- Permanent Link:
- India Newspaper Company ( Author, Primary )
- John Harrison
- Place of Publication:
- India News Agency
- Bonner & Co.
- Publication Date:
- Physical Description:
- v. ; 33 cm.
- Subjects / Keywords:
- India -- Newspapers ( lcsh )
à¤à¤¾à¤°à¤¤ -- à¤µà¥ƒà¤¤à¥à¤¤à¤ªà¤¤à¥à¤°
à¤à¤¾à¤°à¤¤ -- à¤¸à¤®à¤¾à¤šà¤¾à¤°à¤ªà¤¤à¥à¤°
- newspaper ( marcgt )
newspaper ( sobekcm )
- Temporal Coverage:
- 1850 -
- Spatial Coverage:
- Europe -- United Kingdom -- England -- Greater London -- London -- Palace of Westminster
Asia -- India -- Maharashtra -- Mumbai -- Ravelin Street
Asia -- India -- Maharashtra -- Pune -- Budhwar Peth
à¤¯à¥à¤°à¥‹à¤ª - à¤¯à¥à¤¨à¤¾à¤¯à¤Ÿà¥‡à¤¡ à¤•à¤¿à¤‚à¤—à¤¡à¤® - à¤‡à¤‚à¤—à¥à¤²à¤‚à¤¡ - à¤—à¥à¤°à¥‡à¤Ÿà¤° à¤²à¤‚à¤¡à¤¨ - à¤²à¤‚à¤¡à¤¨ - à¤µà¥‡à¤¸à¥à¤Ÿà¤®à¤¿à¤¨à¥à¤¸à¥à¤Ÿà¤° à¤ªà¥…à¤²à¥‡à¤¸
à¤†à¤¶à¤¿à¤¯à¤¾ - à¤à¤¾à¤°à¤¤ - à¤®à¤¹à¤¾à¤°à¤¾à¤·à¥à¤Ÿà¥à¤° - à¤®à¥à¤‚à¤¬à¤ˆ - à¤°à¤¾à¤µà¥‡à¤² à¤¸à¥à¤Ÿà¥à¤°à¥€à¤Ÿ
à¤†à¤¶à¤¿à¤¯à¤¾ - à¤à¤¾à¤°à¤¤ - à¤®à¤¹à¤¾à¤°à¤¾à¤·à¥à¤Ÿà¥à¤° - à¤ªà¥à¤£à¥‡ - à¤¬à¥à¤§à¤µà¤¾à¤° à¤ªà¥‡à¤
à¤¯à¥‚à¤°à¥‹à¤ª - à¤¯à¥‚à¤¨à¤¾à¤‡à¤Ÿà¥‡à¤¡ à¤•à¤¿à¤‚à¤—à¤¡à¤® - à¤‡à¤‚à¤—à¥à¤²à¥ˆà¤‚à¤¡ - à¤—à¥à¤°à¥‡à¤Ÿà¤° à¤²à¤‚à¤¦à¤¨ - à¤²à¤‚à¤¦à¤¨ - à¤µà¥‡à¤¸à¥à¤Ÿà¤®à¤¿à¤‚à¤¸à¥à¤Ÿà¤° à¤•à¥‡ à¤ªà¥ˆà¤²à¥‡à¤¸
à¤à¤¶à¤¿à¤¯à¤¾ - à¤à¤¾à¤°à¤¤ - à¤®à¤¹à¤¾à¤°à¤¾à¤·à¥à¤Ÿà¥à¤° - à¤®à¥à¤‚à¤¬à¤ˆ - à¤°à¤¾à¤µà¥‡à¤²à¤¿à¤¨ à¤¸à¥à¤Ÿà¥à¤°à¥€à¤Ÿ
à¤à¤¶à¤¿à¤¯à¤¾ - à¤à¤¾à¤°à¤¤ - à¤®à¤¹à¤¾à¤°à¤¾à¤·à¥à¤Ÿà¥à¤° - à¤ªà¥à¤£à¥‡ - à¤¬à¥à¤§à¤µà¤¾à¤° à¤ªà¥‡à¤
- 18.93801 x 72.832207
18.517 x 73.858
51.499167 x -0.124722
- General Note:
- Description based on Vol. LXVI, No. 1.
- General Note:
- "Printed by Bonner & Co., The Chancery Lane Press, 1, 2 & 3, Rolls Passage, and 38 Cursitor Street, London, E.C. and Published for the Proprietors, The "India" Newspaper Company, Limited, at 85, Palace Chambers, Westminster, S.W.
- General Note:
- The India Newspaper Company is alternately called the India News Agency.
- General Note:
- Offices in India were located in Ravelin Street, Bombay (Mumbai) and in Budhawar Peth (Budhwar Peth) area of Poona City (Pune), both in Maharashtra State.
- Source Institution:
- SOAS University of London
- Holding Location:
- SOAS University of London
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- Resource Identifier:
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This item has the following downloads:
Registered at the G.P.O. s Price.' 30
as a Newspaper. > By Post 330
No. i,060 Old Series.1
No. 966 New Series.J
FRIDAY, JULY 7, 1916.
Notes and News .......... ...... 1
The New India Case .........
Indians in the United States: A
Protest Against the Exclusion
What India Wants: Interview with
Lala Lajpat Rai............... 4
Dr. Rutherford on India and Self-
Government ...................... 4
The New Statesman on India
After the, War.............. ... 5
Mr. Herbert Burrows on Ireland,
India, and the Empire .......... 5
Indian Police Methods: A Calcutta
Merchants Story ............. 5
The Government of Madras and
Mrs. Besant ................... 6
The Problem of the Depressed
Classes ...................... 6
Indian Students at Oxford ....... 6
Mr. Chamberlains Tribute to the
Indian Soldier............. ... 7
Lord Kitchener and India ....... 7
Calls to the Bar ............... 7
Indian Affairs in Parliament:
(Special Report) ..............' 8
*** O wing to the restrictions imposed by the Govern-
ment upon the consumption of paper, we find ourselves
compelled to reduce the number of our pages. 4 s a
rule, therefore, our issues during the current half-
year may be expected not to.exceed eight- pages. At
the same time the rise in prices of material, and
especially of paper, has been suck that the cost of pro-
duction will remain much the tame as that of bringing
out a twelve-page paper before the war.
NOTES AND NEWS.
MENTION was made by the Times in its last edu-
cational supplement of an import^nt^nodifica-
tion in the conditions under which Indians are
admitted to the Universities of Oxford and Cam-
bridge. The Students Department of tljp India
Office has been successful iff securing admissions for
-Indians_to colleges formerly barredto them : but many-
of the colleges have made it a condition that the student
should be under the financial guard ianship^of the Local
Advisor, appointed by the Department. Young Indians,
says the Times, have been inclined to dislike the
official origin of this machinery and the differentiation
made between them and other students from foreign
The difficulty is being solved at Oxford, where the
Hebdomadal Council have approved of the creation of
a delegacy for Oriental students, which will carry on
the work of the Local Advisor, Mr. Burrows, who will
be one. of its members. In addition to Indians the
delegacy will look after Egyptian, Chinese, and other
Eastern undergraduates. Cambridge is understood to
be taking a similar course bv inter-collegiate, as dis-
tinct from university, action. The details of these ar-
rangements for the transfer of the work of the advisors
are not yet quite ripe for publication ; but enough is
known of the development for a cordial welcome* to be
The new regulation under which no person will be
eligible for admission to the Indian Civil Service who
has applied to a military tribunal for exemption on tfle
ground of a conscientious objection to combatant ser-
vice will come into force at the expiration of fortffJ
days from July t, and is intended to applv^to candi-
dates at the open competitions of 1916 and subsequent
The English Press is beginning to take up the agita-
tion against the Bill to supplement the Indian Consolida-
tion Act of last year, which is now under consideration
by a joint committee of both Houses. The point upon
which attention is concentrated is a section which (as
we showed last week) overrules the decision of the
Privy Council in the vase of the Secretary of State v.
Moment, by depriving the public ofMhcir right to resort
to the civil courts in cases in which disputes arise as to
the existence of private and Government rights in land.
No. 1.* Vol. XLVI.
The Birmingham Post, observing that protests
have been made by the Bombay and Burma Chambers
of Commerce, recalls the dictum of Lord Moulton in the
case in question: To shut out the >civil
altogether would be insufferable, and would mean read-
ing into the. Act the words provided the Gover.nor-
General-in-touncil may deprive every subject of his
suits, remedies, and proceedings. The World
does not scruple to describe the introduction of the
section into the Bill as a mean official trick, but spoils
its criticism by assuming that "it is only the rights of the
Anglo-Indian commercial community which are threat-
ened. The Birmingham Post says that the official
answer is that the object of the section of the Bill to
which particular exception is taken is to remove the
doubt created by the Privy Councils decision as to the
powers of the Indian Executive so to legislate as to
exclude recourse to the ordinary courts, and that it is
certainly not intended to take power to prevent recourse
to the courts by mere Executive action. *
Another Indian statute has been coming prominently
into public notice. The appointment ok Mr. Lloyd
George to succeed Lord Kitchener as Secretary of State
for War is announced this (Friday) mornj,ngy but it had
perforce to be accompanied bv the t^gsiTf of Sir Ed-
ward Grey- to the House of Lords. Under the provi-
sions of the Government of India Act of 1858, no more
than four Principal Secretaries. of State, with four
Lffider Secretaries, may sit at one time in the House
of Commons. It is understood that Mr. Chamberlain
declined to exchange the India Office for the Minis-
try of Munitions, and that Mr. Bonar Law and Ir.
Herbert Samuel were equally determined not to leave
the Colonial Office and the Home Office. The point of
constitutional procedure had to be met, therefore, by an
earldom for Sir Edward Grey, and the substitution of
Lord Derby for Mr. Tennant as Under Secretary of
State for War.
It is stated by the Weekly Dispatch that Lord
Morley, who has maintained a discreet silence since his
resignation from the Cabinet on the outbreak, of the
war, has written a manuscript to be published after his
death that may be described as an apologia for his atti-
tude. There is a possibility, however, of the manuscript
being published soon after the war ends.
The Right f^on. Sir Charles Swann, Bart., M.P.,
completed thirty years unbroken representation of
North Manchester, in Pariiament^n^Jfuly 2. Indians
will, we feel sure, desire to congratulate him upon the
anniversary : for he has been a faitffful spokesman of
their claims and their grievances during the whole of
that time. .
We publish in another column the resolution of the
Government of India on the subject of the depressed
clashes. It is understood that an Indian officer, Rai
Bahadur Pandit Hari Kishen Kaul, C.I.E., has been
placed on special duty and posted to Simla, in con-
nexion with the enquiry which is being undertaken.
Mr. Ambika Charan Mazumdar has been elected by
the municipalities of the Dacca division as their repre-
sentative on the Bengal Legislative Council. The
choice is an admirable one, and has given general satis-
faction. Mr. Mazumdar is not only an old member of
the Council, but one of the honoured veterans of the
Congress, and his book on Indian National Evolu-
July 7, 1916
tion is the standard work upon the movement. It
must be a peculiar pleasure to him to resume his work
on the Council at Calcutta, for he was one of the most
strenuous opponents of Lord Curzons partition of
The Raja of Mahmudabad has been re-elected to the
Imperial Legislative Council as the representative of the
Moslem electorate of the United Provinces. He is,
says the Bengalee, one of the truest of men, and one
of the sincerest of patriots.
For some inscrutable reason the Punjab is deprived
of the right of returning two members to the Imperial
i-egislative^ Council which is enjoyed -by other im-
portant provinces. It is ordered to remain content with
one representative, and generaj discontent is the
natural result. *
The Indian Patriot, of Madras, has been examin-
ing the list of higher officers, in the Indian Postal De-
partment, and has been struck with the systematic
neglect of Indian talent and merit. The appointments
in the higher grade are almost exclusively filled by
Europeans, and all the highest paid offices are occu-
pied by them. Thus, two Europeans and no Indians
are in the Rs. 2,500 and Rs. 2,250 grades; and three
Europeans and no Indians in the Rs. 2,000, Rs. 1,750
and Rs. 1,200 to Rs. 1,400 grades. Things are no
better when the
1,000 grades"are reached. In the former there are two
Europeans and no Indians : in the latter five Europeans
and one Indian. In the Rs. 800 to Rs. 1,000 we find
one Indian and no European; in the Rs. 800 grade,
three Europeans and two Indians; in the Rs. 600 to
Rs. 800.grade,-two Europeans and no Indians. The
total works out -St-^twenty-five Europeans and four
A correspondent oTJNew India has prepared am
interesting analysis and tabulation of the Birthday
Honours List. The most striking feature of it, as far
as the admissions to the English orders are concerned,
is the great preponderance of official recipients in all
the higher grades. Among the C.B.s, K.C.S.I.s, and
C.S.I.s, the word nil occurs in each case under the
heading of non-officials, both European and Indian.
These are the orders that the officials arrogate exclu-
sively to themselves. The Order of the Indian Empire,
which was primarily instituted for non-officials, is now
almost entirely monopolised by officials. In this last
list there were twenty-six officials and six non-officials.
As regards the purely Indian titles, an interesting
departmental classification of the Dewan Bahadurs,
Sirdar Bahadurs, Khan Bahadurs, and Rao Bahadurs,
shows the the Police head the list with a bag of
twenty-six. Next come Revenue, Salt, and Abkari with
twenty-five. Co-operation and Education bring up the
rear with six and eleven respectively IÂ£
were distributed by popular favour, we fancy that the
order would be re*erSed. The Police^would figure at
the bottom of the list and Education at the top.
It will be seen, from the report which we publish in
another column, of the speech nmade last week by Mr/
Chamberlain at the meeting of the Indian section of
the Royal Society of Arts, that over 1,300 decorations
have been awarded to the Indian Army since the out-
break of the war. The Victoria Cross has been won
seven times, and the Military Cross has been given to
twenty-six Indians. Six have been admitted to the first
class of the Indian Order of Merit, and 416 to the
second class. Nearly 400 out of the total number of
recipients have been Sikhs.
A Supplement to the London Gazette of July 4
contains a despatch from the Commander-in-Chief in
India. It is dated from Delhi, March 9, 1916, and
gives particulars of operations in the vicinity of Aden
from October, 1914, down to January, 1916. No mate-
rial addition is made to the information which has been
published from time to time. A list of recommendations
^accompanies the despatch. These relate not only to the
Aden opemtions, but to the engagements which have
taken place in the Gulf of Oman, and also on the North-
West Frontier and in the Kachin FI ills in Burma.
Honourable mention is made of the services of a num-
ber of Indian officers and men.
The news from East Africa continues to be uniformly
good. Colonel Sheppards Punjabis and the Kashmir
Imperial Service Infantry are reported by the Press
Association correspondent at General Smuts head-
quarters to have shared the honours of the day with the
Royal Fusiliers and the Rhodesians at the victorious
engagement at the bridgehead on the Lukigura river
on June 23. General Van Deventer, who has been
since April 19 at Kondoa Irangi, assumed the offensive
on June 24, and advancing with the bayonet drove the
enemy from all his prepared positions. Many prisoners
were taken, and the remainder were pursued towards
the Central Railway, which lies 90 miles to the south-
ward. Elsewhere, Bukoba, the chief German port on
Victoria Nyanza, has been occupied, and also the
Karagwe district in the vicinity. As the Belgians are in
possession of the territory to the west, the whole region
between the Victoria Nyahza and Lake Tanganyika is
now clear of the enemy.
A Calcutta telegram of July 4 to the Times speaks
of the latest murder by Anarchists as having pro-
duced among the public the definite opinion that the
Government ought to adopts against Anarchists the
internment policy applied to suspects under the De-
fence of the Realm Act. The police (it is added) claim
to hav^information as to the leaders of the anarchist
conspiracy^" No details of 4he crime in question have
been cabled : but _the, Times says that it is known
to be another case of the assassination of a police
The Indian Womens University at Poona was for-
mallv inaugurated on June 3, when the first meeting of
the Senate was held. Professor Karve, the chairman
of the provisional committee, welcomed the Fellows and
made a lengthy statement tracing the growth of the
university movement from its inception in December
last, when, as President of the National Social Con-
ference, he adumbrated the scheme in his presidential
address. Sir Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar was
elected Chancellor, and Principal Paranjpye, of the
Fergusson College, Vice-President; and a syndicate
consisting of the Chancellor, the Vice-Chancellor, the
Registrar, the Principals of affiliated colleges and seven
members to be elected by Fellows, was appointed and
authorised to frame rules and regulations, and to exer-
cise the financial powers of the Senate until its next
An eleven of Indian students beat the Essex Club at
Leyton yesterday (Thursday) by 39 runs. For the
wirwners Mr. H. Gunesekere scored 6t and took four
wickets for 34. In their first iQirrings the Indians totalled
t^6, and in their second put up 104 for three wickets.
The Essex Club made 117 in their single venture.
We greatly regret to learn that a telegram has been
received announcing the death on Sunday last (July 2),
at Bankipore, after a short illness, of Lady Imam, the
wife of Sir Ali Imam. They had only been married a
few months, the wedding having taken place during Sir
Ali Imams visit to England in the early part of the
The Gokhale Memorial Committee in Madras have
commissioned Mr. G. K. Mhatre, the well-known Bom-
bav sculptor, to execute a statue,
July 7, 1916 INDIA. 3
THE NEW INDIA* CASE.
WE have repeatedly placed upon record our opinion
of the arbitrary methods which characterise
the proceedings taken from time to time undei>4he Press
Act. There is no repressive measure upon the Indian
Statute-book which requires to be handled with greater
circumspection. Two years before it was enacted,
Lord Morley showed clearly the danger of executive
interference with the liberty of the Press. It was in
1908 that he said :
Let us look at it as practical men who have got to deH with
the government of the country. Supposing you abolish freedom
of the Press, or suspend it, that will not end the business. You
will have to shut up schools and colleges, for what would be the
use of suppressing newspapers if you do not shut the schools and
colleges? Nor will that be all. You will have to stop the printing
of unlicensed hooks. The possession of a copy of Milton or Burke,
or Macaulay, or of Brights speeches, and all that Hashing array
of writers and orators who are the glory of our grand, our noble
English tongue-the possession of one of these 'books will, on this
peculiar and puerile notion of government, be like the possession
of a bomb, and we shall have to direct the passing of an Explosive
books Act. All this and its various sequels and complements make
a policy, if you please ; but after such a policy had produced a mute
sullen, muzzled, lifeless India, we gould. hardly call it, asewe do
now, the brightest jewel that ever sparkled in an Imperial Crown.
The warning was disregarded, and public opinion in
India is justifiably sensitive upon the subject. Indians
cannot forget that the late Sy; Herbert Risley, the
official sponsor of the Act, tvas obliged to defend its
provisions by quotations from the laws of Austria. They
remember also how Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya
promptly retorted by showing that the safeguards in-
serted in the Austrian statute were conspicuous by their
absence in the Indian Act. It is true that Sir S. P.
Sinha, who was the Law Member of Council, protested
that all kinds of safeguards had, as a yia^er of fact,
been put in. He said :
When the Local Government makes the order of forfeiture, the
Bill provides that it must state or describe the offending words,
or articles, or pictures, or engravings,. or whatever it is upon
which it bases its order. No making an order which is vague,
wMeh is indefinite, no order without allowing the man to know
what he is being punished for, but a definite order stating the
very words of the article or describing it as that which the man is
punished for. Is not that a safeguard? Apart^rom the tribunal
of appeal, is it not a safeguard to provide that a man will not
have his security forfeited without being told exactly what he has
written that is taken exception to ?
These alleged safeguards refer, it will be observed,
to that stage of the proceedings at which a security is
forfeited. But, as we know, they do not, in fact, exist.
That was made perfectly clear as long ago as 1913 in
the judgment of Sir Lawrence Jenkins in the notorious
Comrade case- Of the two alleged checks on
executive action supposed to be furnished by the Act,
said the then Chief Justice of Bengal, onethe inter-
vention of the Courtis ineffectual, while the other for
this very reason can be, and in this case has bee#, dis-
regarded without impairing the practical effect of a
forfeiture purporting to be under the Act.
The action taken by the Government of Madras
against Mrs. Besants newspaper, New India, has
not reached this stage. She has been ordered tt? deposit
security for good behaviour to the extent of Rs. 2,000 :
and this money is subject to forfeiture upon a second
offence.. The public are, however, demanding to know
what was the nature of the. first offence. It might have
been supposed that a local Government which felt itself
bound to make use of so unpopular a weapon would
at least have fortified itself against criticism by tTie
issue of a full and candid statement ol:4ts reasons.
This has not been done, and the only hint that has
been given is contained in an article in the Madras
Mail, which we reproduce elsewhere.
The result, of course, has been to excite a wave of
sympathy for Mrs. Bcsant. Men of the stamp of Dr.
lej Bahadur Sapru and Mr. Hasan Imam, who was
until a month or two ago a judge of the Calcutta High
Court, have not hesitated to record their disapproval
in the strongest terms : and the chorus of protest has
found an echo in every corner, of India. It is no
answer to say that under the law a magistrate is not
bound to record any reason for cancellation of an order
already made for dispensing with security. We repeat
that common sense, let alone considerations of ordinary
prudence, dictated that the Government of Madras
should at least have endeavoured to set itself right with
the public before it proceeded to put the Act into opera-
tion against so prominent a personality as Mrs. Besant.
It is not to their credit as administrators that they
should have preferred to stereotype the impression that
there exists no manner dr -sort of restriction upon
executive action under the Press Act, however arbitrary
or unreasonable it may be. *
INDIANS IN THE UNITED STATES.
A PROTEST AGAINST THE EXCLUSION, BiLL.^
We have received the following copy of an open letter
which was- addressee! froin New York on June 1, by
Lala Lajpat Rai to Senator Smith, of South Carolina, and
other members of the Senate of the United States :
On behalf of the Hindus who are at present residing
in the United States, permanently or temporarily, I have
the honour to submit the following respectful representa-
tion for the consideration of the Honorable Senators
regarding certain provisions of the Immigration Bill now
before the Senate of the United States (viz., H. R. 10384,
of the 64th Congress).
It is a gross injustice and, if I may be permitted to say,
an outrageous reflection on the Hindus, to be selected as
the only people on Gods earth who are to be excluded
from entry into the United States as a race. It has been
acknowledged by the highest scholastic authority in the
world that the Hindus are from the Aryan stock; that
their ancient language, Sanskrit, and many of their
present spoken languages belong to the Indo-European
branch of languages, and that they are the inheritors of
a great and noble literature and civilisation? In fact, of all
the people inhabiting the Continent of Asia, they are with
the Persians and Caucasians the nearest of kin to the
majority of the inhabitants of the Unit eel States. Their
exclusion as a race ys not only anr undeserved and un-
justifiable reflection on their national honour, but is
equally unworthy of the high-mindediiess of this great
nation which stands for equal opportunity and open door
for the meanest of Gods creatures on earth. It is sub-
mitted that if it be absolutely necessary to exclude any
particular class of the Hindus from entry into the United
States, that may be done by naming that class.
The last but one proviso to section 3 relating to the
possibility of students being required to execute bonds
is sure to work very hard on that class. The students,
as a class, are not likely to be in a position to give any
kind of security beyond their personal obligation to abide
by any conditions that may be imposed on them by the
Immigration authorities under the rules contemplated by
that proviso. It is hoped that it is not intended to dis-
criminate against students, who, at any time during their
stay in the United States, may find it necessary to work
for their education. The provision on page 7 laying down
that if the excepted persons (in which class students
are included) fail to maintain in the United States a status
or occupation placing them within the excepted classes,
they shall be deemed to be in the United States contrary
to law and be subject to deportation as provided in section
19 of this Act, makes any further rules regarding their
entry and residence, such as execution of bonds, quite un-
necessary. Hi case, however, it be still considered
necessary to Keep this provision, it is respectfully sug-
gested that the making of any rules affecting students be
left to a Board of*University prof^Soae-subject to the final
approval of the Labour Department of the United States.
In connexion with sections 18 and 19 relating to the
place to which the rejected and deported alien is to be
sent back, a discretion jiay be allowed to such rejected
or deported alien to proceed to any port or country,
other than the one from which he or she originally came
or to which he or she belong, at his or her expense.
The period of five years provided in section 19 is an
uyduty long period and very hard on the aliens already
admitted under the existing law. In any case it is
very unjust to give retrospective effect to that section as
against persons who were lawfully admitted into the
country under the existing law, particularly those who
have completed the term of residence required by the law
in force at the time of their entry. This provision exposes
those Hindus who have been in this country for more
than three years now to deportation and possible prose-
cution in their own country, for political opinions ex-
pressed by Them during their residence herea result
which is opposed to the time-honoured traditions of this
4 INDIA. July 7, 1916
The Hindus trust that Llie United States legislature
will not sanction anything which is opposed in spirit to
the high ideals and noble principles for which this
country stands and which it has in its past history laid
down and maintained to the glory of its people.
WHAT INDIA WANTS.
AN INTERVIEW WITH LALA LAJPAT RAI.
The ChristianQScience Monitor contains the follow-
ing report of an interview which its representative at San
Francisco has had with Lala Lajpat Rai.
The well-known Indian Nationalist leader, who has
recently arrived in the United States from Japan, said that
while a majority of the educated and half-educated
diMiaim, gs well "as the lower classes, were in favour oi
Indian self-government, and while there had been out-
breaks and acts of sedition, there was no possibility of an
uprising of the people against the \British Government.
Iu regard to the concessions that the British Govern-
ment is likely to make at the close of the war in favour
of Indian autonomy, he observed that the talk of a more
liberal Indian policy among British publicists, and even
by the Tory Press, led by the London Times, at the
beginning of the war, had recently ceased or changed its
tone, indicating, iu his opinion, that the prospects of
substantial concessions iu self-government were not now
so bright as they seemed to be at the beginning of the war.
Indian politicians might be divided into three classes
(he. continued). First, there were the extreme Nation-
alists; second, the moderate Nationalists; and third, those
who were frankly in favour of the rule of the British
Government. The Extremists based their propaganda
on fuudamentaE-grounds. They did not believe that the
British would ever voluntarily grant them freedom. They
were, therefore, opposed to making petitions and sending
memorials. Some of them wanted absolute swaraj,
and some of them qualified swaraj 011 Colonial lines; but
everyone of them believed that neither was possible
except by active revolt or successful passive resistance.
They felt that they were not now in a position to organise,
but "that, iu the meantime, it was their duty to do as
much as they could to embarrass the Government by
following the tactics of guerrilla warfare and by conduct-
ing a terrorist campaign. They said that they must keep
the flag flying, no matter how7 heavy their losses. I11
their opinion it was thcYmly way to carry on their pro-
paganda and make it effective for impressing the country
audogaiuiug fresh recruits to their cause. .
The Moderates, on the other hand, those of the Indian
National Congress, who wanted to conduct their agitation
011 constitutional lines within the limits of law, were not
iu favour of embarrassing the British Government. They
were opposed to all agitation, leaving everything to the
good sense of the Government. Many of them believed
that after the war. the Government would make large
political concessions, and that the country would make
a material advance 011 the road, to self-government on
Colonial lines. Many of the members of this body, how-
ever, could scarcely be distinguished from those of the
third class, who were out-and-out loyalists.
The programme of the Moderate party, that is, the
demands that they were likely to make on the British
Government at the close of the war, had not been'com-
pletely formulated, but the substance of the demands
might be. classified as follows : Repeal and modification
of Hie Arms Act, making it possible, at least for men of
education and property, to keep arms without licence;
some provision for the military training oFUidian youths ;
army commissions to "Indians; improvements in the
position and prospeÂ£ts**f the Indian soldier; a change in
the constitution of the Imperial Executive Council so as
to admit of more than one Indian being appointed to it;
changes in the legislative councils; a non-official, elected
majority iu the Viceroys Council ; direct election; re-
moval of restrictions in the* choice of candidates f
freedom of debate; freedpm c from the embargo of
the Secretary of State for India in fiscal legislation.
Similar changes in the provincial councils with
provincial fiscal autonomy and greater freedom rin
provincial legislation; executive councils for the
provinces that were without them ; a provision that
each council should have at least two Indian members,
and that the latter should be elected. Compulsory
primary education, with ample provision for technical,
commercial and scientific education ; complete separation
of judicial from executive functions with high courts in
place of chief courts in each of the provinces, and an
extension of jury trials; governors in place of lieutenant-
governors and chief commissioners in Ml the provinces;
exclusive or at least larger employment of Indian agency
in the public service*; inauguration of industries under
Government patronage with a protective tariff and ample
provision for technical and industrial education in the
country. The holding of simultaneous competitive
examinations in India for all branches of the Indian ser-
vices for which examinations are held iu England; the
repeal oLrtlie Indian Press Act and other coercive and
repressive laws put on the statute book within the last
ten years; better treatment in tire Colonies with freedom
of travel and emigration or freedom to bar the Colonials
from holding any positions in India; freedom oU
education; local self-government freed of official control
from village unions upwards.
A book by Lala Lajpat Rai, entitled Young India :
An Interpretation and a Ilistoi*y of the Nationalist Move-
ment from Within, is announced for early publication
by Mr. B. W. Huebsch, of New York. In an account of
the authors career, the Indiana Forum say* :
While Mr. Rai is an ardent and uncompromising advocate of
the Nationalist cause, he has always counselled procedure by
evolutionary, and not by revolutionary measures, bv agitation and
not by bomb-throwing. Throughout his career he has striven
through speech and the Press, in India and in England, to move
the British Government to prevent revolution, in what he believes
is the only possible way, namely, by inaugurating and carrying
out honestly a policy of justice to the Indian people.
INlblA AN D SELF-GOVERNMENT.
A SCHEME OE REFORM BV DR. RUTHERFORD.
Au address on Home R^le for India was given by Ur.
V. H. Rutherford, on Friday evening last (June 30), at a
meeting of the Loudon Indian Association.
Mr. Syud ITossian, who was iu the chair, introduced
Dr. Rutherford as an old and staunch friend, who, both
in and out of Parliament, had consistently served the
cause of India. Dr. Rutherfords was no new-found
infatuation for the rights and liberties of India. He had
long been associated with those with whom the principle
of self-goYcrufiient for India was, a living faith.
Insisting that the time was appropriate for the discus-
sion of the question of Indias future, when Indians were
sacrificing both their lives and their money in a war for
national freedom, Dr. Rutherford advocated the setting-
up of provincial parliaments, with a central imperial legis-
lature iu which the so-called native States would be
represented. All the members of these bodies should be
elected 011 a franchise to be settled by Indians. At the
same time the old village councils should be restored and
municipal councils and district boards re-organised upon
an elective basis. He would apply the principle of Home
Rule ^strictly to the Civil Service. Indians should admin-
ister their own country. The present form of Government
in India was pure despotism : and it was the worst in
the world, however qualified it might be by benevolence.
Arguments might, of course, be advanced against his pro-
posals. It would be said that Hindus and Mahomedans
were mutually antagonistic ; but the signs of the times
were all iu favour of co-operation between the two great
communities. The All-India Moslem League and the
National Congress were about to meet in conference', and
were united in a common desire to achieve the national
aspiration. Next, it was urged by critics of the type of
Mr. Balfour, that parliamentary government was not
adaptable to India, because of the many races which in-
habited the country. The suggestion was worthy of
those who had denounced the grant of a constitution to
South Africa as a dangerous experiment. Again, it
was pleaded that India was not fit for self-government.
What a melancholy reflection this was upon British rule !
It had been said so often that the English were iu India
to teach Indians to rule themselves, and yet after a century
and a-lialf it was to be acknowledged that they had failech
As*'a matter of fact, he (fit. Rutherford) had visited
Baroda, which was administered entirely by Indians, and
had found it better governed than any portion of India
governed by Britons. He need only remind them of the
one matter'Sof free and compulsory education, in which
Baroda was' far ahead. Liberty, as Mr. Gladstone had
said, alone fitted men for liberty. Surely Indians were
as fit to govern themselves as Serbs, Bulgars, and Greeks.
Another favourite argument was that with self-govern-
ment India would fall a prey to some foreign Bower.
But it was self-government within the British Empire
for which India was striving- Great Britain would be
Indias protector, just as much as she was the protector
of Australia and Canada and South Africa. The Indian
Army must be officered and commanded by Indians, and
would then be ready to defend its own frontiers. Flow
was the end to be achieved ? Indian Nationalists must
develop the spirit of patriotism iu India itself and at
the same time strive to enlighten the British democracy
July 7, 1916 I N DI A. 5
as to tlie justice of their demand. That demand must be
pressed by constitutional means, and by these alone;
and he hoped that British statesmanship, taught by the
lesson of Ireland, would prove equal to the occasion.
Self-government had kept Canada, Australia, New Zea-
land, and South Africa within the British Empire, and
it would *do the same for India.
A lively discussion followed, in which Dr. John Pollen,
All. J. At. Parikh, Mr. S. Saklatwala, Air. II. S.
Suhrawardy, Mr. Edward Dalgado, and Mr. B. Dube
INDIA AFTER THE WAR,
WHAT IS TO HAPPEN?
(From the New Statesman.)
What is to happen to India after the war? ITow is the
Government to be modified, and in what way are the
relations between India and the Empire to be readjusted ?
There has never been so much discussion as there is
to-day in reference to Imperial organisation. What Was,
in slower and quieter times, a subject of more or less
academic debate, becomes, after two years of war, a
matter of pressing political concern. On all hands it is
assumed that the British Empire cannot emerge from the
war as it went in, and it seems to be generally agreed
that before the problems of peace come upon us, our
public men "ought to do some serious thinking along the
lines of Imperial reconstruct!cyi. In all such thinking,
obviously, India must,be prominent; and yet it is still
true that nearly all discussion is carried on in terms of
the self-governing Dominions alone.
The assumption appears to be that India and Egypt
constitute a problem by themselves, and that their future
must not be allowed to complicate the movement towards
a closer organic connexion between the Dominions and
Great Britain. Even those who recognise that a developed
Imperial scheme must take full account of our greatest
Dependency and our latest ProtectorAe ^e so over-
whelmed by the difficulty of the task that they neither put
it aside nor state the obstacles with a force that implies
their own sense of impotence. Thus the, authors of
The Problem of the Commonwealth announce that
their solution-lias had to be deferred to a later volume
not, we suspect, because it demands wholly separate
treatment, but rather because very little has so far been
done towards the formulation of proposals which would
be likely to impress the Indian reform parties. These
admirable theorists do, however, in their first volume
indicate the basis upon which their proposals are to rest.
They assume that if the self-governing Dominions are
to share the Mother Countrys responsibilities in such
matters as tariffs, defence, and foreign policy generally,
they must carry also their share of the burdens governing
the non-self-governing Dependencies. And they contend
that these Dependencies are inhabited by people who are
at present, and for a long time must continue to be,
incapable of governing themselves. They state their
principle thus :
The task or preparing for freedom the races which cannot as
vet govern themselves is t'he. supreme duty of those who can. It
is the spiritual end for which the Commonwealth exists, and
material order is nothing except as a means to it. The burden
of achieving it cannot be limited to the people of the British Isles.
To be carried to an issue, it must be assumed by all the Dominions
lit for self-government.
Here is an interesting theory. As a principle of imme-
diate application it is open to the objection that there
exists in India a feeling of intense hostility to, and
suspicion of, Colonial opinion and the Colonial spirit. It
is due largely, of course, to the policy of exclusion main-
tained by the Dominions towards Asiatics, and there are
other reasons. . *
In India, naturally, reformers have been, and are much
more, concerned about internal administration than*
about the problem of fitting the Government of India
into a complete Imperial Commonwealth.^ The Morley
reforms of 1909 revived the hopes of the constitutional-
ists. The despatch from Simla which foreshadowed the
Delhi changes spoke, ju a passage afterwards explained
away, of steady advance towards provincial autonomy.
But the Hardinge re gimeowing to opposition in this
countrywas not marked by any such advance, and the
anxieties of wartime have been expressed in a greatlv
enhanced severity of executive control. . The
danger is that the authorities, in. their fear of agitation
no matter how remote from nationalist extremism, may
!; themselves into the arms of those whom Sir
William Wedderburn has described in our corre-
spondence columns as the British extremists, and
resolve to prohibit debate upon the ideals of self-govern-
ment as mere sedition. If so, they will be repeating the
blunder which was committed when the Nationalist
movement was proscribed, and the peril to the peace of
India would be indefinitely greater than it was in the
years before the war.
IRELAND, INDIA, AND THE EMPIRE.
AN ADDRESS BY MR. HERBERT BURROWS. w
A lecture on Ireland, India, and the Empire was
given by Mr. Herbert Burrows at the morning meeting
of the South Place Ethical Society on Sunday last
Alter dealing with the past and present history of
Ireland, and avowing himself an extreme Home Ruler,
Air. Burrows went 011 to discuss the questionsof India,
applying to it the same fundamental principles which lie
had laid down with respect to Ireland. The Indian
problem*was, he s;ftd, an enormous and a difficult one
and could not be neglected, or else it might solve itself
in a way unpleasant to England. He personally did not
believe that, because of Indias contributions in men and
money to the war, the British Government would as a
matter of course give India much of what she desired in
the way of self-government. There might perhaps be an
extension of provincial autonomy-, a small widening of
Indian representation on the legislative councils and the
Viceroys Council, but England would still retain the
dominating upper hand. She would keep, as she had
kept, the pax Britannica between the different races and
religious. The ideal of the extreme Home Rulers, of
whom he was one, was a very far-off ideal. Alany tilings
were necessary of accomplishment before India would
rule herself as a free, complete, and self-governing nation
without interference from outside. Education must be
liberally and impartially extended in accordance with the
best Indian ideas, and the fixed idea of race-superiority
must be given up. These were matters for England. As
regarded the Indians themselves, the rigidity of caste
must be relaxed, and Hindus and Alahomedans must mix
more freely together. All this must be the growth of
years, and must proceed from the educated convictions
of Indians themselves. Without it national unity was
, impossible. He attached no importance to the theory of
fitness for self-government. England should.make a
public declaration to the world that she was in India, not
for her own advantage, but fof the good of India herself,
and that at the earliest possible momentto be decided
by friendly and peaceful consultation with the* best
representatives of Indian thoughtshe would withdraw
her government from the country, while helping-in the
interval by every means in her power the self-development
of India. 'these were the fundamental principles which
should apply equally to Ireland and to India, and to
every part of the Empirefree self-government and self-
development as free and equal partners in a federation of
free States. The only alternative was forceful domination
and the wise man would have no hesitation in making
the fruitful choir*.
INDIAN POLICE METHODS.
A CALC ETTA AIERCIIA NTS STOR Y.
A remarkable letter is published in The Englishman
from All*. C. E. II. Beaman, a well-known member of
the mercantile community in Calcutta, regarding the
methods of*4ffie. Bengal Police. Air. Beaman has had in
his employ for the past eiglfteen months a Bengali
chauffeur who Jias his home ii> Bqpackpore, where Mr.
Beaman himself lives. 1 have always found him, he
writes, absolutely sobes, respectful, and well-behaved.
He is a* most capable driver and mechanic, and holds
first-class certificates from several well-known car-
Early in February tins nign informed Mr. Beaman that
owing to his omission pi comply in full with certain
demands for blackmail, he had been threatened with
police persecution. Oil the 10th of that month the man
Mas arrested on a charge of being concerned in certain
burglaries. In spite of All*. Beamans offer of bail, he
was kept in jail for a mouth a waiting trial. When tried,
he was discharged. He was soon again arrested on
another charge, again kept in jail, and again discharged
Air. Beaman, who, like many other Europeans in India,
seems to have known little of the methods of the police,
naively supposed that after this the wretched man would
be left in peace, but, of course, he was not. What fol-
lowed is thus described by him :
The Barrackpore Police having been baffled in their attempts to
INDIA. July 7, IgT6
secure his conviction, the Alipore Police took a hand. On Tuesday
last (May 23) some Barrackpore officer sent Tor .my chauffeur. I
refused to let him go without some information. I thereupon
received a letter stating that there was no charge against him,
and that he was required as a witness. On Thursday a note was
received by me through the Barrackpore Police, from some petty
officer of Alipore, requiring my chauffeur to be at the thana (police
station) at 2 p.m. and to wait there till his mightiness arrived. I
sent my man, hut after waiting a couple of hours no one from
Alipore turned up. Yesterday morning my chauffeur showed me
a paper summoning him to the thana at 10 a.111. On my return
from Calcutta in the evening I was informed that the unfortunate
man had been detained rll day without food, arid that in t.he evening
he had been handcuffed, tied with a rope, and marched off to the
railway station to be taken to Alipore. > 1 have learned nothing
further about him.
Mr. Beaman is naturally greatly shocked at the idea
of this man, who has not yet lieeu convicted of. qny crime,
being treated as a dangerous criminal and dragged
through the streets handcuffed, at the end of a rope.
Such treatment (he says) constitutes a gross abuse of
authority, and affords an exlybitioif of malicious spite,
which supplies ample proof of the tc^al unfitness- of the
persons who exercised it to be vested with any powers
whatever. Jt is small wonder that the Indian Police
are held in such universal detestation.
THE GOVERNMENT OF MADRAS AND
Allusion has already been made in India to the step
taken by the Government of Madras in calling upon Mrs
Besant, under the Press Act of 1910, to deposit security
for good behaviour in respect of her journal, New
India, to the^ameunt of Rs. 2,000 (Â£133). When paying
over the money Mrs. Besant pointed out that, in demand-
ing the security, the Government had not intimated any
specific cause of complaint against the paper. She
I am aware that the Press Act does not impose on you this duty,
and I, therefore, make no complaint, but I assert that to withhold
from me the knowledge of my supposed offence so that I may
again commit it in ignorance and incur further penalties is a
denial of natural justice. Notwithstanding this I deposit the
security because it is only by its forfeiture that I can discover the,
nature of my offence by bringing the order of the forfeiture before
the High Court.
The money is subject To forfeiture upon a second
offence, and" the Government may then demand the
maximum amount of security, Rs. 10,000.
The Anglo-Indian View.
It is characteristic of official* methods in India that 110
statement of any kind has been issued by the Government
of Madras either to explain or to justify a course of action
which has aroused an extraordinary amount of protest
throughout India. The Madras Mail has, however,
published the following statement, which may be deemed
to be semi-officially inspired :
The five Madras newspaper editors who have moved
the secretary of the Press Association of India to take
the necessary steps in the matter of the security de-
manded from the keeper of the New India Press,
base their request upon the assumption that the Madras
Government have not given Mrs. Besant an opportu-
nity for explanation. We have made enquiries and
have ascertained that the procedure adopted by the
Madras Government was absolutely correct.
The Government Solicitor moved the Chief Presidency
Magistrate to cancel his order dispensing with the de-
posit of security, and in doing so described Â£tie nature of
the writing and speeches of Mrs. Besant, which made
it undesirable tp coatiiftie to dispense with the security
in her case. He also filed a number of the issues of
New India in support of r his argument. Hf Mrs.
Besant was really ignorant of the grounds for the
Magistrates order it was open to hbr to have asked
him for information on that point. Had she done so
Mr. Pelly would no doubt Eave allowed her to inspect
the papers filed before liiui^but since she had herself
challenged Government to take action against her,
ascribing her immunity to her white skin, it is not
unreasonable to conclude that she was not ignorant
of the grounds on which the Magistrate framed his
order and refrained from asking for them because she
wanted a stick with which to beat Government.
Mrs. Besant has repeatedly complained that she re-
ceived 110 warning from Government, and, though she
has qualified this by admitting that she did receive
one warning, she has since returned to the original
statement. Mrs. Besants account of present-day events
is as grossly inaccurate as her ancient .history, for we
have ascertained that she received no less than three
. warnings, and the last of these was a personal remon-
strance addressed to her by the Governor himself
through his private secretary.
Mrs. Besant has replied to these allegations in the issue
of New India for June 9. She publishes a letter of
Jtliat date from the Chief Presidency Magistrate, in which
he says th^t he cannot allow her to inspect the papers
as she desires. She also denies that any sort f warn-
ing was received by her since June, 1915.
HIE PROBLEM OF TI1E DEPRESSED
A GOVERNMENT RESOLUTION.
The Government of India have circulated a letter in
which attention is drawn to the resolution t moved
in the imperial Legislative Council .on March
16, 1916, by Mr. M. B. Dadabhoy, recommending that
measures should be devised for the amelioration of the
moral, material, and educational condition of the depressed
classes. The resolution was ultimately withdrawn, but
the Government of India expressed their willingness to
consult local Governments as to what had been done and
what further could be done to improve the condition of
these people. The views of the local administrations are
accordingly invited on the-following points :...
The first j$bint for consideration is clearly the definition
of the term depressed classes. In a Press Note dated
August 19, 1915, issued by the Bombay Government on
the education of depressed classes and backward tribes, the
subject was examined in 'respect of depressed classes (un-
touchables), aboriginal and hill tribes, and criminal tribes;
and the Government of India consider that this-.classifi-
cation is sufficiently wide to cover the ground which is
really in issue. It may accordingly be conveniently fol-
lowed in dealing with the question, but it would be useful
if the actual castes or tribes which have been grouped
under each head were enumerated (together with tlieir
approximate numbers). In fact, in consulting those whose
opinions 1113^ be worth obtaining, it would be best if the
people in respect of whom information was sought
should be specified.
Tlnskscope of the enquiry being thus made known, there
remain the directions in which progress is possible. Ob-
viously anything which assists the advance of the country
at large assists to some extent the elevation of the de-
pressed classes as part of the community, but these wider
considerations should be excluded and attention directed
to the special measures which are primarily designed to
help the depressed classes as such. It will be seen from
the speeches delivered in the Legislative Council that
social" questions enter largely into the whole problem.
Into these it is only now desired to enter to the extent
to which any such disabilities exist as are within the
power of Government to remove. The rest must be left
to the good sense of the community and to the gradual
disappearance of ancient habits of thought.
Otherwise it was upon education, either literary or in-
dustrial, that stress was mostly laid in the Council debate,
and this naturally is the main line of advance so far as
Government is concerned. Secondly comes material im-
provement, and thirdly regulation, meaning in particular
the measures of control designed to facilitate the helping
of a particular class (ordinarily a criminal class), while
at the same time preventing them from doing injury to
Taking these three main heads and any others which
suggest themselves, the Government of India would be
glad to be informed of what has been achieved in the
past and what more (if anything) is possible in the future.
In such a description the two cases of official and non-
official aid might be discriminated and any account of non-
official agencies already working showing the nature and
success of their activities would be of interest.
With reference to the management of criminal tribes,
the Government of India are already in possession of vari-
ous valuable reports from certain provinces. These it is
unnecessary to repeat, and unless they require to be
supplemented by later information it would suffice under
this head if reference was made to them.
INDIAN STUDENTS AT OXFORD.
The following Indian students have taken honours in
the final schools at Oxford University :
Natural Science.Glass 3.Pherozshah J. Panday, Lincoln
Modern History.Glass 2.Mahomed S. A. Hydari, Balliol ;
Shamaldharse ball, Exeter-p Ramkrishna P. Patwardhan, New
College. Glass 4.Sudhinaranath Gupta, Balliol; Mohamed Y.
July 7, 1916
THE INDIAN SOLDIER.
MR. CHAMBERLAINS TRIBUTE.
Secretary of State for
ncl ian Section of
Mr. Austen Chamberlain, M.P., yj^x^vc
India, presided over a meeting of the In<
the Royal Society of Arts on June 29, at which a paper
on The Sikhs was read by Sirdar .Daljit Singh, C.S.I.,
Member of the Council of India. Among the large
company present were Mrs. Austen Chamberlain, Mr.
Charles Roberts, M.P., Sir George Bird wood, Colonel
Yate, M.P., S.ir Krishna Gupta, Sir Mancherjee
Bhownaggree, Sir Steuart Bayley, Sir William Duke, Sir
Louis Dane, Sir Evan James. Sir Charles Bayley, Sir
Frederick Fryer, Sir Robert Carlyle, Sir Murray
Hammick, Air. Ameer Ali, Mirza Abbas Ali Baig, Sir
Havelock Charles, Sir Michael Fenton, Sir Daniel
Hamilton, Sir John Hewett, Sir James Dunlop Smith, Sir
OMoore Creagh, and Sir Edmund Barrow. *
Sirdar Daljit Singh, during the- course of his address,
which gave a history of the origin and beliefs of^the
Sikhs, said that the story of Sikh loyalty to the Emj
was one of the brightest chapters in Indian hist
could testify to the eager loyalty with which, when the
present war broke out, the great Sardars and the rest of
the nobility and gentry placet! their means, men, and
money, and their personal services at the disposal 'of the
Government. (Cheers.) There was happily an equal
enthusiasm throughout British India, but he might be
forgiven if he spoke more particularly of his own people.
It was not as if the permanent Sikh army of 30,000 men
had merely been willing to Jo their duty as soldiers of
the King-Emperor. From villages, towns, and great
cities came out even retired and old Sikhs eager to fight
the enemy of their beloved Sarkar. The independent
ruling States furnished munificent and spontaneous help
in money and men, and their forces were fighting side by
side with the splendid volunteers of our whole Empire in
Flanders and France, Egypt, Mesopotamia, and East
Africaall the theatres of war. Sir Ian Hamiltons great
and generous praise of the quality shov^n 'Sv the 14th
Sikhs in the Dardanelles was fresh in mind. So it. would
be, he did not hesitate to say, as long as the spirit of
Guru Govind Singh animated the Khalsa, 411c! the
prophecy of the ninth Guru was fulfilled, by the British
Raj in India. As in the days of old, when their own cause
was alone at stake, each and every Sikh would be at all
times ready to leave the plough and take the sword in
defence of what was now the common heritage of many
peoples, and the glory of them all. (Cheers.)
Air. Chamberlain, who was cordially received, observed
that they had listened to a lecture on the history of a
religion and a people which was full of interest for any
thinking man. They must all have been struck by the
nobility and beauty of the teaching of the founder of
Sikhism. They would have followed with interest the
development of the teaching of its first founder through
its successive leaders, and the gradual establishment of
the great warlike race we knew to-day. If he dwelt on
their services to the Empire in war he was sure they
would feel that in such days as these that subject must
be uppermost in our minds. We did well .to remember
the fine work done by these Sikh regiments, but let it
not be supposed that in speaking specially of the Sikhs
he forgot the work done by the other Indian soldiers of
the King-Emperor. (Hear, hear.) For the first time the
Indian Army had taken its place by the side of armies
going from all the other Dominions of His Majesty in
a great European war. The Indian Army had served not
alone in France ; it had served in Egypt, in Gallipoli, in
East and West Africa, in Aden, and in Mesopotamia.
Wherever there had been work to be done and stout hearts
had bGen needed India had sent her sons to play their
part, with men from other portions of the Empire, in
v-defence of their Sovereign's Crown and of the -liberty erf
the Empire to which they belonged. He was present at
Buckingham Palace one day when the King-Emperor
received some Indian officers from one of the hospitals in
this country who desired to present an address to him.
Among them was one who, sir.ee this war began, had
fought at Aden, on the Suez Canal, and in Gallipoli,
whence he was invalided home. He had recovered, gone
to France and fought there, and was, at the time he saw
him, on the point of leaving for India. He asked this
officer whether he had any wish, and the officer replied
that he wished to be sent, not back to his home in India,
but to Mesopotamia, so that then he would have fought in
all the Northern theatres of war. That spirit was charac-
teristic of the Empire to which he belonged. In the many
theatres of war the Indian soldiers had earned a full share
of honours. Over 1.300 decorations had been given, of
which nearly 400 had gone to Sibhs. The Victoria Cross
had beep won in seven cases, of which one was a Sikh; the
Alilitary Cross in twenty-six cases, six of which were
Sikhs; the Indian Order of Alerit of the First Class in
six cases, of which, two were Sikhs; and the Indian Order
of Merit of the Second Class in 416 cases, of which 119
were Sikhs. (Cheers.) He concluded by reading, amid
applause, the official story of the incident of the 14th
Sikhs in Gallipoli, and the story of the exploit of
Lieutenant J. G. Smyth, V.C., and Sepoy Lal Singh in
carrying ammunition under fire in France. He was sure
(he said) that the audience would join with him in ex-
pressing admiration for such deeds and for the men who
had performed theip. (Cheers.)
The meeting closed with the usual votes of thanks.
A discussion followed, with regard to which the London
correspondent of the Yorkshire Post writes :
Could the German Emperor, o$ any of the German
war-maker.^, have been present, they might have begun
to understand why India did not revolt, as Hey,ex-
pected and wished, when war broke out. Loyalty to the
British connexion is not only a matter of sentiment; it
is based on reason and self-interest as well. This was
shown amply by the speeches delivered by Indians
themselves. Here; in the same hall, were Hindus and
Alosleins and Sikhs, differing profoundly in their beliefs,
but all recognising that British rule gives them more
liberty of belief than they could get in any other way.
LORD KITCHENER AND INDIA.
The comments of the Press throughout India upon the
tragic death of Lord Kitchener show that the gravity of
the loss to the Empire is as keenly felt in this country
as in all other parts of the Empire. Apart from the
Imperial aspect of the loss at the present moment, how-
ever, there is the sense of personal loss in*the case of a
man who had filled a high post in this country, and who
during the time he was here inspired the highest admira-
tion and respect among all classes of the community.,
A certain class of writers in the English Press have
.often enough hinted that Lord Kitchener was not liked
by the educated classes in India. That is far from being
the case. Lord Kitchener was admired as a great soldier,
a zealous and able Commander-in-Chief with the reform-
ing spirit, and as a personality who knew how to get his
-own way without Ina king himself unpleasant. With the
political leaders with whom he had to come into personal
contact,, and who fought his estimates in the Council,
he was always on the best of Terms, and fie was always
the first to pay due tribute to the ability of such men,
for instance, as Mr. Gokhale. It is related that 0# one
occasion he confessed that he would sooner face any other
task than that of answering Air. Gokhale 011 the Budget,
and that, though he always knew that he, Lord
Kitchener, was right, he always found Air. Gokhale un-
The idea that Indians of any class disliked Lord
Kitchener is entirely erroneous. They liked and admired
him, but they did not want him as Viceroy, because they
believed he stood for a policy which is opposed to their
aims. But it is certain that, if Lord Kitchener had come to
India to carry out such a policy, his methods would not
have been of the kind favoured by Lord Curzon.
CALLS TO THE BAR.
Fifty-eight gentlemen were called to the Bar at their
respective Ians of Court on July 5. Of these the following
twenty-nine were Indians :
Lincolns Inn.Ahmad Kamal, Mohammad Jan Khan., Edin-
burgh and Allahabad Universities, f?.A.*and ALA. ; Muhammad
Hassan Rana, M.A., Edin.; Mohammad Husain Qazi, B.A.,
LL.B., Emmanuel Coll., Cambridge; Sardar Gian Singh Marwah ;
Debendra Kumar .Mitter, London Univ. ; Kandallu Lakshmana
Venkataraman, Lorrdon and Madras Univs., B.A. ; Muhammad
Nur Alam, Punjab Univ., B.A. ; Kahan Singh Sauhta, London
Univ. ; Jashbhai Chhotalal* Pat
B.A. ; Darab Khurshedji Petigara, Bombay Univ., B.A., LL.B.,
a vakil of the High Court of Bombay.
Inner Tempi.e.Khajeh Nazimuddin, B.A., Camb. ; Torick
ATrteer Ali, Oxford.
Middle Temple.Hormusjee Bomanjce Motafram, B.A.,
Camb. ; Chelunkuri Durma Rao; Nezamuddin Khan ; Tirath
Singh; Sampuran Singh ; Shankar Lal Dariwal, B.A., Punjab
Univ. ; Khwaja Ahmad Ali.
Grays Inn.Mohammad Alustafa Khan ; Debendra Nath Sen,
B.A., Calcutta, London Univ. ; Mahadeo Parashuram Chitale,
B.A., Bombay, and London Univ.; Jules'Mahabir ; Pcrianan Sun-
daram, B.A., LL.B., Emmanuel Coll., Cambridge; Chuni Lal
Anand, B.A., Punjab, and London Univ. ; Maung Kun, B.A., Cal-
cutta, and London Univ. ; Mahashankar Jeshankar Avashia, B.A.,
Bombay, and London Univ. ; Khwaja Firozuddin Ahmad, B.A.,
Allahabad, and London Univ.
July 7, 1916
INDIAN SOLDIERS FUND.
SPECIAL REPORT FOR "INDIA OF ALL PARLIAMENTARY
PROCEEDINGS RELATING TO INDIA.
Monday, July 3.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
THE OPERATIONS IN MESOPOTAMIA.
Sir Henry Dalziel asked the Under Secretary of State for War
whether he could give^anv information as to the position and
prospects of our troops in Mesopotamia.
Mr. Tennant : I fear I cannot add anything to what I said last
week about the position and prospects of the troops in Mesopo-
Sir Henry Dalziel : Can the right hon. gentleman go so far
.as to s-ay that fie regards, the position as satisfactory?
Mr. Tennant : I think it is desirable that my hon. friend should
postpone this question a little longer.. 1 do not think it is desirable
to make any statement now.
ALLIES TRADE AND THE EMPIRE.
Commander Bei.lairs asked the President of the Board of Trade
whether, in order to facilitate the future study and regulation
of the trade of the Allies in the economic war with Germany, he
would endeavour to promote a common system of valuation of the
imports and exports in the allied countries and in the British
Mr. Harcourt (who replied) said : Efforts have been constantly
made for a number of years past to promote comparability in the
trade statistics of different portions of the Empire and foreign
countries, and these efforts will certainly be continued, though
there are obvious difficulties in securing the adoption of a uniform
system by countries whose circumstances and needs are very
Wednesday, July 5.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
THE MEDIUM SERVICE ENQUIRY IN MESOPOTAMIA.
Sir Henry Craik asked the Secretary of State for India if the
report of Sir William Vincent and General Bingley upon the
medical arrangements in connexion with the Mesopotamia Expedi-
tion had vet been received ; and, if so, when it would be published.
Mr. Chamberlain : The report has not yet been received.
GIFTS FROM INDIA FOR MESOPOTAMIA.
Mr. Annan Bryce asked the Secretary of State for India whether
the sum of at least sixteen lakhs of rupees was put hy princes and
other wealthy persons in India at the disposal of the Government
of India for the purpose of a proper medical equipment of the
expedition to Mesopotamia ; if so, what portion of that sum was
applied fo such equipment : and what Department or officer of th$
Indian Government was responsible for the expenditure or non-
expenditure of the money.
Mr. Chamber! ain No such gift has been reported to me bv the
Government of India. Several Indian chiefs combined to present
a hospital ship for the general purposes of the war, and some
motor ambulances, motor cars, and the like have been presented
by individual donors or by communities for the troops in Meso-
Thursday, July 6.
HOUSE OF LORDS.
THE MESOPOTAMIA PAPERS.
Viscount Midleton asked the Lord President of the Council if
he could state when the papers relating to Mesopotamia, which
had been premised two months ago, would be published.
The Marquess of Crewe replied that the papers were in a form
ready for publication, and it was now only a question of getting
them printed and circulated.
HOUSE OP COMMONS.
THE POSITION ON THE EUPHRATES.
Sir John Jardine asked the Under Secretary of State for War
whether any information could now bo* given regarding the forces
on the Euphrates line and the neighbouring deserts ; and whether
there had been a rising of the Aral) population around Babylon
and Kerbela against the domination of ?he Turks, partly caused
hy the Turks pillaging the shrine aj, KeTbela.
Mr. Tennant: It is, of course, undesirable to make public any
information regarding the. strength or dispositions of the British
troops on the Euphrates line, or the intentions of our command
in that quarter. Reports have been received that owing to local
dissatisfaction with Turkish actions, disturbances broke out
at Kerbela about April 22 and continued until May 14, when a
Turkish force sent from Bagdad attacked the inhabitants. The
attack, however, failed, and the Turks were compelled to retire
in the direction of Bagdad. During the fighting of May 14
the Turks are reported to have bombarded and seriously damaged
the sacred domes of Kerbela. No report has been received of any
rising of the Arabs near Babylon. Some irregular marauders
have recently given us trouble both north and south of the Hamar
Lake. These have been dealt with effectively, as announced in
the War Office communiques issued to the Press on June 16 and
Chairman: SIR JOHN HEWETT.
The Fund sends Comforts and Clothing to the Indian Expeditionary
Force In Egypt, East Africa, and Mesopotamia; to the Indian
wounded, and to Indian prisoners of war in Germany and Turkey.
Gifts of Clothing and Comforts should be addressed to
9, Somerset Street, S.W., and marked Indian Soldiers Fund.
Donations of money to the Fund maybe sent to the Mercan-
tile Bank of India, 15, Gracechurch Street, EC.(" Indian Soldiers
Fund ), the National Bank of India, 26, Bishopsgate, E C., or to
the Hon. Secretaries at the
Offices1, Carlton House Terrace, S.W.
THE KING'S INDIAN ALLIES:
THE RAJAS AND THEIR INDIA.
By St. NIHAL SINGH.
Q PRICE 7s* 6d. NET.
London: Sampson Low, Varston and Co., Ltd.
INDIA: A. NATION.
BY MRS. ANNIE BESANT.
T. C. & E. C. JACK, LONDON AND EDINBURGH
Sir HENRY COTTON, K.C.S.I.
Sir PHEROZESHAH MEHTA, K C.I E.
The Hon. Sir. G. K. GOKHALE, C.t.E.
Price Aqnjs Four (Fourpence) each.
G. A. NATESAN & CO., GEORGE TOWN, MADRAS.
FOUR PAPERS ON COMMERCE AND STATISTICS.
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D B. TARAPOREWALLA, SONS & CO., BOMBAY.
The annual subscription to INDIA (post free) is ten shil-
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criptiohs are payable in advance. Remittances, or
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Manager of INDIA, 85, Palace Chambers, Westminster,
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Copies of INDIA can be obtained from the Offices of the
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