth, cf. the legend given by
Sir George Scott (Upper Burma Gazetteer, II, iii page 163). I do not know
where SirGeorce has taken this story lrom; he has, I suppose, translated it from
the Samon, for it is essentially the same ; but, surely, the dates mentioned are im-
possible. The Burmese always give the correct dates, as they are entered in
the Mahara.javaw, a work found everywhere in Burma; they perhaps might
make an error of some years, but never one of several centuries, as Sir
George does, and the dates which he gives are not those cf the Samon. He says
that in 248 B.E. CBurmese Era, that is to say, Caka, = 886 A D.) Alaung
Sithu, king of Pagan, visited the Shwe-zet-taw, but Alaung Sithu became
king only in 1085 A.D., according to Phayre. In Vol. II, part ii, 307, he

writes: The legend..........says that king Alaung Sithu, in 470 B.E. *=

1108 A.D., left Minbu and went to Saku, then called Ramawadithe differ-
ence between the two dates given for one and the same reign is consequently
322 years! The date 1108 is not that given by the Samon for the visit of
this king to Minbu, but Caka 454 =1092 A.D. On the page already quoted,
a few lines lower down (Vol. II, iii page 163), he says: In 427 B.E.=
1065 A.D. the king Patama (Panama) Min Gaung made a dedication of
lands to the Shwe-zet-taw. But Panama Min Gaung ascended the throne
only in 1401 A.D., and the Sandn tells us that, in Caka 763 (= 1401 A.D.),
*his king visited tie famous foot-prints; here, the difference is 336 years!


.M)

the hils, playng great havoc among their wild inhabitants, whose
flesh he sold to his customers.

It happened the One-thousand-eyed £akra, looking down on
the earth, descried the hunter of Sunaparanta, whose bow had
caused the useless death of so many innocent creatures, and his heart
was moved with pity. He also perceived in the heart of the cruel
hunUr, as a tire mouldering under the ashes, a disposition towards
spirituality which would make of him a great saint if he could be
induced to embrace religious life. He, then, assumed the appearance
of a hunter, descended to Sunapiranta and hid himself near a spot
by which the destroyer had to pass. This hill is well known as Sa-
krapun-tora (oo(cgo8c$SGooDS). The Sunaparanta hunter appeared ;
(Jakra greeted him: i( Friend, whither are you going?1''
A hunting/' replied the other, for I must provide venison for my
customers/ (/akra, with his divine eloquence, shewed him the
cruelty of thus killing innocent victims, and the terrible torments
which such a profession had in store for him in the course of his-
future existences. What! exclaimed the astonished hunter,
are not you yourself a hunter ? Do you not, too, make a living,
in pursuing the deer in the forests ?" What a fine
sermon you are preaching me (i My friend/' answered (Jakra,.

One would be inclined to think that Sir George Scott follows a local legend giving
false dates; but such is not the case, for the legend of the Upper Burma
Gazetteer is merely that of the Sam6n abridged, and as the dates of the Samdn
agree with those of the Chronicles, one cannot understand these glaring errors-
in so serious a work. However, on the following page (II, iii page 164), under
the heading Shwe-zi-gon, he gives a date better in accordance with facts. There
he writes : It is said that the founder of the Shwezi-g6n is Prince Saw-Lu,
a son of Anawyata Min Zau (Anuruddha-ma-co), who visited Pindale (now
Minthale) in 421 BE. (= 1059 A.D.). Phayre makes Saw-Lu die in in 1057
A.D. after a reign of fi ve years, which is, according to the inscriptions, altogether
wrong. Most of the dates given by Phayre (History of Burma) for the eleventh
arid twelfth centuries are inexact, and this part of his History must be read
with great caution. As a matter of fact, the Chronicles themselves do not
agree on those dates. For the beginningof Anoratas reign, the Maharajava*
gives 1017 A.D., and this is the date generally accepted; the old edition of the
same work gives 967; the Sv& Cun Kyo Tan ( the Pagan Rajavarc gives 999. Now, there is an inscription dated 984 A.D*
erected by Anorata and speaking of a relic brought back from Thaton. All
the other dates are viciated by this one. The date of his death, 1059, is con-
firmed by the inscriptions. The date of the fall of Thaton will perhaps have
also to be corrected, although the Kalyawi gives 1057. The Talaing. Chronicle


( 7 )

my case is very different from yours. You kill all the animals you.
meet with, even when you are no longer in need of meat. I, on the
contrary, with this infallible bow, scour the Himalayas in search of
flying-deer, whose skin, sold to kings, brings me an immense
protit. I kill not for the sole pleasure of killing. I came into these
parts in pursuit of a certain flying-deer. Help me to find it. Here,
take this my unerring bow and give me yours, and, if you find the
deer, shoot it down. The hunter took (Jakras bow, and the
latter disappeared among the trees. The divine weapon looked
like a toy; but, what was not his astonishment, when, despite all
his efforts and his almost superhuman strength, he did not
succeed in bending it! In vain did he groan, and sweat and swear ~
the bow remained as rigid as the trunk of a tree centuries old.
The time went swiftly by and no animal was killed, and his
customers were waiting for venison. Tired, dispirited, he sat
down. (Jakra, still disguised as a hunter, appeared again to
him. 11 My bow is not easy to bend, is it ? Well! You will be able
to bend it as easily as your own on one condition. You must promise
to kill only deer one day, and the day after only does. On this
trifling condition, you may keep my bow, which is matchless;
for it belongs to me, (Jakra! The hunter agreed, hastily took
the bow and went about looking for deer ; but on that day, he

and incriptions, which I hope to be in a position to decipher before long, *will
doubtless throw a flood of light on these so important questions, as well
as on the question, no less interesting, of the relations of Cambodia with
the countries of the Irrawaddy Delta, relations absolutely ignored in Burmese
Annals.

* The Talaing or Mon language has not yet been studied scientifically in
the light of comparative philology; there are gaps in the history of Burma and
Pegu (Ramanna) that will be filled probably only when the Talaing chronicles
have been read and translated; so, the affinities between the Mon and Khmer
are still to be philologically establishedthe author, in the course of his
studies of the M6n and Cambodian languages has been struck by the strong
internal evidence of their relationship; the name Mon-Annam for this
family of languages will have to b j abandoned, as the Annamese has, from
internal evidence, nothing in common with the Talaing and the Khmer.

The writer has now a Talaing Grammar and Chrestomaty nearly completed.
The enlightened help of Government, would, in this matter, greatly facilitate
the prosecution of his studies and the early publication of their results.


( 8 )

found only does; on the morrow be looked for does, but perceived
deer only. He then understood £akras stratagem and, bound by
a solemn promise which be dared not break, he gave up hunting,
became a hermit and retired to a hill. From that day, lie was
known under the name of Thissa ban (= sacca, promise, and bandhaf
bound), and consequently the hill on which he lived received the
same name. But he did not know the true religion [viz..
Buddhism), and he preached in Sunaparanta a false doctrine,1 thus
causing the people to be in danger of falling into hell. Near that
spot, in the village called Va^ija, lived two brothers, merchants,
Mahaputf and Cu/apu^ ...... Here the Samon gives, more

or less faithfully, the story in the Sannyutta^akatha.2

If, now, we compare this legend and the transition of the Pali text
(cf. infra p. 15), which is its sequel, with the story of the Divyava-
dana) manv points of resemblance and divergence become apparent.
AH the long story of the two brothers up to the departure of the
elder one to Savatthi is unknown to the Samon and is not given
by the commentators on the Punnovada-snt'a. The only point
of resemblam e between the legend of the Samon and that of the
Divyavadana is the hunter who becomes a hermit and subsequently
a saint (arhat); and still, neither the manner nor the instrument
of his conversion is the same. But this slight resemblance is
enough to make one think that, at a certain time, the Sanskrit
version was not unknown in Burma. As is almost always the
case, the Pali is more sobre of miraculous happenings than the
Sanskrit, and these happenings are precisely the very points
whereon the two versions differ. For instance, when, on the
invitation of Vunna., Gotama goes to Va^ijagama, the 499 monks
accompanying him are carried through the sky in kiosques ; the
Divyavadana makes them go there by means of wings, or riding on
fantastic animals, and even in pots and vases. The Sannyutta^Ma-
katha speaks of only one nagay but the Sanskrit, of five-hundred,
every one of whom creates a river unto himself in order to go to

(1) Are we to see in this false doctrine a remembrance of that religion,
a medley of Mahayanism, tantraism and Naga-worship which prevailed in the
Irrawaddy Valley before the introduction of HInayanist Buddhism into Pagan
and the priests of which were the Ari ? This religion disappeared only in the
fifteenth century, and has left very deep traces, not yet obliterated, in the
beliefs and customs of the Burmese.

(2) Vide infra, p. 15, the text and its translation.


( 9 )

Surparaka, etc. Notwithstanding these differences, the story is,
on the whole, the same, and probably originated from the same
source. The Sinhalese also have this legend, but they seem to
know both versions; for in the fragments translated by Hardy,1
Surparaka, unknown to the Pali text, is mentioned, and --o is the
river Narmada (Nammada), of which the Divyavadana does not
speak. In fine, the two imprints of the Buddhas foot, which
appear to form the one important point in the legend, are unknown
to the compilers of the Sanskrit work.

My intention is not to write a treatise on the ancient geography
of Burma, but merely to point out the arbitrary way in which some
Indian place-names have been transplanted in Burma, in spite
even of explicit texts The Legend of Pu?Z7za furnishes a very
clear example of this manner of fabricating ancient kingdoms
and of giving to relatively modern towns an air of hoary antiquity.

Mr. Burgess2 asks himself how it is that most towns and
even mere villages in Burma have two names, 3 one indigenous,

(i) Spence Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, ed., 1853, pages 57,209 and
259-260.

(2 ) Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXX, pages 387-388.

(3) Some towns have many more than two names. In the Paganrajavan
thirteen names of Pagan are enumerated: Pokkarama, Arimaddana, Pu/zzza-
gama, Tampavati, Slripaccaya, Sampuzzwagama, Pa;7£?upalasa, Nagarut-
tama, Pa'-amapura, Tampadesa, Ve/urakama (Ve/ukarama ?), Samadhina-
gara, Pokkan (pron. Paukkan, from which the Burmese made Pukan =
Pagan). The Paganrajavan gives the following etymologies, which teach us
nothing concerning the etymology of Pugaw : The Buddha having in rela-
tion to a pok tree (pron. pauk, butea), foretold the foundation of Pagan, the
town was called the pok garden (Pokkarama). It was named Arimaddana
because its kings always crushed their enemies. In Pagan, Brahmins {punna)
lived in considerable numbers; they were traders and treasurers to the king,
hence its name of Puwwagama. (Another tradition says that the city was so
called on account of its possessing large quantities of gold, silver and precious
things; pux\wa = full of. This derivation cannot stand; the first is probably
the true one, for the Burmese have always known the Brahmins und ?r the
name of purwa ; Pu72?zagama is one of the oldest and best known names of
Pagan, and it shows, in an incontestable manner, the Indian influence in the
city of Mien.?) It was called Tampavati, Tampadesa and Pa/zzfupalasa on
account of the reddish colour of its soil; Siripaccaya, because of its glory and
magnificence; Samputt/zagsma, because its inhabitants were devoted (lit., full
of, sampanna) to the three Jewels : the Buddha, the Doctrine and the Church;
Nagaruttama, The Famous, on account of its faith and piety. It was


( io )

the other Pali or Sanskrit. I think this fictitious geography has
had its origin in the national vanity, and above all, in adu-
lation of courtiers, both Burmese and Indian, and also of his-
torians, who could imagine nothing more likely to minister to the
religious bigotry of kings, than to make them rule over provinces
recalling, at every step, the Buddhas Life and the early history of
Buddhism. This fabrication may also have originated in the
intense religious fervour of the two or three centuries which
followed the introduction of the Hinayana into Pagan. In fact,
what more natural, at a time of the religious effervescence of a new
faith, than to re-name according to the holy books, and as
occasions presented themselves, cities and villagesand in so doing
to transfer to them the numerous legends of the At\hakathasr
sanctifying, so to say, the whole country, with the supposed pre-
sence of the Master? I think it is useless to search for more pro-
found reasons regarding the origin of this apocryphal geography.
Royal boastfulness and religious bigotry must have been, I believe,,
the two most powerful factors in this geographical deception.

As I have already said, the Legend of Punna., among a thousand
others, furnishes us with a convincing proof of this: for the Pali
text makes it very clear that neither the Sunaparanta, nor the
Nammada, nor the Varaijagama of the legend, are the places and
the stream known under these names in Burma. The Sinhalese

called Paramapura, the Excellent City/ because of its numerous white elep-
hants. On account of its powerful kings it was named Samadhinagara. The
name Ve/urakaina (Ve/ukarama) it received from the extensive bamboo-
jungles which surrounded it. Pokkan is but an abbreviation of Pokkarama.

The name Pugama in the Kalya/d Inscriptions is not mentioned in the
Paganrajavan : According to the rules of Burmese phonetics, Pugama.
would necessarily become Pugan, long a being never pronounced and rarely
noted before a final consonant. I know not what Pugama signifies; but
I am inclined to believe that Kir.g Dhammaceti palicizrd the word Pugan
(Pagan). Lokananda is also given as one of the names of Pagan, and this
brings the number of its names to fourteen.

Tagoung is called: Sawghassara^/za, Sawzsayapura, Pancala. Prome:
Crik setra, Vanavasi, PaZr/zanapati, Varapati, Puwwavati. Arakan is known
as: Rammavati, Rakkhapura, Meghavati, D h anna vat i and Dvaravati (this
last name is also applied to the Southern Shan States and to Siam). Manipur
is: Nagasyanta and Nagapura. Kale becomes Rajagaha. Rangoon is
known as Ukkalapa and Verikkhaya.


( II )

having a Foot-Print, it was not proper that the Burmese should
have none. An imaginary mark on any rock, having more or less
the form of a foot, was a sufficient reason for transplantng bodily
the scene of the story of Pu;?^a in a wild spot, and for making
this spot a holy place of pilgrimage.

I do not know the exact time at which the name of Sunaparanta
was given to the country extending behind Pagan, on the right
bank of the Irrawaddy ; but it cannot be earlier than the thirteenth
century, or perhaps the end of the twelfth. The inscriptions of the
eleventh and those of the twelfth century do not mention it. It is
very remarkable that the inscriptions of these two centuries and
even many belonging to the thirteenth, are composed in very sober
language and are singularly free from those lists of kingdoms and
empires, in which the kings of the subsequent centuries, in
particular those of Ava and Amarapura, so much delighted. From
the fact that I could not find this name of Sunaparanta in the
most ancient inscriptions, 1 I would not absolutely affii m that it
did not exist at that period (eleventhtwelfth centuries), but its
absence at least inclines one to think so. This name, then, does not
seem to be so ancient in Burma as has been believed up to now.2
As to the form Sonaparanta \ Indian origin, used in the Burmese Court in State documents and
formal enumerations of the style of the king, 3 is absolutely
unknown to the Burmese. They always write it Sunaparanta,

(!) The most ancient inscription found up to the present was engraved by
Anorata-maw-ro, and is dated Caka 346 = (^84 A.D.). It was engraved on
the occasion of the building of a shrine for a hair of Buddha, brought back
from Thaton. Earnest researches will perhaps bring to light some others
more ancient still.

(2) The Paganrajavcin expressly says (page 37): The spot whereon
Cu/apu/? built the monastery of red sandalwood in Purantappa is now known
as: Le-kdrc (cogSc^Sq). Thus, Purantappa comprised: Le-kon, SaUu

(ooq)a Soft'svap (GODoSogS), which are subsequently located in Suna-
paranta. Purantappa and Sunaparanta designate, therefore, the same
province: the first of these names is very nearly unknown now, and seems
to be the most ancient. The Samdn (oo^S 8 not perceiving that these two
names applied to the same region, gives them (page 23) as the names of two
distinct provinces; it is a nonsensical blunder.

(3) Yules Hobson-Jobson, ed. 1903, page 852, col. !


( *2 )

and give it a very different etymology, as we shall presently see.

The Pali text of the legend has certainly not in view the Suna-
paranta of Burma, but the Konkan, the Western country:
Aparanta, as, in fact, the Burmese themselves also call Sunapa-
ranta ; the Divyavadana calls the Konkan u (JroTzaparanta. 1 In
Sunaparanta flows the Mammada river (Sanskrit, Narmada) which
is none else but the modern Nerbudda, which throws its waters in
the Gulf of Khambat.2 * * The Surparaka of Divyavadana \ssuve\y
no other place but the Vamjagama of the Pali version. Vawija-
gama would perhaps be better translated by i( the town, or village,
of the merchants. Now, Surparaka, the Supparakapa^/ana
mentioned in the Mahavamsa) was a great trading port and the
entrepot of Western India; 8 it was then, par excellence, a
a vamjagdma, a merchants city or mercantile town.

According also to the Pali legend, Vamjagama was a sea-port,
since Cu/apu^a embarks there to cross the sea. Surparaka is
situated at the estuary of the Nerbudda, and there also, the com-
mentators on. the Pu?zovada-sutia locate Varcijagama; these two
names, therefore, designate but one and the same town, situated
near the mouth of a river in the Western country.

The Nammada and the Va^ijagama of the Burmese do not
fulfil any of these conditions. Their Sunaparanti or Aparanta
is not to the West, but, according to Buddhist cosmology, to the
East; their. Nammada is not a river flowing into the sea,
but an insignificant hill steam flowing into a river; their
Va^ijagama therefore cannot, in any possible manner, be a saport.
The author or authors of the Samo/2 have so well understood this
that they make Cu/apu/zwa embark at Negrais Island, in order to
give to their falsification a plausible appearance of truth. As to
the mountain u Maku/a or Matula, it is with more common
sense placed in India by the Monrdjdvan}

i1) Cf. Burnouf, Introduction, page 252 (or 225), note 2, where he says

that Wilford, taking his information from the Varahasamhitd, speaks of

Aparantikas situated to the west.

(2) McCrindle, Ancient India as described by Ptolemy3 and Yule, Hobson-

Jobson, s.v. Supara.

() McCrindle, ibid.

(*) Rangoon, 1899, page 75.


( 13 )

However, the names of Sunaparanta and Aparanta 1 having
been given to a Burmese province, it became necessary to cite
authoritative texts in order, if possible, to legalize, so to say, this
plagiarism by means of the sacred books. And this, the Burmese
have done, but very clumsily, for their favourite text goes directly
against their assertion. The Sasanalankara2 enumerating the
names of the missionaries who, according to the Dipavarnsz. 3
were sent to different countries during the eighteenth year of
Asoka's reign, and also the names of those countries, says that
that bhikkhu Yonarakkhita was sent to Aparanta (Aparantaka)
and adds that Aparantaka is the same as Sunaparanta in Burma.
As a conclusive proof of this identity he (the author of the
Sasanalawkara) gives 4 the story of the Sakka (Sanskrit £akra)
Mandhata: Mandhata had brought with him to the devaloka an
inhabitant from each of three of the four great islands or c ontinents
(mahadipa) ; these three unfortunate men being unable, for a very
simple reason (they did not know the way, and the Sakka
was dead), to go back to their homes, approached the
parinayukaratana, vi*.y the Sakkas eldest son, who assigned to
each of them a country corresponding, by its position at least, to
the one he had left : Videha, being to the East, would, in future, be
the country of the inhabitant of Pubbavideha, the Eastern island ;
Kuru, in the North, would become that of the citizen of the
Northern Island, Uttarakuru ; and the inhabitant of Aparagoya-
nadipa, the Western Island, would have for his country Aparanta,
the West-country.5 The Sasanalawkara here, addsi( and as
the son (suna) of Sakka assigned to him this country to live in in
future, Aparanta is also called Sunaparanta, the West Country of

( J) See Inscriptions collected by King Bo daw pay a, Vol, I, page 19, line 12;
ibid, page 43, line 5, and in many other places. Cf. Voharalinaz^/jadlpam,
page 221Sunaparanta, which includes: Caku, Calaw, Row-law, Le-k6w,
Sow-svap, etc.; Tampadlpa, which includes: Sarekhettara, Pagan, Paw-ya,
etc.

(2) Rangoon, 1897, page 22.

(3) Chapter VIII; also Mahavamsa, Chapter XII.

(4) The author of the Sasanalankara, generally so accurate in his quota-
tions, says that this story is found in the commentary on the Mahdsatipaiiha-
nasutta (\Dighanikaya, Mahavagga, IX) 5 it is not so: the story is in the com-
mentary on the Mahanidanasutta (ibid., II).

() Mahanidanasuttatlhakatha.


( 14 )

Sakka*s son; Sunaparanta or Aparanta is then, incontestably, in
Burma (!) Such is, in fact, the often recurring etymology given
by the Burmese to this word : but the text is most flagrantly violated,
for it shows clearly that the Commentators place Aparanta, alias
Sunaparanta, to the West and not to the East, as the Burmese
will at any cost have it.

From what has above been said it may be gathered: (a) That
the Burmese, before the eleventh century and the beginning of the
twelfth, do not seem to have known the bank of the Irrawaddy, be-
hind and above Pagan, under the name of Aparanta or Sunaparanta.
Pagan itself was included in the province of Tampadipa.1 The
inscriptions of that period do not mention this name (at least, as
far as I have been able to verify this assertion by means of the ins-
criptions already published), and it is remarkable that the Mahara-
javan in the long notice consecrated to Anorata, does not introduce
this name, as also does the Paganrajavan 2 which places Saku,
Leko?z, Sosvap, etc. (towns always enumerated as being in Suna-
paranta) in Purantappa, a name which is now forgotten and appears
to be the original name of the province later known as Sunapa-
ranta.

(b) That the form il Sonaparanta** is not known in Burma,
though always given by Yule, the form Sunaparanta being always
found in the inscriptions and in documents ; no Burmese authority
anywhere gives to this word the meaning of the Aurea Regio
of Ptolemy, and, if the ancients knew this part of Burma
undei this appellation, it seems to have been unknown by the
Burmese themselves, who, after having borrowed it, under another
form, from the Pali A^Makathas, do not understand it as meaning
u golden frontier/*

(c) In the A^Aakathas, Aparanta or Sunaparanta does not desig-
nate Central Burma, but a country situated to the West, on the
sea-shore, possessing a famous seaport at the estuary of the river
Nammada (Narmada, Nerbudda). Now, Aparanta has been
identified with the Konkan ; Surpakara, the great trading centre

(') Cf, supra, page 13, note 1.

(2 ) The Paganrajavan uses the word Sunaparanta in the history of the
reign of King Sen Lan Kro ; but the Paganrajavan was compile d many
centuries after the fall of Pagan, and at a time when this name was p pular
and known to everybody ; it must, therefore, not be inferred from this that
the name already existed in the time of Sen Lan Kron.


( i5 )

of Western India, with Supara and the Narmada with the
Nerbudda ; moreover, the Commentary on the Diohanikaya locates
Aparanta, most expressly to the west.

The Burmese, then, have renamed, from a Pali legend, a province,
a torrent and a small town of the Valley of the Irrawaddy and, to
justify themselves in doing so, have deliberately voilated two texts
which are most, explicit and plain.

EXTRACT FROM THEPUjVAOVADASUTTA7777AKATHA.

Text.(i)

Atha kho ayasma Pu^^o,ti...,> Ko panesa Pu/zzzo ? Kasma ca
panettha gantukamo ahoslti ? Sunaparanlavasiko 2 eva esa,
Savatthiyazzz pana asappayazzz viharaw sallakk.hetva, tattha gantu-
kamo ahosi. Tatraya/zz anupubbikatha.

Sunaparantaratf he kira ekasmiw vazzijagame ete dve bhataro ;
tesu kadaci ]e*tho pazzcasaka^asatani gahetva janayadazzz gantva
lnha.ndc\m aharati, kadaci kani/Mo. Iirasmi/zz pana samaye kani/-
th&m ghare Mapetva jezfMabhatiko pazzcasaka/asatani gahetva,
janapadacarikaw caranto anupubbena Savatthiwz patva Jctavanassa
natidure sakafesatthazzz nivasetva, bhuttapataraso parijanaparivuto
phasuka/£/zane 3 nisldi. Tena ca samayena Savatthivasino bhut-
tapatarasa uposathazzgani adhi/Maya suddhuttarasa/zga gandhapup-
pha 4 dihattha yena Buddho yena Dhammoyena Sa^gho tanninna
tappozza tappabbhara hutva, dakkhi 5 zzadvarena nikkhamitva Jet-
avanazzz gacchanti. So te disva kaham 6 ime gacchantlti" ekam
manussa/zz 7pucchi. u Kin tvam ayyo na janasi loke Buddhadham-
masazzgharatanani 8 nama uppannani icctso mahajano Satthu san-
tika m dhammakathaw sotu m gacchatitu Tassa Buddhoti
vacana/w chavicamniadini chinditva a^iminjazzz ahacca a/Masi.
Attano parijanaparivuto 9 taya 10 parisaya saddhizzz viharazzz

( 1) I had at my disposal, to establish the text, two manuscripts. The first, B,
very defective, is in the Bernard Free Library, Rangoon; the text is full of correc-
tions and mistakes ; the second, A, much more correct, was lent to me by the
abbot of the Mezali monastery, Rangoon; it is written very legibly and contains
but few mistakes. 1, therefore, took it as a basis, merely noting the principal
mistakes of B. A third manuscript was sent to me when the work was finished;
but it is still more defective than B} of which it reproduces the majority of the
mistakes ; I did n:>t, on that account, think it necessary to use it; it appears,
moreover, to have been copied from B. (2 ) A Sunaparantare. (3) B basuka

(4)5puppa.. (5) B dakkhawa.... (6) B kataw. (7 ) B manussa. (8) A...

xatananaw. (9) A parivato. (10) B parijanaparivutaya parisaya.


( -6 )

gantva Sattlm madhurasarena dhammaw 1 desentassa 2 parisa-
pariyante /fhito dhammaw 3 sutva pabbajjaya 4 cittam &
Uppadesi. Atha Tathagatena kala^ viditva parisaya 6 uyyoji-
taya Sattharam upasarckamitva vanditva svatanaya nimantetva,
dutiyadivase mara^apaw karetva asanani pannapctva Buddhapamu-
khassa sa^ghassa mahadanaw datva, bhuttapataraso uprsatba^gani
7 adhi/Maya bha/z*/agarikazft pakkosapetva: Ettakaw dhanara 8
vissajjitaw, ettakaw na 9 vissajjitan ti sabba^ acikkhitva, imam
sapateyyam mayhaw. 10 kani^/^assa dehlti}t sabbawz niyyadetva, Sat-
thu santike pabbajitva 11 kamma^Manaparayano ahosi. Athassa
kamma^Manara manasikarontassakammazfManara naupa^Mati; tato
cintesi : Ay&m janapado mayhap asappayo 12 yannunaha^

Satthu santike kamma/Mana/^ gahetva sakaraz7Aa;;z cva gac-
cheyyan ti. Atha pubba^hasamaye 13 pindaya caritva sayawhe
14 pa/isalla?za 15 vu/Mahitva Bhagavanta/rc upasawkamitva
kamma/rtanam kathapetva sattaslhanade 16 naditva pakkami.
Tena vuttaw : u Atba kho ayasma Punno pa viharatlti. I7
Kattha panayam vihaslti ? Catusu //zanesu vihasi. Sunapa-
rantara^Aaw tava pavisitva ca Appabatapabbata/^ nama pavisitva
Va/zijagama^ pi^aya pavisi. Atha nam kani/Mabhata sanjanitva
bhikkha#* datva: Bhante, annattha agantva idhtva 18 vasathati
pa/inna?^ karetva tattheva vasapesi. Tato Samuddagirivihara^
nama agamasi; tattha ayakantapasawehi paricchindiiva katacaakamo
atthi; tarn koci cawkamitu/rc samattho nama n'atthi ; tattha samud-
davlciyo 19 agantva 20 ayakantapasa^esu pabaritva mahasaddaw
karonti. Thero : Kamma//^anam manasikarontana^ phasuviharo
hotuti99 samuddara nisadda^ katva adhi^Masi. Tato Matulagiri/#
nama agamasi ; tattha pi saku^asawgho ussanno 21 ratlin ca diva
ca saddo eko bandbo 22 va ahosi; thero : Idaw than&m na phasu
kan ti tato Paku/a 23 karamaviharara nama gato ; so Vamjagam-
assa natiduro naccasanno gamanagamanasampanno vivitto appa-

(1) B dhamma. (2) B desentassaw. (3) B dhamma, (4) A and B pappaj...

(5 ) A and B citta. (6) B pariyaya. (7) 2?.,thagani. (8) A hag pana and
omits dhanam. (9) B has pana before na. (I0) A omits mayhaw. () B
pappaj ( 2) A appayo. (l8) B pubbanasamaye. (I4) B Sayanhe. (I5)^4...
sallana. (l6) B Satthusihananaditva. (I7) see text of the Sannuttanikaya,
SaZayatana, Puovadasutta ed. Feer, Volume IV, page 63. (l8) B icceva.

p9) A viciyoj B-. gijaciyo. (20) A agartva. (ai) B ussano. (2a bhan to.
(?3) B Pakula (?)


( *7 )

saddo; thero: Imam thanam phasukan ti tattha rattizManadiva-
Manacarakamanadini karetva vasaw upagacchi. Evam catusu

Manesu vihasi.

Ath'ekadivasaw tasmim yeva antovasse pancavamjakasatani 1:
Parasamuddaw gacchamativ navaya bhandam pakkhipi^su*
Navarohanadivase therassa kani^Mabhata theraw bhojetva therassa
santike sikkhapadani gahetva vanditva: Bhante, samuddo nama
asaddheyo anekantarayo avajjeyyathati M vatva navam aruhi;
Nava uttamajavena 3 gacchamana annataraw dipakaw papuwi;
manussa : Patarasaw karissamati dlpake uttlnna. Tasmiw
pana dlpake annam kind natthi, candanavanaw eva ahosi.
Atheko vasiya rukkhaw akofetva lohitacandanabhavaw natva aha:
{i Bho! mayaw labhatthaya parasamuddaw gacchama, ito ca
uttariw labho nama n'atthi, caturarcgulamatta 4 gharika satasahas-
sam agghati, haretabbavuttakaw bhandam haretva candanassa
puremati. 5 Te tatha kariwsu. Candanavane adhivatttha 6
amanussa kujjhitva: Imehi amhakaw candanavanaw nasitaw
ghafessama 7 ne ti cintetva, ((idheva gha^itesu sabbaw ekaku-
napam bhavissati samuddamajjhe nesaw navaw osldapessamati 8
ahawsu. Atha tesaw navaw aruyha muhuttaw gatakale yeva
uppa.^ikaw 9 u^Aapetva sayam pi te amanussa bhayanakani
rupani dassayiwsu. Bhlta manussa attano attano devatanaw
namassanti. Therassa kamttho CvXapanno ku/umbiko 10:
Mayhap bhata avassayo hotuti therassa namaw saramano atthasi.
Thero pi kira tasmiw yeva khae avajjitva11 tesaw byasanappatiw
natva vehasaw uppatitva abhimukho atthas\. Amanussa theraw
disva va apakkamiwsu I2, uppa/ikaw sannisldi. Thero : u Ma
bhayathati te assasetva, u kahaw gantukam'atthati pucchi.
(l Bhante, amhakawz sakatthanam eva gacchissamati. 13 n Thero
navagae akkamitva : 14 Etesam icchitazManaw gacchatuti

adhi/Masi. Vadja saka/Manaw gantva taw pavattiw puttadarassa
arocetva: Etha, theraw saxanam gacchamati pancasjata pi
attano pancahi matugamasatehi saddhiw tisu saranesu patifthaya
upasakattaw paftvedesuw. Tato navaya bhandam otaretva

therassekaw kotthasam 13 katva: Ayaw, bhante, tumhakaw

(*)i? pawija... (2) B asaddvejo... (3) B utta pajagavana (!).' (4) &
caturagula. (s) B purethati. (6)-4 .. vatto. (7) A ghates... (8) A and B
osldissamati. (9) A uppadik... (xo) A ku2Jumpiko. () B bhav... () B pakk...
(I3) d gacchumati. (l4) B navagawe attametva. I1?) B katthakam.

5 )


( 18 )

IcoZZAaso tiM aha**su. Thero: May haw visuw koZZ/6asakiccaw
tiatthi: Sattha pana tumhehi diZZ^apubbo'ti ?(' Na diZZ/zapubbo,
bhante,ti.,, Tena hi, imina Satthu maWalama/aw karotha,
evam Sattharaw passissathati.,, Te 'Sadhu, bhanteti tena
ca koZZAasena attano ca koZZ&isehi maafalamalaw karetuw arabhiw-
su. Sattha pi kira araddhakalato paZZ^aya paribhogaw akasi.
Arakkhamanussa rattiw obhasaw disva: Mahesakkha devata

atthlti sanfiaw 1 kariwsu. Upasaka m?m^a/amalan ca bhikkhu-
satfghassa caasanani niZZAapetva danasambharaw sajjetva: Ka-
tamy bhante, amhehi attano kiccaw, Sattharaw pakkosathati})
therassa arocesuw. Thero sayawhasamaye iddhiya Savatthiw
gantva: l( Bhante, Vawijagamavasino tumhe daZZ/zukama, tesaw
anukampaw karothati Bhagavantaw yaci. Bhagava adhivasesi;
thero sakaZZ^anaw eva paccagato. Bhagava pi Anandatheraw
amanlesi: u Ananda, sve 2 Sunaparante Va^ijagame pircdaya
carissama ; tvam ekQnapa^casatanaw bhikkhunaw salakaw dehiti.
Thero: il Sadhu, bhanteti bhikkhusawghassa tam atthaw arocet-
vana 3 va: carikabhikkhQ salakaw garchantutiv aha. Tam
divasaw Kuw^odhanathero paZ/^annaw salakaw aggahesi. Vai-
jagamavasino pi: Sve kira Sattha agamissati gamamajjhe

maw^apaw katva danaggam sajjayiwsu. Bhagava pato va sarlra-
paZijagganaw katva gandhakuZiw pavisitva phalasamapattiw
appetv§ nisldi. Sakkassa pa/zafakambalasilasanaw 4 u?zhaw ahosi.
So: Kim idan ti avaijetva Satthu Sunaparantagamanaw disva
Visukammaw amantesi: Tata, ajja Bhagava tiwsamattafli

vojanasatani pi^acarikaw gamissati ; pancakuZagarasatani mapet-
va JetavanadvarakoZZ^akamatthake gamanasajjani katva Zhapehl
t\y 5 So tatha akasi. Bhagavato kuZagaraw catumukhaw ahosi,
dvinnaw aggasavakanaw dvimukhani, sesani ekamukhani. Sattha
gandhakuZito nikkhamma paZipaZiya thapitakuZagaresu varakuZa-
garam pavisi; dve aggasavake adiw katva ekunapancabhikkhusa-
tani pi pahca 6 kuZagarasatani ahesuw, ekaw tucchaw ku/agaraw
ahosi ; paacaku/agarasatani akase uppatiwsu. Sattha Sacca-
bandhapabbataw nama-patva kuZagaraw akase Zhapesi. Tasmiw
pabbate Saccabandho nama; micchadiZZ<&ikatapaso mahajanaw
micchadiZZAim uggarchapentb labhaggayasaggapatto hutva vasati.
Abbhantare c assa antocaZiyaw padipo viya arahattaphalassa

- (*) Annam. (a) A se. ( B arocetva navatarikabhikkhu... gawhantuti.

(4) ...B silasanam. r- '>

(5) B. tbapetiti. -\6 )

( 9 )

upanissayo jalati. Taw disva: u Dhammaw assa 1 kathessami-
ti gantva dhammaw 2 desesi ; tapaso desanapariyosane arahat-
taw papawi, maggcnevassa abhinna agata, ehibhikkhu hutva
iddhimayapattaclvaradharo ku/agaraw pavisi. Bhagava ku^agara-
gatehi pancahi bhikkhusatehi saddhiw Vawijagamaw gantva
ku^agarani adissamanakani katva Vawijagamaw pavisi. Varcija
Buddhapamukhassa sa^ghassa mahadanaw datva Sattharaw
Maku/akaramaw nayiwsu ; Sattha ma^alamalaw pavisi. Maha-
jano : il Yava Sattha 3 gattadarathaw pa/ippassambhetlti 4
patarasaw gantva uposatha^gani samadaya bahuw gandhan ca
pupphan ca adaya dhammasavanatthaya aramaw agamasi; Sattha
dhammam desesi, mahajanassa bandhana mokkho jato ; mahantaw
Buddhakolahalaw 5 ahosi. Sattha mahajanassa sa^gahatthaw 6
rsattahaw tattheva vasi ; aru^aw pana mahagandhaktndyaw u^/ha-
pesi. Sattahaw pi dhammadesanapariyosane caturasitiya pa^a-
sahassanaw dhammabhisamayo ahosi. Tattha sattaham 7 vasitva
Va^ijagame piw^aya earitva : Tvam idh'eva vasahiti PuTzraa-
theraw nivattetva, antare Nammadanadl 8 nama atthi, tassa tlraw
-agamasi. Nammadanagaraja 9 Satthu paccuggamanaw katva
nagabhavanaw pavesetva tinnam ratananaw sakkaraw akasi.
Sattha tassa dhammaw kathetva nagabhavana nikkhami 10 ; so:
il Mayhaw, bhante, paricaritabbaw dethati yaci. Bhagava
Nammadanadltlre padacetiyaw dassesi ; taw viclsu agatasu pidhi
yati 11 gatasu vivarlyati mahasakkarappattaw ahosi. Sattha tato
nikkhamitva Saccabandhapabbataw gantva Saccabandhaw aha:
Taya mahajano apayamagge otarito 12, tvaw idh'eva vasitva
etesaw laddhiw 13 visajjapetva nibbanamagge patP/hapehlti.
Sopi paricaritabbaw yaci. Sattha ghana 14 pi^hipasa^e allamat-
tika 15 pmiimhi 16 lanchanaw viya padacetiyaw dassesi. Tato
Jetavanaw eva gato. Etaw atthaw sandhaya : Tenevantaravas-

senadi 17 vuttaw. (Parinibbaylti anupadhisesaya nibbanadha-
tuya parinibbayi) 18. Mahajano therassa sattadivasani sarlrapu-
jaw katva bahuni gandhaka^rhani ^amodhanetva sariraw jhapetva
dhatuyo adaya cetiyaw akasi.

(!) B dhommassa. (2) B omits dhammaw. (3) B satta. (4) A padpas...

B) B... kola, alara. (6) Z?sawgah... (7) #satthahaw. (8) B Nammada-
nanadi. ( 9) B Nammadananagaraja. (10) B Nnikkhamaw. (n)2? viyati.
(12) A otarito. (13) B laddhaw. (14) A ghanap .. (15) B... patti. (16) i?...
piwJamhi.

(I7) See the text of the Puwwovadasutta, loc. laud. (18) This belongs to the
-commentary on the sutta.


( 20 );

TRANSLATION.

At that timet1 are we told, the reverend Funna
But who was this Punna? and why was he desirous to go there? 2
He was a native of Sunaparanta and perceiving that the sojourn
of- Savatthi was not suitable 3 to him, he wished to go back to
his country. Here is the regular story,

In a certain merchants village 4 in the kingdom of Sunapa-
ranta there lived these two brothers. 5 Sometimes the elder,
taking five hundred carts, would go to the districts and bring
goods ; at other times the younger one would go. Now
on this occasion, the elder brother left the younger one at home,
took five hundred carts and went from district to district so that
in time he reached Savatthi, and made his caravan encamp not
far from the Jetavana. Then having breakfasted, he sat down, sur-
rounded by his retinue, in an agreeable spot. At this moment, the
citizens of Savatthi, after their morning meal, having resolved to
observe the Uposatha precepts were leaving the town by the
southern gate and going to the Jetavana clad all in white, carry-
ing perfumes, flowers and so forth, attracted by an invincible
inclination towards the Buddha, the Doctrine and the assembly of
the Brethren. Pnnna saw them, and asked one of them:
Whither are these going? What! Sir, dost not thou know that
the Three Jewelsthe Buddha, the Doctrine, and the Assembly of
the Brethenhave appeared in the world ? These people are going
to the Buddha to hear him preach the Law. The word Bud-
dha thrilled 6 him. Surrounded by his retinue he repaired to
the monastery with the congregation and standing behind them,
listened to the master preaching the doctrine ni a sweet voice;
having heard the doctrine he conceived a desire for the religious
life. When the Tathagata, knowing the moment was come, had
sent back the assembly, Punna. approached the master and having

(1) In the Sannyutta-nikaya (cf. ed. Feer, Vol. IV, page 6o).

(2 ) That is, to Sunaparanta.

( 3>) For the exercise of Kamma^Mna, or religious meditation.

(4 ) Vamjagama, might also be translated as a proper noun : Hardy, Man-
uaLof Buddhism, page 260, translates this word by the merchants village.

(5j) That is, Mahapuwa, the elder and the hero of the story, and his
brother CuZapu;za cf, page 1.

(6 ) Lit., pierced his skin and penetrated to the marrow of his bones.


( 23 )

he enquired whither they desired to go ; they answered : Reve-
rend Sir, we wish to go to our country/ The thera came on deck
and formed the mental resolutionLet this ship go where thejr
desire ! The merchants, having gone back to their country, told
these events to their families: Come, said they, let us take
our refuge in the therein 1 and the five hundred merchants, with
their five hundred wives, having been established in the Three
Refuges, 2 announced they were (now) lay disciples. They then
unloaded the vessel, and offered one share (of the sandal cargo) to-
the thera, saying, Reverend Sir, here is your share. But he
answered, I have personally no need of a share. But, have you.
ever seen the Master ? No, Reverend Sir, we have never seen

him. Very well, then, with this share build a pavilion, 3 and
thus, you will see the Master. (i Very well, Reverend, said they,
and with his share and theirs they began building the pavilion.
It is said that, from the time they began to build, the Master took,
possession of it. The watchmen, seeing in the night a light,,
thought that a powerful god lived there. The lay disciples having
finished the building, arranged seats for the clergy and prepared
the things intended as offerings, apprized the thera that their task
was over and that he should invite the Master. Early in the mor-
ning, the thera{4) went to Savatthi by means of his superhuman
power and begged of the Blessed One: Lord, the inhabitants of
Va^ijagama are desirous to see you ; do them this favour. The
Blessed One consented, and the thera came back, and the Blessed
One called the thera Ananda: Ananda, said he, to-morrow,
we shall go to Vawijagama in Sunaparanta, for our food, give out
tickets to 499 monks. The thera said : Even so, Lord ; and,
having told that matter to the assembled monks, he invited those
that had to come to take their ticket. On that day, the thera
Kuw^odhana took out the first ticket. 5 The inhabitants of Varci-
jagama, knowing the Master would come on the morrow, built a.

(!) That is, Let us become Buddhists and the Theras disciples.

(2) The Buddha, his Doctrine and the Order.

(3) The samon says: a monastery. It is supposed still to exist under the
name of Narc-sa-krora ( ^OODGOqpSs \ the sandal monastery.

(-) Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, page 209, translates: the priest Suna-
parar.ta, instead of : the priest of Sunaparanta.

(5) Mere allusion to an incident which is told in extenso in the Divyavadana.
Burnouf, Introduction (page 260 or 232, note 1), tries to find the etymology of


( 24 )

shed in the middle of the village and prepared a hall for the offer-
ings. The Blessed One, having finished his ablutions early in the
morning, entered his room (lit., the Perfumed Chamber) and sat,
meditating deeply on the fruition of the Path. The marble throne
of Sakka (Sanskrit £akra) became hot- Sakka considered what the
cause was, and, seeing the Master was about to go to Sunaparanta,
he called Visukamma (Sanskrit. Vitrvakarman) : Dear son, to-day,
the Blessed One will go on a begging tour of thirty and one hundred
yojanas: make five hundred kiosks and place them, ready to go,
on the portico of the Jetavana. Visukamma did so. The kiosk
of the Blessed One had four entrances, those of the two principal
disciples 1 had two, and the rest one entrance each. The Master
left his room, and, among the kiosks ranged in a line, entered the
most magnificent. Counting the two principal disciples, there
were four hundred and ninty-nine monks and five hundred
kiosks, of which one was empty. The five hundred kiosks rose
into the sky. When the Master arrived at the mountain called
Saccabandha, he stopped his kiosk in the air. On this mountain
lived a religious heretic, known as Saccabandha, who taught

the name : Ku^opadhana ; it will be remarked that the pali text calls this
monk simply : Kuw^odhana. He is also mentioned (Ekaraguttara, Etadagga-
Taggo) as being one of the eighty principal disciples of the Buddha, and the
commentary on the Eka/?guttara gives, to explain his name, this amusing
story. In a previous existence he had been a Bhuma-devata and committed
certain faults, the fruits of which he reaped in his subsequent states of exis-
tence ; the commentary goes on :

Bhumadevata tassa kammassa nissandena ekam buddhantaram apayato
na muccittha ; sace pana kalenakalam manussattam agacchati annenakenaci
kato doso tasseva upari patati. Eso amhakam Bhagavato kale Savatthiyam
brahmawakule nibbatti; Dhanamawavoti tassa namam akarasu. So vayappatto
tayo bede uggawhitva mahallakakale Satthu dhammadesana7;z sutva padladdha-
saddho pabbajitva tassa upasa?/*pannadivasato papaya eka alakatapadyazf-
ta itthi, tasmim gamara pavisante tenasaddhira eva gamam pavisati, nikkham-
ante nikkhamati, viharaw pavisante pi pavisatiti, ti^Aante pi utthati. Evam nic-
canubandha panhayati. Thero tam pana passati, tassa pana purimassa kamm-
assa nissandena upa^Aitva (?) game yagubhikkhaw dadamana itthiyo : Bh-
ante, ayam eko yagu u/u/zko tumhakara, eko imissa amhakam sahayikayati
parihasaw karonti. Therassa mahatl vihesa hoti; viharagataw pi samawera
xjeva harabhikkhu ca parivaretvS : Dhano hondo jatoti parihasaw karonti.
Ath* assa teneva kararcena korccfodhanatheroti namaw jatam.

(1) Moggallana and Sariputta.


( 2 5 ))

heretical doctrines to the peoplehe enjoyed the best offerings
and the greatest honours ; but in his heart, like a lamp hidden in
a vase, shone his predestination to sanctity. Seeing this (the
Buddha thought): I will expound the Doctrine to him and
going, preached a sermon to him. The monk, at the end of this
religious instruction, became a saint, and in the way, 1 obtained the
six supernatural faculties, and then, having became a monk accord-
ing to the formula, 2 Ehi bikkhu, he suddenly found himself
carrying an alms-bowl and wearing robes created by the mira-
culous power of the Buddha; and he entered into the kiosk. 3
Then, the Blessed One with the five hundred monks in their kiosks,
went towards the merchants, village (Va^ijagama), and having
made the kiosks invisible, entered the village. The merchants,
having given great offerings to the clergy with the Buddha at
their head, took the Master to the Makula Monastery, and
the Master entered into the pavilion. The people said: Mean-
while, let the Master rest himself from his bodily fatigue, and
they went to their breakfast; then, they took upon themselves the
performance of the precepts and, loaded with perfumes and flowers,
went to the monastery to listen to the Law. The Master ex-
pounded his Doctrine, and the people were freed from their bonds ;
and there was a great uproar caused by the Buddhas presence.

The master dwelt there for a week, for the peoples spiritual
benefit, sitting up in the Ci Perfumed Chamber 4 till the break of
day. At the close of these seven days preaching, 84,000 persons
attained to the understanding of the Law. Having (then) dwelt
there fora week, he entered Vamjagama on his begging tour, and,
assigning it to the Thera Pu^^a for his residence, left him. On
the way there was a river called Nammada ; he went to the bank
thereof. The king of the Nammada Nagas came forth to meet the
master, took him into the Naga-mansion and did honour to the
Three Jewels. The Master unfolded to him the Doctrine and left
his abode, and the Naga king begged of him : Lord, give me

(1) That is, while he was advancing towards the Buddha.

(2) Ehi, bhikkhu / Come, O mendicant! This was the usual formula
with which the Buddha received in his Order, the persons desirous of leading
the religious life.

( 3) The kiosk which had been kept empty.

(4) Thus was called his private room


( =6 )

something that I may honour. 1 The Blessed One impressed a
and left as a relic the mark of his foot on the bank of the river
Nammada. This imprint was covered by the waves at the time of
high water, and uncovered when the water subsided, and it was
greatly venerated. The Master left this spot, went to the Saccaban-
dha mountain and said to Saccabandha : t( Through thee, the people
have entered on the way to perdition ; stay here, make them reject
these false notions and establish them in the way to Nirvana. Her
too, asked of the Master something which he might revere. The
Master imprinted the mark of his foot on the solid, flat rock as
easily as he would have done on a lump of wet clay. Thence, he
went back to the Jetavana.

It is in connection with this matter that it is said : In this
very season of Lent (Punna.) .... attained to parinirvawa. 3
(By these words, it must be understood that he reached that state
wherein no traces remain of the components of corporeal and

(!) To wit ; a relic.

*(2) Lit., shewed.

(3) Vide text of the Sannyutta~nikaya already mentioned.

The two sacred foot-prints always were for the people and the kings in the
course of long centuries, a great object of veneration, up to the reign of Cackorc
Cl Su Kyo Ta ( oSc^8so^OjjGcq|5oo5 ). In his time, fervour and
piety seem to have greatly diminished; for, from this reign, the Shwe-zet-
taw (sacred foot-print) was abandoned by degrees, and then completely
forgotten, so that in 1590 A.D., no one in Burma seemed to be aware of the
existence of the sanctified spot, not even the inhabitants of the Minbu District.
This strange neglect is accounted for by the perpetual wars and revolutions of
this troubled period. The fool-prints were discovered anew, amid quasi-
miraculous circumstances, in the reign of Salvan Man TarapoDOg^oSsOQGps
(16291648). On a certain day, the king, hearing the story of Purc^a, such
as it is in the Pu^HOvadaft/zakatha, which has been given above, ordered infor-
mations to be taken about those foot-prints, but nobody could give any. The
place was overgrown with thick vegetation, and no one remembered having
even heard of them. The king asked the help of the famous bishop Ton Bhila
( GOCoScBcOD ). This bishop is the author of the following works r
Vinaydlankaratika sac, on the Vinaya ; Atthasalini u gatha aphvan, a com-
mentary on the first twenty gatha of the Atihasalini; Salvan Man Tara ame
aphye, answers to king Salvan Man Tara's Questions, and vessantara pyd, a
metrical version of the Vessantarajataka. He went, accompanied by four
other bishops and twelve monks, in search of the famous foot-prints. The
king gave them, it is said, a guard of five thousand men to protect them
against the Chins (written Khyan) and the wild Karens (Karara row,OO^S^8s),.
They left Ava in 1638, carried on red palanguins, went down the
Irrawaddy in boats and landed at Minbu. The four bishops camped under a.
large tree, and in the evening recited prayers and texts from the Tipitaka.


( 27 )

mental individuality). The people paid great honours to the
remains of the thera during seven days and, having gathered a large
quantity of fragrant wood, they cremated him, took his relics and
erected a shrine (cetiya, Sanskrit caitya) over them.

Ton Bhila recited long passages from the Patt\\ana, one of the Abhidhamma
books and retired to sleep very late. At three in the morning, he had a
dream. A man holding a spear in his hand and followed by a great black
dog, approached him and said: My Lord, the forests into which you are
going to venture are very extensive and very wild; they swarm wtth lions,
tigers, panthers and snakes; why do you come here ? The bishop
answered: We are the disciples of Gotama, the Buddha. We learned
from the commentary on the Sahhyutta-nikaya that the Buddha came to this
region and impressed, at the request of a Naga and of a hermit, two marks oi
his left foot. These imprints, long adored by the Burmese people, have been,
owing to wars and revolutions, forgotten and have at last disappeared; at least
nobody knows where they are. We have come to look for them. The man
said : My Lord, follow this black dog wherever he goes. And while he was
still speaking, Ton Bhila awoke, and told his dream to the other bishops. They
took their meal early and entered the forest. And, lo before them appeared
the black dog; he conducted them to the banks of the Man Kyon, O^SGqpSj
(Nammadanadl), and suddenly disappeared. They crossed the torrent and,
on the bank they saw a Bhilu (yakkha) seated on the trunk of a tree, who
asked them whither they were going; and, on hearing their object, he pointed
out to them, with a nod of his head, the hill whereon were the foot-prints.
All of a sudden, the guardian-spirit of the hill changed himself into a crow,
and, alighting on the very spot where was the sacred relic, attracted, by his
peculiar cries and cawings, the attention of the bishops. The foot-print on
the summit of the hill was soon discovered, and the bishops, the monks and
the soldiers were lost in profound adoration. During the following night,
Ton Bhila again recited the Pa^/zana, and the spirits of the hills and woods
came around him and listened respectfully. Who are you ! asked the
bishop. A Nat (spirit) who was sotapanno (who had entered the First Path)
said : I am a sotapan (sotapanno) Nat. Hast thou known the Buddha !

Yes, said the Nat. Is my recitation of the Pa^/zana, asked the
bishop rather vainly, good? Do I pronounce as the Buddha ? Ahem!
One can, with a deal of good will, guess what thou art reciting/9 answered
the spirit. The pious hishop was incensed; but the Nat soon consoled him
and told him to make the resolution to become a Buddha in times to come; so
did at once To;z Bhila. He spread his mantle on the foot-print and said ; If
it be true that I shall become a Buddha, let the impress of the sacred foot be
apparent on my mantle! It is said that his mantle rose into the air in the
form of a heron and, when it came down again, the divine imprint was im-
pressed thereon. The bishop has, since that time, been considered as a
bodhisatta. They had then to look for the foot-print left on the bank of the
stream ; that was easy enough, for it sent forth a bright light. A cetiya (Bur-
mese ceti, GOc8), was erected over each foot-print, which, since that
time, attracts every year thousands of pilgrims from all parts of Burma.

G. B. C. P. O.No. 360, Secy., 27-11-06-251-R.W.






Reprint from the Ecole Francaise d'Extreme-Orient."

NOTES

ON THE

ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY OF BURMA

(I)

BY

C. DUROISELLE, M.R.A.S.

LECTURER IN PAli, RANGOON COLLEGE

RANGOON

CirICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT, GOVERNMENT PRINTING, BURMA

1906


Full Text

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