Citation
Readings in Philippine history

Material Information

Title:
Readings in Philippine history
Creator:
Zafra, Nicolas
Place of Publication:
Manila
Publisher:
University of the Philippines
Publication Date:
Copyright Date:
1956
Language:
English
Edition:
New edition
Physical Description:
[2], vii, 681 [Mimeographed] : ;

Subjects

Subjects / Keywords:
Philippines
Filipinas
Pilipinas
Temporal Coverage:
14691014 - 19561231
Spatial Coverage:
Asia -- Philippines
Asya -- Pilipinas
Asia -- Filipinas
Coordinates:
13 x 122

Notes

Funding:
Funded with resources from SOAS Archives and Special Collections and with the generous support of the Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs and the Office of Senator Loren Legarda.

Record Information

Source Institution:
SOAS, University of London
Rights Management:
All applicable rights reserved by the source institution and holding location.
Resource Identifier:
293062 ( aleph )
X180796894 ( oclc )
HB945 /142679 ( soas classmark )

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Full Text
READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY

By

NICOLAS ZAFRA

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY
UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES

-

Revised Edition

\

UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES
QUEZON CITY, 1956




READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY

NICOLAS ZAFRA.
Profesa or of History
University of the Philippines



NEW EDITION

UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES
MANILA, 1956 '




p. 22 line 4 - omit "his" after "and"

36 "7 - "east" not "weast"

39 ¡t 4 - "hand" not "had"

41 35 - "lances" not "lanchen"

44 17 - "Soon," not "Son"

46 - 2 - "survivors," not "survisors"

47 - 17 - "fourth" not "fourt"

40 - footnote .2, line 7 "an" not "and"

59 line 15 - "Santisteban" not "Gatisteban"

61 6 -- "I556" .not "155£"

71 22 - "Eight," not "Eigh"

82 footnote 3, line 11 "at," not "as"

5 line 8 - "huge," not hugh"

8$ "25 - "commodity," not "commidity"

97 11 - '""sun," not "sura"

103 26 - "son," not "sons"

109 23-25 - omit the sentence, "And- ox those who die..."

109 30 - "Siniburnton,;t not "Sisiburanan"

109 footnote 1, line .1 "mythology," not "methology"

114 line 30 - "possess," not posses"

120 12 ~ omit "of" aftor "were"

123 17 "lot," not "lost"

143 ~ last line - "spoken," not "apoken"

155 line 27 - omit "an" after "ate"

155 17 - ".Diraatanassc n," not "Dimabanaesan"


-2-

157 - line 1 "circumstance," not "circimstance"
162 - 6 - add "that" after "sum"
165 - 33 - "It," not "If"
165 - 43 - add "to" after "go"
176 - 15 "rewards," not "regards"
177 - 1 "encomienda," not "encomiendas"
17$ - 2 - add "for" after "persons"
135 - 11 - "Islands," not "Islans"
1cj6v - 9 "gates," not "gaves"
194 - 11 - add "and" after "Spanish"
206 - IS "pepper," not "papper"
210 - 32 "merchandise," not "merclianduse"
220 - 29 - "of," not "our"
274 - footnote 2, line 7 "contrary," not "contrarty"
275 - line 29 "those," not "whose"
285 - footnote (second to the last line) "decrees," not
"decreed"
291 - lines 9-10 omit "surrendered"
299 - line 6 "Historia...," not "Histrica"
312 - ' n 14 "vengeance," not "veangeance"
313 - t? 7 _ "condition," not "conditon"
333 - 2nd to last line "Real," not "head.11
339 - line 5 - "progress," not "progres"
341 - ft 14 - omit "by" after "rendered"
351 - ?f 3 - "that," not "what"
353 - 7? 13 - "If," not "It"


-3-

362 Line 3 - "pamave," not rr pa nave"

335 25 - "was," not "were"

333 16 "1355," not "l35o"

390 12 - "Sturgis," not "Sturgiss"

390 22 "fame," not "same"

392 9 - "jeering," not "jearing"

399 (7th from last, line) add "was" after "fact"

401 line 12 - "an," not "and"

403 (5th from last line) "on," not "no"

419 (4th from last line) "howitzers," not "hotitzers"

423 line 3 - "guaranteed," not "guaranteed"

423 26 ."'¡riserablo, not' "rnisderable"

429 3 ~ "taeles," not "tailes"

433 7 - "bridge," not "bride"

436 3 "mayores de," not "mayor se"

440 lines 11-12 "cabezas," not cabera"

444 5 add "not" after "shall"

446 - 14 - "Nueva," not "Hueve"

447 - (3rd from last line) -- "college," not "foliege"
449 line 3 ~ "1 piastre," not "1 piastres"
45-1 3 "franc," not "frac"

451 - 14 - "orphan," not "orphans"

452 - footnote, line 4 "inmates," not "inamates"

453 - line 24 - "newspaper," not "newapaper"
455 20 - "overtures," not "overtunres"
457 6 - "joyous," not "30joys" J^


~4~
45 - line 27 "pirouettes," not "pirouttes"
465 - i ?? 19 "pesos," not "persos"
466 - last line - "Girls1," not "Girl's"
463 - line 15 - "where in 1372," not "where 1371"
469 - (3d paragraph, 6th line) "raged," not rayed"
469 - ( " " 11th line) "concession," not
"sue cession"
471 - line 7 "constituent," not "consetituent"
423. - t? 1 - "SIX," not "SEVEN"
433 - ?? 3 - omit "on" after "Affair"
557 - i? 17 - "Fort," not "Forst"
5&0 - ?? 25 - "os," not "es"
5o0 - Tf 01 "virtudes," not "vitudes"
5 SI - ?? 10 New paragraph begins with "Uninformed"
666 - footnote, line 4 Period after "Cabinet"


-ii-

Brief accounts in the form of summaries of leading <
events of various periods of Spanish history have been
included to enable the student to understand more clear-
ly the nature and significance of events in the Philip-
pines and their relationships to contemporary events in
Spain ai}d in Europe

I wish to express hereby my gratitude to many of my
former students and to friends and colleagues who, in one
way or another, helped me in the preparation of the Read-
ings + I wish to thank particularly Miss Josefa M. Saniel
who gave much of her time and effort to the reading of
the proofs.

N. ZAFRA

University of the Philippines
November, 1947


PREFACE TO THE: FIRST EDITION

Readings in Philippine History has been prepared
meet the need for reading materials of students who take
the course, History 5, given in the first two years of t
College of Liberal Arts I This course takes up the his-
tory of the Philippines from Magellan1s voyage of discov
to the outbreak of the Philippine Revolution. Not ever;
thing in this period, however, is considered. The gene:
outlines of the history of this period, as well as the
main events and. personalities of Philippine history, are
presumed to be quite familiar to those who enroll in this(
course. Main interest directed to a few selected
facts, incidents and episodes of this period and these
are studied on the basis of materials gathered from varioi^
sources, primary and secondary. It is hoped that, in thi§
way, the student not only will'acquire a fuller knowledge
of the subjects studied, but also may gain familiarity wit
and appreciation of, the vast store house of materials
from which a history of the Philippines may be written.
Moreover, through frequent handling and analyzing of <
some of these materials, the student may gain valuable ex*i
peri ene e and training in the application of the princi-
ples and methods of historical criticism.

The Readings is not designed to supply the needs of
the historical researcher or investigator. The latter will
have to explore the vast field of Philippine historical
literature itself, using as guides such bibliographical
aids as Retana* s Apjirat^ RobertsonTs Biblio-*

grjgP ,- i>fu._ J P j- ft 3, a s > ~ana~~ Ta v eraT s Biblioteca 1
Filipino, The R^eacIin^s is intended mainly to meet an
urgent and imperative need arising from the inadequacy
the facilities of our libraries in the way of handy and
convenient collections of historical sources suitable as
proper for our purpose.

Most of the materials contained in the Readings ha
been taken from the 5 5-volume collection, Th e P hi "i 1 p p i n e
Islands % compiled and edited by Emma H. Blair and""" J ames i
Robertson, and published by the Arthur H. Clark Co., Clev
land, U. S. A. This is the most complete and extensive
Compilation of Philippine source materials in English so
far produced. Spine of the materials in the Readings, ho1
ever, have been drawn from sources outside of" Blair
Robertsons j^i^^^JLsil:^.1^^ There are a few c

A ments which, as far as I know", have not appeared in ai
^work-in English translations before this time.


PREFACE TC THE NEW EDITION

In this new edition of the Readings- in Philippine
History, many changes have been introduced. Apart from
numerous corrections, improvements and additions through-
out the text, changes were made in some of the documents
which appeared in the preceding edition. Some docu-
ments have been omitted al tog ether. In" the case of
other documents, passages have been left out for the sake
of brevity. In their abbreviated forms, however, the
latter still retain their essential character and value
as sources of historical information. These changes
have1been made to make possible the addition of new ma-
terial without increasing too much the volume of the
new edition.

Notable among the new features of the present
edition are the material bearing on the life and works
of Rizal. These have been added in view of the enact-
ment of Republic Act No. 1425, popularly known as the
Rizal bill. The law provides for the giving of cour-
ses on the life, works and writings of Rizal as a part
of the curricula of all schools, colleges and universi-
ties of the Philippines, public and private. Such cour-
ses ar e needed, according to the sponsors of the meas-
ure in Congress, to imbue the youth of the country with
the ideals of freedom and nationalism of Rizal. The
new material on Rizal in the Readings will, it is hoped,
contribute in some way to the fulfillment of the aims
and objectives of the law. Select passages from well
known works of Rizal have been included in the present
edition to enable the student in the course in Philip-
pine history to acquire a clearer understanding and a
better appreciation of Rizal and of his place and signi-
ficance in the history of the Philippines.

A new chapter, the last, has also been added in
the Readings Under the title, "Philippine Indepen-
dence in the New Age", the chapter Is intended to serve
as a fitting epilogue to the story c-f the Philippine Re-
volution. It tels -of the continuation, during the
American regime, of the independence struggle which was
started by the Xatipunan Society under Andrea Bonifacio
in August 1$96.


iv-

I am grateful to all my colleagues in the Depart-
ment of History who have rendered valuable assistance,
in one form or another, in the preparation of the pres-
ent edition. I wish to thank in particular, Dr. Guadalupe
For.es-Ga-nzon, Professor Josefa M. Sanie1, Misses Justina
A. Saltiva and Donata Taylo, Mr. Aurselio S. Estanislao Jr.,
Mr. Alberto C. Morales, Mr. Oscar M. Alfonso, Mr. Leopoldo
R. Serrano, and Miss Flordeliza Vicente.

N. ZAFRA

Department of History
University-ox the Philippines
D i lima n, Quezon City
December, 1956


v

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PART ONE ~ DISCOVERY ID COLONIZATION

Page

Chapter One Background of Magellan Ts Voyage of Dis-
covery

1. Introductory Survey ........................... 1

2. Pope Alexander VI Ts Bull ?7Inter Caetera" ...... 4

3. The Treaty of Tordesillas ..................... 7

Chapter Two The Magellan Expedition

1. PigafettaTs Account of the Expedition .........12

2. Transylvanus Account of the Magellan Ex-

pedition ..................................33

Chapter Three Later Attempts At Colonization

1. The Loa isa Expedition ......................... 46

2. The Saavedra Expedition ....................... 49

3. The Treaty of Zaragoza ........................ 52

4. The Villalobos Expedition ..................... 5£

5. The Legazpi Expedition ........................61

Chapter Four Early Filipino Civilization

1. Morga fs Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas ....... £l

2 LoareaTs Relacin de las Islas Filipinas ..... 106

3. Plasencia ?s" 'fLas~ Costumbres de los Tagalos"... 11S
- Colin !s Labor Evanglica. .....................132.

PART TWO THE FIRST CENTURY OF SPANISH RULE

Chapter One Spain and the Philippines in the loth and
; 17th Centuries ..........................167

Chapter Two Morga on-the Early Years of Spanish Rule .lf*5

Chapter Three Ecclesiastical Patronage in the Indies..213

Chapter Four Ecclesiastical Affairs in the loth and
17th Centuries

1. Creation of the Diocese of Manila ............ 224

2. Origin of the Privileges Enjoyed by the

Friars in the I rid ies ................r. .. 227

3. Incidents of the Diocesan Controversy ........ 229


-vi-

Page

Chapter Five The Early Provinces ..................... 235

Chapter Six Spanish Commercial Policy

1. Laws Regarding Navigation and Commerce ........ 244

2 # Memorial of Juan Grao y Monfalcon ............. 255

PART THREE THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

Chapter One Spain in the l£>th Century ......................261

Chapter Two The Manila-Acapulco Trade ................................272

Chapter Three The British Occupation of Manila ..............279

Chapter Four Filipino Revolts During the 16'th Century

1. The 1745-46 Uprisings ¡......................... 292

2. Revolts During the British Occupation ......... 293

Chapter Five Ecclesiastical Affairs, 1767-1776

1. The Question of the Curacies During the Times

of Santa Justa and Governor Anda ......... 313

2 The Expulsion of the Jesuits .............. 320

TThapter Six Governor Bascofs Administration

1. Basco ?s Plans and Policies .................... 325

2. The Tobacco Monopoly .......................... 329

3. The Real Compaa de Filipinas ................ 331

Chapter Seven The Philippines At The Close of the

lfith Century

1. The Government of the Philippines ............. 340

2. The Provinces ................................. 353

3. Social Life Manners and Customs ............. 357

PART FOUR POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL PROGRESS l800-%$7'<

Chapter One Philippine Representation in the Spanish
Cortes

1, European Background of Philippine Represen-
tation .............................


2. The Philippines and the Cortes of 1310-1313... 371

3. The Constitution of Cadiz .................... 374

4- The llocos Revolt, 1314-1315 ................. 377

5. The Cortes of 1320-1323 ...................... 379

6. The Cortes of 1334-1337 ...................... 332

Chapter Two Material Progress

1. Regidor-Mason*s Account on Philippine Com-

mercial Progress ........................333

2. Economic and Social Results of the Opening

of the Philippines to Foreign Nations

(a) Economic and Social Development........404

(b) Commercial and Agricultural Progress..* 406

(c) Social and Political Results .......... 4Cf~

3. Other Aspects of Philippines Material Pro- f

gres s

(a) Improvement of Communication Faci-

lities 41*

(b) Campaigns Against Piracy .............. 411

Chapter Three Provincial and Municipal Reforms

1. Defects of the Administrative System ......... 424

2. The Reform Decree of 1344 .................... 436

3. The Provinces About the Middle of the 19th ^-

Century ........ ................ ..........

4. The Municipal Reform Decree of 1347 .......... *

Chapter Four Educational Reforms

1. Educational and Cultural Conditions about

the Middle of the 19th Century ............Z

2* The Educational Decree of 1363 .........4.

3. Other Notable Educational Developments .......466

Chapter Five The Spanish Revolution and Its Results

1. Background of the Revolution .................46'9

2. Effects Upon the Philippines ................. 473

Chapter Six The Cavite Affair of 1372

1. Background of the Cavite Affair .............. 433

2 The Cavite Affair and Its Results ............499


PART FIVE THE LAST YEARS OF SPANISH RULE

Chapter One Spain, 1371-1393 .......................-

Chapter Two 1'he Spanish Colonial Administration.....

Chapter Three Reforms Granted to the Philippines

1. The Tax Reform of 1334 .......................

2. The Provincial Reform of 1336 ................

3. The Reform Decree of 1335 ....................

4. The Extension of the Spanish Codes ...........

5. The Royal Order of November 12, 1339 .........

6. The Royal Decree of May .17, 1393 .............

7. Suppression of the Tobacco Monopoly ..........

Chapter Four ~ The Propaganda Campaign

1. Rizal as a Propagandist ......................

2# Let Solidaridad

3. The Petition of and the Calamba Episode..
4# La Liga Filipina .............................

Chapter Five The Philippine Revolution

1 The Katipunan ................................

2. The Philippines on the Eve of the Revolu-

tion ...................................

3. Outbreak of the Philippine Revolution ........

Chapter Six Philippine Independence in the New Age...


PART ONE

DISCOVERY AND COLONIZATION

CHAPTER ONE

BACKGROUND OF MAGELLAN'S VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY

Introductory Survey

The voyage of Magellan to the Philippines, one of the
great accomplishments of Spain in early modern times, was an
event of the reign of Charles -I, (1516-1556)^ It ranks in
historical importance with Columbus1 voyage to the New World
in 1492 and Vasco da Gamafs voyage to India in 149# These
voyages. "were the prelude to that great event of early modern
times which history writers refer to as the Commercial Revo-
lution.

From the standpoint of Spanish national history, the
voyages of Columbus and Magellan were the sequel of an import
tant event which took place in the Spanish Peninsula in the

1 Charles i was the son of Mad Joan (Juana la Loca),
daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella, and Philip, the Handsome
(el Hermoso), son of Maximilian of Austria, Emperor of the
Holy Roman Empire, Besides being King of Spain, he was Em-
peror Charles V of the Holy Roman Empire, He was elected
Emperor of the Empire shortly after his accession to the
Spanish throne.

A descendant of the Hapsburgs of Austria, Charles I
founded the Spanish Hapsbtirg dynasty which ruled Spain for
nearly two hundred years. The other Spanish Hapsburgs were
Philip II (1556-1593), Philip III (1593-1621), Philip IV
(1621-1665) and Charles II (1665-1700),


later Middle Ages, This was the union through marriage of
two of the then leading states in the Peninsula, the kingdom
of Castilia-Leon and the kingdom of Aragn. On October 14th,
1469, Princess Isabel of Castilia-Leon was betrothed to
Ferdinand, heir to the throne of Aragn. This event signal-
ized the culmination of the centuries-old process of national
evolution which had been in progress in the Peninsula and in
which the small independent Christian states in Spain were
united and consolidated into bigger states and kingdoms. The
ultimate outcome of this process was the emergence of Modern
Spain, destined to play a leading role in European affairs
in early modern times.

Under Ferdinand and Isabella (1474-1516), frequently
referred to by Spanish yrritars.an Loa Hevea, t^

new Spain, following the example of Portugal, embarkod upon,
the task of finding a new trade route to the countries of
the Far East. The need for such a route was keenly felt at
that time throughout Western Europe. For the old trade
routes over which the riches of the Orient, from immemorial
time, found their way to Europe, no longer proved adequate
and Satisfactory* For one thing, the Mediterranean Sea,
over which the goods from the East were carried to Western
Europe, was controlled by the maritime city states of Italy.
Because of their favorable geographical situation in relation


-3-

to the terminals of the old trade routes, the merchants of
the Italian city states had a decided advantage over the mer-
chants of Western Europe in the international competition
for control and domination of the trade with the East. Be-
sides, the countries in the eastern Mediterranean, where the
old trade routes had their terminals, were gradually fall-
ing into the hands of-Moslem Powers,

Portugal pioneered in the task of finding new routes
to the countries of the East. Under the patronage and en-
couragement of Prince Henry the Navigator (1394-1460), Por-
tuguese sailors undertook voyages of discovery and explora-
tion along the Atlantic coast of Africa. Prince Henry did
not live long enough to see the realization of the Portu-
guese dream of reaching the East by a direct all water route.
However, the project that he had started was carried on by
the Portuguese with undiminished zeal. In 14&6, Bartholo-
mew Diaz reached the southernmost tip of Africa. The Por-
tuguese called the place "Gape of Good Hope," a name chosen
to express their undying faith in the ultimate success of
their undertakings. Twelve years later, they had the great
satisfaction of seeing their dream come true. In 1493,
Vasco da Gama sailed into the harbor of Calicut, India,
bringing to a successful conclusion one of the most memor-
able voyages in early modern times. At last a direct all-


-4-

water route to the East had been found which could give
traders from Western Europe freedom and immunity from inter-
ference or control on the part of the maritime city states
of Italy and the Moslem states in Western Asia.

It was-, however, to the Spain of Ferdinand and Isabella
that the honor belongs of accomplishing the first truly epoch
making voyage of modern times. Six years before Vasco da
Gama accomplished his memorable voyage, Christopher Columbus,
sailing under the flag of Spain, and, following a bold plan
of his own to get to the countries of Eastern Asia, had suc-
cessfully crossed the Atlantic Ocean and had come upon a
new world, (1492)

2. Pope Alexander VIs Bull "Inter Caetera".

Columbus1 achievement gave rise to misunderstanding
and controversy between Spain and Portugal. For it was gen-
erally believed, then that the world was much smaller than
its actual size and that Columbus had reached islands off
the eastern coast of India. Portugal contended that Columbus
had gone into regions which at that time were being disco-
vered and explored by her own navigators.

To settle the controversy between Spain and Portugal,
Pope Alexander VI issued in 1493 a papal bull establishing
a line of demarcation between the areas assigned for dis-


-5-

covery and exploration to the rulers of these states. The

"Inter Caetera,17 as this document is known, was promulgated

May 4, 1493 Important portions of the document are the
1

following: "

Among other works well pleasing to his di-
vine Majesty and cherished of our heart, this as-
suredly ranks highest; that in our times especial-
ly the Catholic faith, and the Christian law be
exalted and everywhere increased and spread ...
Wherefore, recognizing that as true Catholic
kings and princes such as we have always known
you to be, and as your illustrious deeds already
known to almost the whole world declare, you not
only eagerly desire but with every effort, zeal,
and diligence, without regard to hardships, ex-
penses, dangers, with the"shedding even of your
blood, are laboring to that end; that besides you
have already long ago dedicated to this purpose
your whole soul and all your endeavors, as wit-
nessed in these times with so much glory to the
divine name in your recovery of the kingdom of
Granada from the yoke of the Moors, we therefore
not unrighteously hold it as our duty to grant
you even of our own accord and in your favor
those things whereby daily and with heartier ef-
fort you may be enabled for the honor of God him-
self and- the spread of the Christian rule to ac-
complish your saintly and praiseworthy purpose so
pleasing to immortal God. In sooth we have
learned that according to your purpose long ago
you were in quest of some far-away islands and
mainlands not hitherto discovered by others, to
the end that you might bring to the worship of
our Redeemer and the profession of the Catholic
faith the inhabitants of them; that with the
wish to fulfill your desire, you chose our be-

1 Blair & Robertson, The Philippine Islands, vol.
PP* 97 ff. In subsequent citations, Blair and Robert-
son, The Philippine Islands, will be referred to by the
abbreviated form, B, & R,


-6-

loved son, Christopher Colon, to make dili-
gent quest for these far-away, unknown mainlands
and islands through the sea, where hitherto no one
has sailed; who in fine, with divine aid, nor
without the utmost diligence, sailing: in the Ocean
Sea discovered certain very far-away islands and
even mainlands that hitherto had not been disco-
vered by others,.* Wherefore, as becoming to
Catholic kings and princes, after earnest considera-
tion of all matters, especially of the rise and
spread of the Catholic faith, you have purposed
with the favor of divine clemency to bring under
your sway the said mainlands and islands with
their inhabitants and the dwellers therein, and
bring thfem to the Catholic faith,,, By tenor of
these presents, we do give,, grant, and assign to
you and your heirs and successors, kings of Castile
and Leon, forever, together with all their domin-
ions, cities, camps, places, and towns as well as
all rights, jurisdictions, and appurtenances, all
islands and mainlands found and to be found, dis-
covered and to be discovered towards the west and
south, by drawing and establishing a line from
the Arctic pole, namely the north, to the Antartic
pole, namely the south, no matter whether the said
mainlands and islands are found and to be found
in the direction of India or towards any other
quarter, the said line to. the west and south to be
distant one hundred leagues from any of the is-
lands commonly known as the Azores and Ca.bp Jjerde,
With this proviso however that none of the is-
lands and mainlands found and to be found, disco-
vered and to be discovered beyond that said line
towards the west and south, be in the actual pos-
session of any Christian king or prince up to the
birth day of our Lord Jesus Christ just past in
the present year one thousand four hundred and
ninety three. Moreover v;e make, appoint and de-
pute you and your said heirs and successors own-
ers of them with fuli and free power, authority,
and jurisdiction of every kind; with this proviso
however that through this gift, grant, and as-
signment of ours no right conferred on any Chris-
tian prince, who may be in actual possession of
said islands and mainlands up to the said birth-
day of our Lord Jesus Christ, is hereby to be
considered as withdrawn or to be withdrawn* More-


-7-

over we command you in virtue of holy obedience
that, employing all due diligence in the pre-
mises, as you promise, nor do we doubt your com-
pliance therein to the best of your loyalty and
royal greatness of spirit, you send to the said
aforesaid mainlands and islands worthy, God-
fearing, learned, skilled, and experienced men,
in order to instruct the aforesaid inhabitants
and dwellers therein, in the Catholic faith and
train them in good morals...

2. Treaty of Tordesillas
King John of Portugal did not find quite satisfac-
tory the arrangement established by the Pope* He felt that
the demarcation line established by the Papal Bull was not
far enough to the west to include regions which, by reason
of prior discovery and exploration by Portuguese naviga-
tors, properly belonged to Portugal. He demanded that the
line be moved farther to the west. The Portuguese demand
was taken up in a conference of Portuguese and Spanish
commissioners held at Tordesillas in 1494In that con-
ference the Treaty of Tordesillas was concluded, June 7,
1494* Important portions of the Treaty are the following

Whereas, a certain controversy exists be-
tween the said lords as to what lands, of all
those discovered in the Ocean Sea pertain to
each one of the said parts respectively; there-
fore, for the sake of peace and concord, and
for the preservation of the relationship and
love of the said King of Portugal for the said

2 Ibid.


King and Queen of Castilla, Aragn, etc#, they,
their said representatives, acting in their name
and by virtue of their powers herein described,
covenanted and agreed that a boundary or straight
line be determined and drawn north and south,

from pole to pole, on the said Ocean Sea --- from

the Artie to the Antarctic pole. This boundary,
or line shall be drawn straight, as aforesaid,
at a distance of three hundred and seventy leagues
west of the Cabo Verde islands, being calculated
by degrees, or by any other manner, as may be
considered the best and readiest, provided the
distance shall be no greater than above said.
And all lands, both islands and mainlands, found
and discovered already, or to be found and dis-
covered hereafter by the said King of Portugal
and by his vessels on this side of the said line
and bound determined as above, toward the east,
in either north or south latitude, on the east-
ern side of the said bound, provided the said
bound is not crossed, shall belong to, and remain
in the possession of, and pertain forever to the
said King of Fortugal and his successors. And

all other lands --- both islands and mainlands,

found or to be found hereafter, discovered or to
be discovered hereafter, which have been disco-
vered or shall be discovered by the said King and
Queen of Castilla, Aragn, etc., and by their
vessels, on the western side of the said bound,
determined as above, after having passed the said
bound toward the west, in either its north or
south latitude, shall belong to, and remain in
possession, of, and pertain forever to the said
King and Queen of Castilla, Leon, etc*, and to
their successors.,,

Yten: In order that the said line or bound
of the said division may be made straight and as
ready as possible the said distance of three
hundred and seventy leagues west of the Cabo Ver-
de islands, as hereinbefore stated, the said re-
presentatives of both the said parties agree and
assent that within the ten months Immediately
following the date of this treaty, their said
constituent lords shall despatch two or four ca-
ravels, These vessels shall meet at the island
of Grande Canaria (Grand Canary Island), during


this time, and each one of the said parties shall
send certain persons in them, to -wit, pilots, as-
trologers, sailors, and any others they may deem
desirable But there must be as many on one side
as on the other, and certain of the said pilots,
astrologers, sailors, and others of those sent by
the said King and Queen of Castilla, Aragn, etc,,
and who are experienced, shall embark in the ships
of the said Xing of Portugal and the Algarbes; in"
like mariner certain of the said persons sent by
the said King of Portugal shall embark in the ship
or ships of- the said King and Queen of Castilla,
Aragn, etc.: a like number in each case, so that
they may jointly study and. examine to better ad-
vantage the sea, courses, winds, and the degrees
of the sun or of north latitude, and lay out the
leagues aforesaid, in order that, in determining
the line and boundary, all sent and empowered by
both the said parties in the said vessels, shall
jointly concur. These said vessels shall con-
tinue their course together to the said Cabo Verde
islands, from whence they shall lay a direct
course to the west, to the distance of the said
three hundred and seventy degrees, measured as
the said persons ,shall agree, and measured with-
out prejudice to the said parts When this point
is reached, such point will constitute the place
and mark for measuring degrees of the sun or of
north latitude either by daily runs measured in
leagues, or in any other manner that shall mutual-
Ij be deemed better. This said line shall be
drawn north and south as aforesaid, from the said
Arctic pole to the said Antarctic pole< And when
this line has been determined as above said, those
sent by the aforesaid parties, to whom each one
of the said parties must delegate his own au-
thority and power, to determine the said mark and
bound, shall draw up a writing concerning it and
affix thereto their signatures. And when deter-
mined by the mutual consent of all of them, this
line shall be considered forever as a perpetual
mark and bound, in such wise that the said par-
ties, or either of them, or their future succes-
sors, shall be unable to deny it, or erase or re-
move it, at any time or in any manner whatsoever.


-10-

GHAPTER TWO
THE MAGELLAN EXPEDITION

The Treaty of Tordesillas gave Spain the right to ven-
ture into the unexplored regions of the South Seas as the
Pacific Ocean was then called. Spain, however, did not
make use of this right until many years later* In the mean-
time, Portugal had gone to the East and had started in
earnest laying down the foundations of a vast colonial em-
pire in that part of the world. In 149$, Vasco da Gama ar-
rived at Calicut, India. In 1509, Albuquerque acquired Goa,
on the western coast of India, and made it the capital of
Portugal!s colonial empire in the East. In 1511, Albuquer-
que captured Malacca from the Malays. That same year he
dispatched an expedition in search of the Spice Islands.

In 1519, Spain launched an expedition of her own to
the East. That year Ferdinand Magellan left the port of
San Lucar de Barranieda on a voyage of discovery which even-
tually took him to the Philippines.

The story of the Magellan expedition is told, in two
important source documents: Pigafetta!-s account, first pub-
lished in Italian in I$00 under the title, "Primo viaggio
intorno al globo terracqueo"; and a letter written in Latin


-11-

in 1522 by Maximilianus Transylvanus entitled, f?De Moluccis
InsulisTf

PigafettaTs account was written by an eyewitness of
the events related therein. For Pigafetta was a member of
the Magellan expedition. He went through the hardships
and vicissitudes of the voyage and was one of the few among
the members of .the expedition who came back to Spain alive.
He wrote the story of that memorable voyage around the world
using as his main source of information the copious notes
that he had taken down from time to time of things that
happened in the course of the voyage.

Transylvanus wrote his story on the basis of the tes-
timonies gathered by him from Sebastian del Cano, the navi-
gator who piloted the Victoria back to Spain in 1522, and
from the other survivors of the expedition. Transylvanus*
??De Moluccis Insulis" has a significance of its own in Phil-
ippine historical literature. It was the first account to
be published in Europe relative to the Philippines.

(1) The following is the story, in part, of the Ma-
gellan expedition as told by Pigafetta:

1 Pigafetta1s account is in vols. 33, 34, B. & R.
Transylvanus* ?iDe Moluccis Insulis" is in vol. 1, B. & R.,
p. 305, ff.


Departure from Spain

On Monday morning, August X, St, Lawrence1s
Day, in the year abovesaid, the fleet, having
been supplied with all the things necessary to the
sea, (and counting those of every nationality, we
were two hundred and thirty-seven men), made rea-
dy to leave the harbor of Siviglia.3 .. From
Siviglia to this point (i.e,, San Lucar), it is
17 or 20 leaguas by river. Some days after, the
captain-general, with his other captains, descend-
ed the river in the small boats belonging to their
snips. Vie remained there for a considerable num-
ber of days in order to finish (providing) the
fleet with some things that it needed. Every
day we went ashore to hear mass in a village
called Nostra Doa de Baremeda (our Lady of Barra-
meda), near San Lucar. Before the departure, the
captain-general wished all the"men to confess,
and would not allow any woman to sail in the fleet
for the best of considerations.

Vie left that village, by name San Luchar, on
Tuesday, September XX of the same year, and took a
southwest course. On the 26th of the said month,
we reached an island of the Great Canaria, called
Teneriphe, which lies in a latitude of 23 degrees,
(landing there) in order to get flesh, water, and
wood..,

Mutiny at San Julian

In that port which we called the port of San-
to Julianno,4 we remained about 5 months. Many

2 - 1519.

3 - Sevilla. Magellan^ fleet consisted of the fol-
lowing vessels: Trinidad (Flagship, 110 tons), San Antonio
(120 tons), Concepcion (90 tons), Victoria (85 tons), and
Santiago (75 tons).

4 - This port, located at latitude 49 South on the
shores of Argentina, was reached March 31, 1520.

After crossing the Atlantic, Magellan*s fleet took
time exploring the coast of South America. Cape Santo


-13-

things happened there. In order that your most
illustrious Lordship may know some of them, it
happened that as soon as we had entered the port,
the captains of the other four ships plotted trea-
son in order that they might kill the captain-
general. Those conspirators consisted of the
overseer of the fleet, one Johan de Cartagena;
the treasurer, Alouise de Mendosa; the accountant,
Anthonio Cocha and Gaspar de Cazada. The over-
seer of the men having been quartered, the trea-
surer was killed by dagger blows, for the trea-
son was discovered. Somedays after that, Gaspar
de Cazada, was banished with a priest in that
land of Patagonia. The captain-general did not
wish to have him killed, because the emperor, Don
Carlo, had appointed him captain. ...

At the Strait of Magellan

Then going to fifty-two degrees toward the
same pole, we found a strait on the day (feast of
the) eleven thousand virgins (i.e., October 21),
whose head is called Capo de le ndici Millia
Vergine (i.e., cape of the Eleven Thousand Vir-
gins) because of that very great miracle. That
strait is one hundred and ten leguas or 440
millas long, and it is one-half legua broad, more
or less. It leads to another sea called the Pa-
cific Sea, and is surrounded by very lofty moun-
tains laden with snow. There.it was impossible
to find bottom (for anchoring), but (it was neces-
sary to fasten) the moorings on land 25 or 30

Agustino on the most eastern headland of Brazil was reached
toward the end of November, 1519. Rio de Janeiro was
reached on December 13* Leaving Rio de Janeiro on Decem-
ber 26, the fleet proceeded to the estuary of the Rio de
la Plata. ^ere it remained until February. 2, 1520. From
the Rio de la Plata Magellan sailed to the port of Santo
Juliano. Winter had begun and Magellan decided to stay
there throughout the winter months.. He left port San
Julian August 24, 1520. On October 21, 1520, the fleet
arrived at the entrance to the Strait of Magellan.


-14-

brazas a*way Had it not been for the captain-
general, we would not have found that strait, for
we all thought and said that it was closed on all
sides.

After entering that strait, we found two
openings, one to the southeast, and the other to
the southwest ... We went to explore the other
opening toward "the southwest. Finding, however,
the same strait continuously, we came upon a ri-
ver which we called the river Sardine (i.e., Sar-
dines), because there were many sardines near it.
So we stayed there for four days. During that
period we sent a well-equipped boat to explore
the cape of the other sea. The men returned with-
in three days, and reported that they had seen
the cape'and the open sea. The captain-general
wept for joy, andcalled that cape, Cape Dezeado
(i.e., Desire), for we had been desiring it for a
long time... In'order that your most illustrious Lord
ship may believe it, when we were in thafo strait,
the nights were. only, three hours long, arid, it was
then the month of October. The land on the-
left-hand side of that strait turned toward the
southeast and was low. We called that strait /
the strait of Patagonia. One finds* the safest
of ports every half legua in it, water, the finest
wood (but not of cedar, fish, sardines, and mis-
siglioni, while smallage, a sweet herb (although
there is also some that is bitter) grows around
the springs. *We ate of it for many days as we
had nothing else. I believe that there is not a
more beautiful strait in the world than that one. ....

The Voyage Across the Pacific

Wednesday, November 23, 1520, we debouched
from that strait, engulfing ourselves in the Paci-
fic Sea. We were three months and twenty days
without getting any kind of fresh food. We.ate
biscuit, which was no longer biscuit, but powder
of biscuits swarming with worms, for they had
eaten the good. It stank strongly of the urine
of^rats. We drank yellow water that had been pu-
trid for many days. We also ate some ox hides
that covered the top of the mainyard to prevent


-15-

the yard from chafing the shrouds, and which had
become exceedingly hard because of the sun, rain,
and wind. We left them in the sea for four or
five days, and then placed them for a few moments
on top of the embers, and so ate them; and often
we ate sawdust from boards Rats were sold for
on-half ducado apiece, and even then we could not
get them. But above all the other misfortunes the
following was the worst. The gums of both the
lower and upper teeth of some of our men swelled,
so that they could not eat under any circumstances
and therefore died. Nineteen men died from that
sickness, and the giant together with an Indian
from the country of Verzin, Twenty-five or thirty
men fell sick (during that time), in the arms,
legs, or in another place, so that but .few remained
well. However, I, by the grace of God, suffered
no sickness. We sailed about four thousand le-
guas during those three months and twenty days
through an open stretch in that Pacific Sea, In
truth it is very pacific, for during that time we
did not suffer any storm. We saw no land except
two desert islets, where we found nothing but
birds and trees, for which we called them the
Ysolle Infortunate (i.e., the Unfortunate Isles).
They are two hundred leguas apart. We found no
anchorage, (but) near them saw many sharks. The
first islet lies fifteen degrees of south latitude,
and the other nine. Daily we made runs of fifty,
sixty, or seventy leguas at the catena or at the
stern. Had not God and His blessed mother given
us so good weather we would all have died of hun-
ger in that exceeding vast sea. Of a verity I
believe no such voyage will ever be made (again).

Arrival at the Philippines

At dawn on Saturday, March 16, 1521, we
came upon a high land at a distance of three
hundred leguas from the islands of Latroni, an is-
land named Zamal (Samar). The following day the
captain-general desired to land on another is-
land which was uninhabited and lay to the right
of the above mentioned island in order to be more
secure and get water and have some rest. He had
two tents set up on the shore for the sick and


-16-

had a sow killed for them. On Monday after-
noon, March l, we saw a boat coming toward us
with nine men in it. Therefore, the captain-
general ordered that no one should move or say
a word without his permission. When those men
reached the shore, their chief went immediate-
ly to the captain-general giving signs of joy
because of our arrival. Five of the most or-
nately adorned of them remained with us, while
the rest went to get some others who were fish-
ing, and so they all came. The captain-gen-
eral seeing that they were reasonable men, or-
dered food to be set before them, and gave them
red caps, mirrors, combs, bells, ivory, boca-
sine, and other things. When they saw the cap-
tains courtesy, they presented fish, a jar of
palm wine, which they call uraca (i.e. arrack),
figs more than one palmo long (T.e. bananas),
and others which were smaller and more delicate,
and two cocoanuts. They had nothing else then,
but made us signs with their hands that they
would bring urna y or rice? and cocoanuts and many
other articles of food within four days. ...

Those people became very familiar with us.
They told us many things, their names and those
of some of the islands that could be seen from
that place. Their own island was called Zuluan
and it is not very large. We took great pleas-
ure with them,, for they were very pleasant and
conversable.. In order to show them greater
honor, the captain-general took them to his ship
and showed them all his merchandise cloves,
cinnamon, pepper, ginger, nutmeg, mace, gold,
and all things,in the ship. He had some mor-
tars fired for them, whereas they exhibited
great fear, and tried to jump out of the ship.
They made signs to us that the abovesaid ar-
ticles grew/in that place where we were going.
When they were about to retire they took their
leave very gracefully and neatly, saying that
thev would" return according-to their promise.
The island where we were -is called Humunu; but
inasmuch as w.e-. found- two springs there of the
clearest water, we called it Accuada da II
b.uoni Segnialli (i.e. the Watering place of
good Signs) for there were the first signs of


-17-

gold which we found in those districts. We
found a great quantity of white coral there,
and large trees with fruits a trifle smaller
than the almond and resembling pine seeds.
There are also many palms, some of them good
and others bad. There are many islands in
that district, and therefore we called them the
the archipelago of San Lazaros, as they were
discovered on the Sabbath of St. Lazarus. They
lie in X degrees of latitude toward the Arctic
pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and
sixty one degrees from the line of demarcation.

At noon on Friday, March 22, those men
came as they had promised us in two boats with
cocoanuts, sweet oranges, a jar of palm-wine,
and a cock, in order to show us that there were
fowls in that district. They exhibited great
signs of pleasure at seeing us,. We purchased
all those articles from them.. Their seignior^
was an old man who was painted (i.e,, tattooed}.
He wore two gold earrings (schione) in his ears,
and the others many gold armlets on their arms
and kerchiefs about their heads. We stayed
there one week, and^during that time our captain
went ashore daily to visit the sick, ana every
morning gave them cocoanut water from his own
hand, which comforted them greatly. There are
people living near that island who have holes
in their ears so large that they can pass their
arms through them. Those peoples are crphri,
that is to say heathen. They go naked with a
cloth woven from the bark of a tree about their
privies except some of the chiefs who wear cot-
ton cloth embroidered with silk at the ends by
means of a needle. They anoint themselves with
cocoanut and with leenseed oil, as a protection
against sun and wind. They have very black
hair that falls to the waist, and use daggers,
knives, and spears ornamented with gold, large
shields, fascines, javelins, and fishing nets
that resemble rizali, and their boats are like
ours.

On the afternoon of holy Monday, the day
of our Lady, March twenty-five, while we were
on the point of weighing anchor, I went to the


-Id-

side of the ship to fish, and putting ray feet
upon a yard leading down into the storeroom, they
slipped, for it was rainy, and consequently I
fell into the sea, so that no one saw me. When
I was all but under, my left hand happened to
catch hold of the clew-garnet of the mainsail,
which was dangling (ascosa) in the- water.
held on tightly, and began to cry out so lustily
that I was rescued by the small boat. I was
aided, not, I 'believe, indeed through my merits,
but through the mercy of that font of charity
(i.e., of "the Virgin). That same day we shaped
our course toward the west southwest between
four small islands, namely, Cnalo, Hiunanghan,
^busson, and Abarien.

At Limasawa

On Thursday morning, March twenty-eight,
as we had seen a fire on an is].and the night be-
fore, we anchored near it.5 We saw a small
boat which the natives call boloto with eight
men in it, approaching the flagship. A slave
belonging to the captain-general, 7;ho was a na-
tive of Zamatra (i.e., Sumatra); which was for-
merly called Traprobana spoke them. They im-
mediately understood him, came alongside the
ship, unwilling to enter but taking a position
at some little distance. The captain seeing that
they would not trust us, threw them out a red
cap and other things tied to a bit of wood.
They received them very gladly, and went away
quickly to advise their king. About two hours
later we saw two balanghai coming. They are
large boats and are so called /by those people7.
They were full of men, and their king was in
the larger of them, being seated under an awn-
ing of mats. When the king cane near the flag-
ship, the slave spoke to him. The king under-
stood him, for in those districts the kings know
more languages than the other people. He ordered
some of his men to enter the ships, but he al-

5 The island referred to here was Limasawa, a small
island lying a short distance south of Leyte.


-19-

ways remained in his balanghai, at some little
distance from the ship until his own men re-
turned; and as soon as they returned he depart-
ed. The captain-general showed great honor to
the men who entered the ship, and gave them some
presents, for which the king wished before his
departure to give the captain a large bar of
gold and basketful of ginger. The latter, how-
ever, thanked the king heartily but would not ac-
cept it. In the afternoon we went in the ships
/and anchored/ near the dwellings of the king.

Next day, holy Friday, the captain-general
sent his slave, who acted as our interpreter,
ashore.in a small boat to ask the king if he had
any food to have it carried to the ships; and to
say that they would be well satisfied with us, for
he /and his menj had come to the island as friends
ancTnot as enemies. The king came with six or
eight men in the same boat and entered the ship.
He embraced the captain-general to whom he gave
three porcelain jars covered, with leaves and full
of raw rice, two very large o ra do, and other
things. The captain-general gave the king a
garment of red and yellow cloth made in the Tur-
kish fashion, and a fine red cap; and to the others
(the king*s men), to some knives and to others
mirrors. Then the captain-general had a colla-
tion spread for them, and had the king told
through the slave that he desired to be casJL casi
with him, that is to say, brother. The king re-
plied that he also wished to enter the same rela-
tions with the captain-general. The captain
showed him cloth of various colors, linen, coral
/ornaments?, and many other articles-of merchan-
dise, and all the artillery, some of which he had
discharged for him, whereat the natives were great-
ly frightened. Then the captain-general had a
man armed as a soldier, and placed him in the
midst of three men armed with swords and daggers,
who struck him on all parts of the body. There-
by was the king rendered almost speechless. The
captain-general told him through the slave that
one of those armed men was worth one hundred of
his own men. The king answered that that was a
fact. The captain-general said that he had two
hundred men in each ship who were armed in that


manner He showed the king cuirasses, swords,
and bucklers, and had a review made for him. Then
he led the king to the deck of the ship, that is
located above at the stern; and had his sea-chart
and compass brought. He told the king through
the interpreter how he had found the strait in
order to voyage thither, and how many moons he
had been without seeing land, whereat the king
was astonished. Lastly, he told the king that
he would like, if it were pleasing to him, to
send two of his men with him so that he might
show them some of his things. The king replied
that he *vas agreeable, and I went in company with
one of the other men.

When I reached shore, the king raised his
hands toward the sky and then turned toward us
two. We did the same toward him as did all the
others The king took me by the hand; one of
his chiefs took my companion} and thus they led
us under a bamboo covering, where there was a
balanghai, as long as eighty of my palm lengths,
and resembling a fusta. We sat down upon the
stern of that balanghai, constantly conversing
with signsr The kingfs men stood about us in
a circle with swords, daggers, spears, and buck-
lers # The king had a plate of pork brought in
and a large jar filled with wine. At every
mouthful, we drank a cup of wine. The wine that
was left /in the cup7 at any time, although that
happened but rarely, was put into a jar by it-
self. The king*s jar was always kept covered and
no one else drank from it but he and* I. Before
the king took the cup to drink, he raised his
clasped hands toward the sky, and then toward
me; and when he was about to drink, he extended
the fist of his left hand toward me (at first I
thought that he was about to strike me) and then
drank. I did the same toward the king. They
all make those signs one toward another then they
drink. We ate with such ceremonies and with
other signs of friendship. I ate meat on holy
Friday, for I could not help myself. Before the
supper hour I gave the king many things which I
had brought. I wrote down the names of many
things in their language. When the king and the
others saw me writing, and when I told them their


-21-

words, they were all astonished. While engaged
in that the supper hour was announced. Two large
porcelain dishes were brought in, one full of rice
and the other of pork with its gravy. We ate with
the same signs and ceremonies, after which we went
to the palace of the king which wasjouilt like a
hayloft and was thatched with fig /i.e., banana/
and palm leaves. It was built up high from the
ground on huge posts of wood and it was necessary
to ascend to it by means of ladders. The king made
us sit down there on a bamboo mat with our feet
drawn up like tailors. After a half-hour a platter
of roast fish cut in pieces was brought in, and
ginger- freshly gathered, and wine. The king!s
eldest son, who was the prince, came over to us,
whereupon the king told him to sit down near us,
and he accordingly did so. Then two platters were
brought in (one with fish and its sauce, and the
other with rice), so that we might eat with the
prince. My companion became intoxicated as a con-
sequence of so much drinking and eating. They used
the gum of a tree called anime wrapped in palm or
fig /i.e., bananaJ leaves for lights. The king made
us a sign that he was going to go to sleep. He
left the prince with us, and we slept with the lat-
ter on a bamboo mat with pillows made of leaves.
When day dawned the king carne and took me by the
hand, and in that manner we went to where we had
had supper, in order to partake of refreshments, but
the boat came to get us. Before we left, the king
kissed our hands with great joy, and we his. One
of his brothers, the king of another island, and
three men came with us. The captain-general kept
him to dine with us, and gave him many things.

Pieces of gold, of the size of walnuts and
eggs are found by sifting the earth in the island
of that king who came to our ships. All the dish-
es of that king are of gold and also some portion
of his house, as we were told by that king himself.
According to their customs he was yevy grandly
decked out /molto in ordin^T, and the finest look-
ing man that we saw among those people. His hair
was exceedingly black, and hung to his shoulders.
He had a covering of silk on his head, and wore
two large goldn earrings fastened in his ears.
He wore a cotton cloth all embroidered with silk,
which covered him from the waist to the knees. At


-22-

his side hung a dagger, the haft of which was some-
what long and all of gold, and its scabbard of
carved wood. He had three spots of gold on every
tooth, and his his teeth appeared as if bound^with
gold. He was perfurmed with storax and benzoin.
He was tawny and painted /i.e., tattoed/ all over.
That island of his was called Butuan and Calagan.
When those kings wished to see one another, they
both went to hunt in that isln-:! where we were.
The name of the first king is Raja Colambu, and
the second Raia Siaui,

Easter Sunday Mass at Limasawa

Early on the morning of Sunday, the last of
March, and Easter day, the captain-general sent
the priest with some men to prepare the place where
mass was to be said; together with the interpreter
to tell the king that we were not going to land in
order to dine with him, but to say mass. There-
fore the king sent us two swine that he had had
killed. When the hour for mass arrived, we land-
ed with about fifty men, without body armor< but
carrying our other arms; and c.ressed in our'best
clothes. Before we reached the shore with our
boats, six pieces were dischared as. a sign of
peace. We landed; the two kiries embraced the
captain-general, and placed hirii between ^them.
Vie went in marching order to the plac consecrat-
ed, which was not far from the sl/ore. Before
the commencement of masSj, the cuptain-general
sprinkled the entire bocfies of the two kings with
musk water. The mass was offered up. The kings
went forward to kiss the cross as we did, but they
did not offer the sacrifice, Whei the oody of
our Lord was elevated, they remained on their
knees and worshiped Him with clasped hands. The
ships fired all their artillery at once, when the
body of Christ was elevated, the signal having
been given from the shore with muskets. After
the conclusion of the mass some of our men took
communion. The captain-general arranged a
fencing tournament, at which the kings were great-
ly pleased. Then lie had a cross carried in and
the nails and a crown, to which .immediate reverence
was made. He told the kings through the interpre-
ter that they were the standards given to him by


-23-

the ernoeror his sovereign, so that wherever he
might go he might set up those his tokens* (He
said) that he wished to set it up in that place
for their benefit, for whenever any of our ships
came, they would know that we had been there by
that cross, and xvould do nothing to displease
them or harm their property (property? doublet in
original MS.) If any of their men were captured,
they would be set free immediately on that sign
being shown* It was necessary to* set that cross
on the summit of the highest mountain, so that on
seeing it every morning, they might adore it; and
if they did that, neither thunder,, lightning, nor
storms would harm them in the least. They thanked
him heartily and (said) that they would do every-
thing willingly. The Captain-general also had
them asked whether they were Moros or heathens, or
what was their belief. They replied that they wor-
shiped nothing, but that they raised their clasped
hands and their face to the sky; and that they
called their god TfAbbatf Thereat the captain was
very glad, and seeing that, the first king raised
his hands to the sky and said that he wished that
it were possible for him to make the captain see
his love for him. The interpreter asked the king
why there was so little to eat there* The latter
replied that he did not live in that place except
when he went hunting and to-see his brother, but
that he lived in another island where all his fa-
mily are. The Captain-general had him asked to
declare whether he had any enemies, so that he
might go with his ships to destroy them and to
render them obedient to him* The king thanked him
and said that he did indeed have two islands hostile
to him, but that it was not the season to go there.
The Captain told him that if God would again allow
him to return to those districts, he would bring
so many men that he would make the king^s enemies
subject to him by force> He said that he was about
to go to dinner, and that he would return after -
ward.to have the cross set up on the summit of
the mountain. They replied that they were satis-
fied, and then forming in battalion and firing
the muskets, and the captain embracing the two
kings, we took our leave*

After dinner we all returned clad in our dou-
blets, and that afternoon went together with the two-


-24-

kings to the summit of the highest mountain there.
When we reached the summit, the Captain-general
told them that he esteemed highly having sweated
for them, for since the cross was there, it could
not but be of great use to them. On asking them
which port was the best to get food, they replied
that there were three, Ceylon, Zubu, and Calaghamv,
but that Zubu was the largest and the one with
most trade They offered of their own accord to
give us pilots to show us the way* The Captain-,
general thanked them and determined.to go there,.,
for so did his unhappy fate will* Aft.er the cross
was erected in position, each.of us repeated a
Pater Nos tor and Ave^Jferia and adored the cross; and
the kings^aTd the~'same~~Then we descended through
their cultivated fields, and went to the place where
the balanghai was# The kings had some cocoanuts
brought in so that we might refresh ourselves. The
Captain-general asked the kings for the pilots for
he intended to depart the following morning, and
(said).that he. would treat them as if they were the
kings themselves, and would leave one of us as hos-
tage. The king replied that every hour he wished
the pilots were at his command, but that night the
first king changed his mind, and in the morning
when we were about to depart, sent word to the Cap-
tain-general, asking him for love of him to wait
.two days until he would, have his rice harvested,
and other trifles attended to. He asked the Cap-
tain-general to send him some men and help hirri, so
that it might be sooner; and said that he intended
to act as pilot himself The Captain sent him some
men, but the kings ate ana drank so much that they
slept all the day. Some said to excuse them that
they were slightly sick. Our men did nothing on
that day, but they worked the next two days. ...

Those people are heathens, and go naked and
painted. They wear a piece of cloth woven from a
tree about their privies. They are very heavy
drinkers. Their women are clad in tree cloth
from their waist down, and their hair is black and
reaches to the ground. They have holes pierced
in their ears which are filled with gold", Those
people are constantly chewing a fruit which they
call Ttareca" and which resembles a pear. They cut
the fruit into four parts, and then wrap it in the


-25-

1 eaves of their tree which they call 7Tbetrc?? (i,e.,
betel). Those leaves resemble the leaves of the
mulberry. They mix it with a little lime, .and when
they have chewed it thoroughly, they spit it out.
It makes the mouth exceedingly red. All the people
in those parts of the world use it, for it is very
cooling to the heart, and if they ceased to use it
they would die. There are dogs, cats, swine, fowls,
goats, rice, ginger, cocoanuts, figs (bananas),
oranges, lemons, millet, panicuin, sorgo, wax. and
a quantity of gold in that island. It lies m a
latitude of nine and two thirds degrees toward the
Arctic pole, and- in a longitude of one hundred
sixty-two degrees from the line of demarcation. It
is twenty five from the Acquada, called Mazaua.6

We remained there seven days, after which we
laid our course toward the northwest, passing among
five islands, Ceylon, Bohol, Canighan, Baybai and
Gatighan, .,

Arrival at Cebu

At noon on April seven, we entered the port
of Zubu passing many villages, where we saw many
houses built upon logs. On approaching the city,
the captain-general ordered the ships to fling
their banners. The sails were lowered and ar-
ranged as if for battle and all the artillery was
fired, and action which caused great fear to those
people. The captain-general sent a foster-son of
his as ambassador to the king of Zubo and an in-
terpreter, When they reached the city, they found
a vast crowd of people together with the King, all
of whom had been frightened by the mortars. The
interpreter told them that that was our custom
when entering into such places, as a sign of peace
and friendship, and that we had discharged all our
mortars to honor the king of the village. The
king and all of his men were reassured, and the
king had us asked by his governor what we wanted.
The interpreter replied that his master was a cap-
tain of the greatest king and prince of the world
and that he was going to discover Malucho, but
that he had come solely to visit the king because
of the good report which he had heard from the king

6 It is now called Limasawa.


-26-

/
/

of Masaua, and to buy food with his merchandise.
The king told him that he was w el c orne (1 it eral y:
he had come at a good time); but that Tt was their
custom for all ships that entered their port to
pay tribute and that it was but four days since a
junk from Ciama (i.e# Siam) laden with gold and
slaves had paid him tribute. As proof of his state-
ment the king pointed out to the interpreter, a mer-
chant from Ciama who had remained to trade the gold
and slaves. The interpreter told the king that,
since his master was the captain of so great a
king, he did not pay tribute to any signior in the
world, and that if the king wished peace, he would
have peace, but if war instead, war* Thereupon,
the Moro merchant said to the king Cata raia chita%
that is to say ;fLook well, siren. These men are
the same who have conquered Calicut, Malaca, and
air India Magiore (i.e., India Major)... If they are
treated well., they give good treatment, but if they
are treated evil, evil and worse'treatment as they
have done to Calicut and. Malaca. The interpreter
understood it all and told the king that his mas-
ter's king was more powerful in men and ships than
the king of Portogalo, that he was king of Spagnia
and emperor of all the Christians, and that if the
king did not care to be his friend he would next
time send us many men that would destroy him. The
Moro related everything to the king who said there-
upon that he would deliberate with his men, and
would answer the captain on the following day,. Then
he had refreshments of many dishes, all made from
meat and contained in porcelain potters, besides
many jars of wine brought in. After our men had re-
freshed themselves, they returned and told' us every-
thing* The king of Mazaua who was the most influen-
tial after that king and the Signior of a number of
islands went ashore to speak to the king of the
great courtesy of our captain-general.

On Sunday morning, April fourteen, forty men
of us went ashore, two of whom were completely
armed and pr-eceded the royal banner When we
reached land all the artillery was fired,.


-27-

Mass Baptism in Cebu

After dinner the priest and some of the
others went ashore to baptize the queen, who came
with forty women. We conducted her to the plat-
form and she was made to sit down upon a cushion,
and the other women near her, until the priest
should be ready, She was shown an image of our
Lady, a very beautiful wooden Child Jesus, and a
cross. Thereupon she was overcome with contri-
tion and asked for baptism amid her tears We
named her Johanna after the emperor*s mother; her
daughter, the wife of the prince, Catherina, the
queen of Mazaua, Lisabeta, and the others each
their (distinctive) name. Counting men, women and
children,, were baptized eight hundred souls. The
queen was. young and beautiful, and was entirely co-
vered with a white and black cloth, Her mouth and
nails were very red, while on her head she wore a
large hat of palm leaves in the manner of a para-
sol, with a crown.about it of the same leaves,
like the tiara of the pope; and she ngvor goes any
place without an attendant. She asked us to give
her the little Child Jesus to keep in place of
her idols; and then she went away. In the after-
noon the king and queen, accompanied by numerous
persons came to the shore. Thereupon, the captain
had many trombs of fire and large mortars discharged,
by which they were most highly delighted. The
captain and the king called one another brothers.
That kingTs name, was Raia Humabon. Before that
week had gone, all the persons of that island, and
some from the other islands were baptized. We
burned one hamlet which was located in a neighbor-
ing village because it refusd to obey the king or
us, Vie set up the cross there for those people
were heathens Had. they been Moro, we could have
erected a column there as a token of greater hard-*
ness, for the Moros are much harder to convert than
the heathen, ,,,

There are many villages in that island. Their
names and those of their chiefs are as follows I
Cinghapala, and its.chiefs, Cilatan, Ciguibucan,
Cimaningha, Cimatichat, and Cidantabul; one, man-
daui, and its chief, Apanoaan; one Lalan, and its
chief, Theteu; one, Lalutan, and its chief, Tapan;


-44-

one Cilumai; and one, Lubucun, All those villa-
ges rendered obedience to us, and gave us food and
tribute. "Near that island of Zubu'was an island
called Matam, which formed the part where we were
anchored. The name of its village was Matan and
its chiefs were Zula and Cilapulapu, That city
which was burned was in that island and was called
Balaia* ...

The Mactan Affair

On Friday, April twenty-six, Zula, a chief
of the island of Matan, sent one of his sons to
present two goats to the captain-general and to
say he would send him all that he had promised,
but that he had not been able to send it to him
because of the other chief Cilalulapu, who refused to
obey the king of Spagnia. He requested the cap-
tain to send him only one boatload of men on the
next night, so that they might help him and fight
against the other chief The captain-general de-
cided to go thither with three boatloads. We
begged him repeatedly not to go, but he, like a
good shepherd, refused to abandon his flock. At
midnight, sixty men set out armed with corselets
and helmets, together with the Christian King,
the prince, some of the chief men, and twenty
or thirty balanguais, We reached Matan three
hours before dawn. The captain did not wish to
fight then, but sent a message to the natives by
the Moro to the effect that if they would obey
the king of Spagnia, recognise the Christian King
as their sovereign, and pay us our tribute, he
would be their friend; but if they wished other-
wise, they should see our lances wound. They
replied that if we had lances they had lances of
bamboo and.stakes hardened with fire. (They
asked us) not to proceed to attack them at once,
but to wait until morning, so that they might
have more men. They said that in order to in-
duce us to go in search of them, for they had
dug certain pitholes between the houses in order
that we might fall into them. When morning
came forty-nine of us leaped into the water up
to our thighs, and walked through water for more
than two crossbow flights before we could reach


-29-

the shore. The boats could not approach nearer
because of certain rocks in the water. The other
eleven men remained behind to guard the boats.
When we reached the land, three men had formed
in three divisions to the number of more than one
thousand five hundred persons. When they heard
of us, they charged down upon us with exceeding
loud cries, two divisions on our flanks and the
other on our front. When the captain saw that,
he formed us into two divisions, and thus did we
begin to fight. The musketeers and crossbowmen
shot from a distance for about a half-hour, but
uselessly; for the shots only passed through the
shields which were made of thin wood and the arms
(of the bearers). The captain cried to them,
"Cease firing! cease firingj?f but his order was
not at all heeded. When the natives saw that we
were shooting our muskets to no purpose, crying
out thy determined to stand firm but they re-
doubled their shouts. When our muskets were dis-
charged, the natives would never stand still,they
leaped hither and thither, covering themselves
with their shields. They shot so many arrows at
us and hurled so many bamboo spears (some of them
tipped with iron) at the captain-general, besides
pointed stakes hardened with fire, stones, and
mud, that we could scarcely defend ourselves.
Seeing that, the captain-general sent some men
to burn their houses in order to terrify them.
When they saw their houses burning, they were
roused to greater fury. Two of our men were
killed near the houses, while we burned twenty
or thirty houses. So many of them charged down
upon us that they shot the captain through the
right leg with a poisoned arrow. On that account,
he ordered us to retire slowly, but the men took
to flight, except six or eight of us who remained
with the captain. The natives shot only at our
legs, for the latter were bare; and so many were
the spears and stones that they hurled at us,
that we could offer no resistance. The mortars
in the boats could not aid us as they were too
far away* So^.we continued to retire for more
than a good crossbow flight from the shore al-
ways fighting up to our knees in the water. The
natives continued to pursue us, and picking up.
the same spear four or six times, hurled it at


-30-

us again and again Recognizing the captain, 30
many turned upon him that they knocked his helmet
off his head twice, but he always stood firmly like
a good knight, together with some others. Thus
did we fight for more than one hour, refusing to
retire farther. An Indian hurled a bamboo spear
into the captain*s face, but the latter immediately
killed him with his lance, which he left in the
'Indian*s body. Then, trying to lay hand on sword,
he could, draw it out but halfway, because he had
been wounded in the arm by a bamboo spear. When
the natives saw that, they all hurled.themselves
upon him. One of them wounded him on the left leg
with a large cutlass, which resembles a scimitar,
only being larger* That caused the captain to
fall face downward, when immediately they rushed
upon him with iron and bamboo spears and with their
cutlasses, until they killed our mirror, our light,
our comfort, and our true guide. When they wound-
ed him, he turned back many times to see whether
we were all in the boats. Thereupon, beholding
him dead, we, wounded, retreated, as best we could,
to the boats, which were already pulling off. The
Christian King would have aided us, but the captain
charged him before we -landed, not to leave his ba-
langhai, but to stay to see how we fought. When
the king learned that the captain was dead, he wept.
Had it not been for that unfortunate captain, not a
single one of us would have been saved in the boats,
for while he was fighting the others retired to the
boats. I hope through {the efforts) your most il-
lustrious Lordship, that the fame of so noble a
captain will not become effaced in our times. Among
the virtues which he possessed, he was more constant
than ever any one else in the greatest of adversity.
He endured hunger better than all the others, and
more accurately than any man in the world did he
understand sea charts and navigation. And that
this was the truth was seen openly, for no other
had had so much natural talent nor the boldness to
learn how to circumnavigate the world, as he had
almost done. That battle was fought on Saturday,
April twenty-seven, 1521, The captain desired
to fight Saturday, especially holy to him. Eight
of our men were killed with him in that battle, "
and four Indians, who had become Christians and who
come afterward to aid us were killed by the mortars


-31-

of the boats, Of the enemy, only fifteen were
killed, while many of us were wounded.

In the afternoon, the Christian king sent a
message with our consent to the people of Matan,
to the effect that if they would give us the cap-
tain and the other men who had been killed, we
would give them as much merchandise as they wished.
They answered that they would not give such a man,
as we imagined- (they should do) and that they would
not give him for all the riches in the world, but,
they intended to keep him as a memorial.

On Saturday, the day on which the captain was
killed, the four men who had remained in the city
to trade, had our merchandise carried to the ships,
0

The Return Voyage to Spain

On Tuesday night as it drew near Wednesday,
February eleven, 1522, we left the island of Timor
and took to the great open sea called Laut Chidol.
Laying'our course toward the west southwest, we left
the island of Zamatra, formerly called Traprobana,
to the north on our right hand, for fear of the
king of Portoghala; ... In order that we might double
the cape of Bonna Speranza (i.e*, TTGood Hope"), we
descended to forty-two degrees on the side \Of the
Antarctic Pole. We were nine weeks near that cape
with our sails hauled down because we had the west
and northwest winds on our bow quarter and because
of a most furious storm. That cape lies in a la-
titude of thirty-four and one^half degrees, and is
one thousand six hundred leguas from the cape of
Malaca. It is the largest and most dangerous
cape in the world. Some of our men, both sick and
well, wished to go to a Portuguese settlement called
Mozambich, because the ship was leaking badly, be-
cause of the severe cold, and especially because we
had no other food than rice and water; for as we
had no salt, our provisions of meat had putrefied.
Some of the others however, more desirous of their
honor than of their own life, determined to go to
Spagnia living or.dead. Finally by God's help, we
doubled that cape on May six at a distance of five


-32-

leguas, Had we not approached so closely, we
could never have doubled it. Then we sailed north-
west for two months continually without taking on
any fresh food or water (refrigerio) Twenty-one
men died during that short time. When we cast them
into the sea, the Christians went to the bottom
face upward, while the Indians always went down
face downward. Had not God given us good weather
we would all have perished of hunger* Finally,
constrained by our great extremity, we went to the
islands of Capo Verde. Wednesday, July nine, we
reached one ox those islands called Sancto Jcobo,
and immediately sent the boat ashore for food, with
the story for the Portuguese that we had lost our
foremast under the equinoctial line (although we had^
lost it upon the cage of Bonna Speranza), and when
we were restepping it, our capit^in-general had gone
to Spagnia with the other two ships; With those
good words and with our merchandise, we got two
boatloads of rice. We charged our men when they
went ashore in the boat to ask what day It was, and
they told us that it was Thursday with the Portu-
guese. We were greatly surprised for it was Wed-
nesday with us, and we could not see how we had
made a mistake; for as I had always kept well, I hao
set down every day without; .any interruption. How-
ever, as was told us later, it was no error, but as
the voyage had been made continually toward the west
and we had returned to the same place as does the
sun, we had made that gain of twenty-four hours, as
is clearly seen. The boat having returned to the
shore again for rice, thirteen men and the boat were
detained, because one of thern^, as we learned after-
ward in Spagnia, told the Portuguese that our cap-
tain was dead, as well as. others, and that we were
not going to Spagnia. Fearing lest we also be
taken prisoners by certain caravels, we hastily de-.
parted. On Saturday, September six, 1522, we en- i
tered the bay of San Lucar with only eighteen men !
and the majority of them sick* all that were left r
of the sixty men who left Malucho, Some died of
hunger; some desserted at the island of Timor; and
some were put to death for crimes. From the time
we left that bay (of San Lucar) until the present
day (of our return), we had sailed fourteen thousanc
four hundred and sixty leguas, and furthermore had
completed the circumnavigation of the world from
east to west. On Monday, September eight, we cast


-33-

anchor near the quay of Seviglia, and discharged
all our artillery. Tuesday, we all went in
shirts and barefoot, each holding a candle, to
visit the shrine of Santa Maria de la Victoria
(i.e., TYSt. Mary of Victory"); and that of Santa
Maria de l*Antiqua (i*e,3 "St. Mary of Antiquity").

Leaving Seviglia,, I went to Vagliadolit
(i>e., Valladolid), where 1 presented to his sacrqd
Majesty, Don Carlo, neither gold nor silver, but
things very highly esteemed by such a sovereign.
Among other things I gave him a book, written by
my hand, concerning all the matters that had oc-
curred from day to day during our voyage I left
there as best could and went to Portagalo where
I spoke with King Johanni of what I had seen*
Passing through Spagnia, I went to Fransa where I
made a gift of certain things from the other he-
misphere to the mother of the most Christian king,
Don Francisco, Madame the regent. Then I came to
Italia, where I established my permanent abode,
and devoted my poor labors to the famous and most
illustrious Lord, Fhilipo de Villers Lisleadam,
the most worthy grand master of Rhodi.

The Cavalier

ANTONIO PAGAPHSTTA.

(2) Transylvanus own story of the Magellan expedition
is told in part, in the following excerpts^

Background of the Expedition

Not long ago one of those five ships re-
turned which the emperor, while he was at Sara-
gossa some years ago, had sent into a strange and

1 B & R., Vol. 1, p. 305, ff*


-34-

hitherto unknown part of the world, to search for
the islands in which spices grow. For although
the Portuguese bring us a great quantity of them
from the Golden Chersonesus, which we now call
Malacca, nevertheless their own Indian possessions
.produce none but pepper. For it is well known
that the other spices, as cinnamon, cloves, and
the nutmeg, which we call muscat, and its cover-
ing (mace7 which we call muscat-flower, are brought
to their Indian possessions from distant islands
hitherto only known by name, In ships held toge-
ther not by iron fastenings, but merely by palm-
leaves and having round sails also woven out of
palm-fibers. Ships of this sort they call "junks"
and they are impelled by the wind only when it
blows directly fore or aft.

Nor is It wonderful that these Islands have
not been known to an}?- mortal, almost up to our
time# For whatever statements of ancient authors
we have hitherto read with respect t the native
soil of thase spices, are partly entirely fabulous,
and partly so far from truth, that the very re-
gions, in which they asserted that these spices
were produced, are scarcely less distant from the
countries in which it is now ascertained that
they grow, than we ourselves. .

Wow it was necessary for our sailors, who
have recently returned, to sail round the whole
world and that in a very wide circuit, before
they discovered these Islands and returned to
Europe; and, since this voyage was a very remark*
able one, and neither in our own time, nor In any
former age, had such a voyage been accomplished,
or even attempted, 1 have determined to send your
Lordship a full and accurate account of the ex-
pedition.

I have taken much care in obtaining an
account of the facts from the commanding officer
of the squadron,2 and from the individual sailors
who have returned with him. They also made a
statement to the emperor, and to several other

2 Sebastian del Gano.


-35-

persons with such good faith and sincerity, that
they appeared in their narrative, not merely to
have abstained from fabulous statements, but also
to contradict and refute the fabulous statements
made by ancient authors, .

Some thirty years ago, when the Castillians
in the West and Portuguese in the East, had begun
to search after new and unknown lands, in order
to avoid any interference of one with the other,
the Kings of these countries divided the whole
world between them, by the authority probably of
Pope Alexander VI, on this plan, that a line
should be drawn from the North to the South pole
through a point three hundred and sixty leagues
West of the Hespridos which they now call Cape
Verde islands, which would divide the earth*s
surface into two equal portions, All unknown
lands hereaftqr discovered to the east of this
line were assigned to the Portuguese, all on the
west to the Castillians, Hence it came to pass
that Castilians always sailed southwest, and
there discovered a very extensive continent, be-
sides numerous large islands, abounding in gold,
pearls and other valuable commodities, and have
quite recently discovered a large inland city
named Tenoxtica (Mexico} situated in a lake like
Venice. Peter Martyr,an author who is more
careful as to the* accuracy of his statements than
of the elegance of his style, has given a full
but truthful description of this city*^ But the
Portuguese sailing southward past the Hesperides
(Cape Verde Islands) and the Fish-eating Ethio-
pians (West Coast of Africa), crossed the Equator
ana the Tropic of Capricorn, and sailing eastward
discovered several very large islands heretofore
unknown* Thence, by way of the Arabian and Per-
sian Gulfs, they arrived at the shores of,India
within the Ganges, where now there is the'very
great trading station and the kingdom of Calicut.
rience they sailed to Taprobane which is now
called Zamatara (Sumatra), Thence, they came
to the Golden Chersonesus, where now stands the
well-peopled city of Malacca, the principal place
of business of the East* After this they pene-

- 3 Author of De orbe nono Decades, 1516


-36-

trated into a great gulf, as far as the nation of
the Sinae, who are now called Schinae (Chinese),
where they found a fair-complexioned and tolerably-
civilized" people/ like our folks in Germany*

And although there was a somewhat doubtful
rumour afloat, that the Portguese had advanced so
far to the weast, that they come to the end of
their own limits, and had passed over into the ter-
ritory appointed for the Castilians and that Ma-
lacca and the Great Gulf were within our limits,
all this was more said than believed, until four
years ago, Ferdinand Magellan, a distinguished
Portuguese, who had for many years sailed about the
Eastern Seas as admiral of the Portuguese fleet,
having quarreled with his king, who he considered
had acted ungratefully towards him, and Christo-
pher Haro, brother of my father-in-law, of Lisbon,
who had, through his agents for many years carried
on trade with those eastern countries., and more re-
cently with the Chinese, so that he was well ac-
quainted with these matters (he also, having been
ill-used by the King of Portugal, had returned to
his native country, Castille), pointed out to the
emperor, that it was not yet clearly ascertained,
whether Malacca was within the boundaries of the
Portuguese or of the Castilians, because hitherto
its longitude had not been definitely known, but
that it was an undoubted fact that the Great Gulf
and the Chinese nations were within the Castilian
limits. They asserted also that it was absolutely
certain, that the islands called the Moluccas, in
which all sorts of spices grow, and. from which
they were brought to Malacca, were contained in
the Western, or Castilian division, and that it
would be possible to sail to them, and to bring
the spices at less trouble and expenso from their
native soil to Castile* The plan of the voyage
was to sail west, and then coasting the Southern
Hemisphere round the south of America to the
East.

The emperor and his council considered that
the plan proposed by Magellan and Haro, though hold-
ing out considerable advantages, was one of very con-
siderable difficulty as to execution. After some
delay, Magellan offered to go out himself, but Haro


-37-

undertook to fit out a squadron at the expense of
himself and his friends provided that tfiey were
allowed to sail under the authority and patronage
of his Majesty, As each resolutely upheld his
own scheme, the emperor himself fitted out a squa-
dron of five ships and appointed Magellan to the
command. It was ordered that they should sail
southwards by the coast of Terra Firma, until they
found either the end of that country or some
strait, by which they might arrive at the spice-
bearing Moluccas

Departure of the Expedition Discovery of
the Strait of Magellan

Accordingly on the tenth of August, 1519* Fer-
dinand Magellan with his five ships sailed from Se-
ville. In a few days they arrived at the Fortunate
Islands, now called Canaries. Thence they sailed
to the islands of Hespridos (Cape Verde), and
thence sailed in a southwesterly direction towards
that continent which I have already mentioned (Terra
Firma or South America) and after a favorable vo-
yage of a few days discovered a promontory, which
they called St. MaryTs. Thence they coasted along
this continent, which extends far on southwards,
and which 1 now think should be called1the Southern
Polar land,, then gradually slopes off in a westerly
direction, and so sailed several degrees south of
the Tropic of Capricorn. Not till the end of
March in the following year, (1520), did they ar-
rive at a bay, which they called St. Julian*s Bay.
... They stated that the longitude was fifty-six
degrees west of the Canaries.

As soon as Magellan observed that the wea-
ther was less stormy and that the winter began to
break up, he sailed out of St. JulianTs Bay on the
twenty-fourth ox August 1520., as before. For some
days he coasted along to the southward and at last
sighted a cape, which they called Cape Santa Cruz.
Here a storm from the east caught them, and one
of the five ships was driven on shore and wrecked,
but the crew and all goods on board were saved,
except an African slave who was drowned. After


-3S-

this the coast seemed to stretch a little south
eastwards, and as they continued to explore it,
on the twenty-sixth of November (1520) an opening was
observed having the -appearance of a strait; Magellan
at once sailed in with his whole fleet, and seeing
several bays in various directions, directed three
of the ships to cruise about to ascertain whether
there was any way through, undertaking to wait for
them five days at the entrance of the strait so that
they might report what success they had. One of
these ships was commanded by Alvaro de Mes quit a,
son of Magellan1 s brother, and this by the wind-
ings of the channel came out again into the ocean
whence it had set out. When the Spaniards saxv that
they were at a considerable distance from the other
ships, they plotted among themselves to return home,
and having put Alvaro their Captain in irons, they
sailed northwards^ and at last they reached the
coast of Africa, and there took in provisions, and
eight months after leaving the other ships, they
arrived in Spain, where "they brought Alvaro to
trial on the charge that it had'chiefly been through
his advice and persuasion that his uncle Magellan
had adopted suqh severe measures against the Cas-
tilians. Magellan waited some "days over the ap-
pointed time for his ship, and meanwhile one ship
had returned, and reported that they had found
nothing but a shallow bay, and the shores stony
and with high cliffs; but the other reported that
the greatest bay had the appearance of a strait,
as they had sailed on for three days and had found
no way out, but that the farther they went the
narrower the passage became, and it was so deep,
that in many places they sounded without finding
the bottom; they also noticed from the tide of the
sea, that the flow was somewhat stronger than the
ebb, and thence they conjectured that there was a
passage that way into some other sea. On hearing
this Magellan determined to sail along this chan-
nel. This strait, though not then known to be
such, was of the'breadth in some>places of three,
in others of two, in others of five or ten Italian
miles.and inclined slightly to the west. ...


-39-

Crossing the Pacific

Magellan saw that the main land extended
due north, and therefore gave orders to turn away
from the great continent, leaving it on the right
had, and to sail over that vast and extensive
ocean, which have probably never been traversed
by our ships or by those of any other nation, in
a northwesterly direction, so that they might ar-
rive at last at the Eastern ocean, coming at it
from the west, and again enter the torrid zone,
for he was satisfied that the Moluccas were in
the extreme east, and could not be far off the
equator. They continued in this course, never de-
viating from it, except when compelled to do so
now and then by the force of the wind, ... After
sailing for three months and twenty days with good
fortune over this ocean, and having traversed a
distance almost too long to estimate, having had
a strong wind aft almost"the whole of the time,
and having again crossed the equator, they saw an
island, which they afterwards learnt from the
neighboring people was called Inuagana.4 When
they came nearer to it, they found the latitude ^
to be eleven degrees north; the longitude they
reckoned to be one hundred and fifty-eight degrees
west of Cadiz.

Arrival in the Philippines

Our men then sailed towards Se.lani,5 but a
storm caught them so ghat they could not land
there, but they were driven to another island
called Massana, where the king of the three is-
lands resides. From this island they sailed to
Subuth (Zebu), a very large island, and well sup-
plied, where having come to a friendly arrange-
ment with the Chief they immediately landed to ce-
lebrate divine worship according to Christian
usage for the festival of the resurrection of
Him who has saved us was at hand. Accordingly
with some of the sails of the ships and branches
of trees they erected a chapel, and in it cons-

4 - An island in the Marianas.

5 - The Ceylon of Pigafetta.

6 - Limasawa.


-40-

tructed an altar in the Christian fashion, and di-
vine service was duly performed. The chief and a
large crowd of Indians came up, and seemed much
pleased with the religious rites. They brought
the admiral and some of the officers Into the
chief1 s cabin, and set before them vyhat food they
had. The bread was made of sago, which is ob-
tained from the trunk of a tree not much unlike
the palm. This is chopped up small, and^fried in
oil, and used as bread, a specimen of which I
sent to your Lordship; their drink was a liquor
which flows from the branches of palm-trees when
cut, some birds were also served up at this meal;
and also some of the fruit of the country Ma-
gellan having noticed in the chief1s house a sick
person in a very wasted condition, asked who he
was and from what disease he was suffering. He
was told that it was the chief*s grandson, and that
he has been suffering for two years from a violent
fever. Magellan exhorted him to be of good cour-
age, that if he would devote himself to Christ,
he would immediately recover his former health
and strength. The Indian consented and adored
the Cross and received baptism, and the next day
declared that he was well again, rose from his
bed, and walked about and took his meals like the
others. What visions he may have told his friends
I can not say; but the chief and over twenty hun-
dred Indians were baptized and professed the name
and faith of Christ. Magellan seeing that this is-
land was rich in gold and ginger, and that it was
so conveniently situated with respect to the neigh-
boring islands, that it would be easy, making this
his headquarters, to explore their resources and
natural productions, he therefore went to the chief
of Subuth and suggested to him, that since he had
turned away from the foolish and impious worship
of false gods to the Christian religion, it would
be proper that the chiefs of neighboring islands
should obey his rule; that he had determined to
send envoys for this purpose, and if any of the
chiefs should refuse to obey this summons, to com-
pel them to do so by force of arms. The proposal
pleased the savage, and the envoys, were sent: the
chiefs came in one by one and paid homage to the
Chief of Subuth in the manner adopted in those
countries.


-41-

The Mactan'Affair

But the nearest island is called Mauthan
(Matan), and its king was superior in military
force to the other chiefs; and he declined to do
homage to one whom he had been accustomed to com-
mand for so long, Magellan, anxious to carry out
his plan, ordered forty of his men, whom he could
rely for valor and military skill to arm themselves
and passed over to the island Mauthan in boats, for
it was very near. The chief of Subuth furnished
him with some of his own people, to guide him as
to the topography of the island and the character
of the country, and, if it should be necessary to
help him in the battle.' The king of Mauthan, see-
ing the arrival of our men, led into the field
some three thousand of his people. Magellan,
drew up his own men, and what artillery he had,
though his force was somewhat small, on the shore,
and although he saw that his force was much in-
ferior in numbers, and that his opponents were a
warlike race, and were equipped with lances and
other weapons, nevertheless thought it more advisable
to face the enemy with them, than to retreat, or to
avail himself of the aid of the Subuth islanders.
Accordingly he exhorted his men to have courage,
and not to be alarmed at the superior force of the
enemy; since it had often been the case, as had
recently happened in the island (Peninsula) of
Yucatan, that two hundred Spaniards had routed
two or even three hundred thousand Indians. He
said to the Subuth islanders, that he had not
brought them with him to fight, but to see the
valour ana military prowess of his men. Then he
attacked.the Mauthan islanders, and both sides
fought boldly; but as the enemy surpassed our men
in number, and used longer lanches, to the great
damage of our men, at last Magellan .himself was
thrust through and slain. Although the survivors
did not consider themselves fairly beaten yet, as
they had lost their leader, they retreated; but as
they retreated, in good order, the enemy did not ven-
ture to-pursue them. The Spaniards then, having
lost their admiral, Magellan, and seven of their com-
rades, returned to Subuth, where they chose as
their new admiral John Serrano, a man of no con-


-42-

temptible ability. He renewed the alliance with
the chief of Subuth, by.making him additional pres-
ents, and undertook to conquer the king of Mauthan.

Massacre at Cebu

Magellan had been the owner of a slave, a na-
tive of Mollucas, whom he had formerly bought in
Malacca; and by means of this slave, who was able to
speak Spanish fluently, and of an interpreter of
Subuth, who could speak the Moluccan language, our
men carried on their negotiations. This slave had
taken part in the fight"with the Mauthan islanders,
and had been slightly wounded, for which reason he
lay by all day intending to nurse himself. Serrano,
who could do no business without his help, rated
him soundly, and told him that though his master
Magellan was dead, he was still a slave, and that
he would find that such was the case, and would get
a good flogging into the bargain, if he did not
exert himself and to do what was required of him
more zealously. This speech much incensed the
slave against our people: but he concealed his an-
ger and in a few days went to the chief of Subuth,
and told him that the avarice of the Spaniards was
insatiable: that they had determined, as soon as
they should have defeated the king of Mauthan, to
turn round upon him, and take him away as a prison-
er; and that the only course for him (the Chief of
Subuth) to adopt was to anticipate by treachery.
The savage believed, this, and secretly came to un-
derstanding with the chief of Mauthan, and made ar-
rangements with him for common action against our
people. Admiral Serrano, and. twenty seven of the
principal officers and men, were invited to a so-
lemn banquet. These, went unsuspectingly, for
the natives had carefully dissembled their inten-
tions, went on the shore without precautions, to
take their dinner with the Chief. While they
were at the table, some armed men, who had been
concealed close by, ran in and slew them, A
great outcry was made: it was reported on our
ships that our men were killed, and that, the
whole island was hostile to us; our men saw'from
on board the ships, that the handsome cross, which
they had set up in a tree, was torn down by the
natives and cut into fragments. When the Spaniards,


-43-

who had remained on board, heard of the slaught-
er of our men, they feared further treachery: so
they weighed anchor and began to set sail without
delay. Soon afterwards Serrano was brought to the
coast a prisoner; he entreated them to deliver him
from so miserable a captivity saying that he had
got leave to be ransomed, if his men would agree
to it. Although our men thought it was disgrace-
ful to leave their commander behind in this way,
their fear of the treachery of islanders was so
great that they put to sea, leaving Serrano on the
shore in vain lamenting and beseeching his com-
rades to rescue him. The Spaniards having lost
their commander and several of their comrades,
sailed on sad and anxious, not merely on the ac-
count of the loss they had suffered, but also be-
cause their number had been so diminished, that it
was no longer possible to work the three remaining
ships ,

The Return Voyage

On this question they consulted together, and
unanimously came to this conclusion, that the best
plan was to burn one of the ships, and to sail home
in the two remaining. They therefore sailed to a
neighboring island, called Cohol (Bohol), and having
put the rigging and stores of one of the ships on
board the two, others, set it on fire. Hence they
proceeded to the island of Gibeth7 Although they
found that this island was well supplied with gold
and ginger and many other things, they did not think
it desirable to stay there any length of time as
they could not establish friendly relations with'
the natives and they were too few in number to ven-
ture to use force. From Gibeth they proceeded to
the island of Porne (Borneo), In this archipelago
there are two large islands; one of which is called
Siloli (Gilolo), whose king had six hundred chil-
dren # Siloli is larger than Porne, for Siloli can

7 Quipit, a port on the northwest part of Mindanao,


-44-

hardly be circumnavigated in six months, but Porne
in three months. Although Siloli is larger than
Porne, yet the latter is more fertile, and dis-
tinguished as containing a large city of the same
name as the island. On leaving this island our

men having paid their respects to the king, and pro-
pitiated him by presents, sailed to the Moluccas,
their way to which had been pointed out to them by
the king. Then they came to the coast of the is-
land of Solo, where they heard that pearls were to
be found as large as doveTs eggs, or even henls
eggs, but that they were only to be had in very
deep water. Our men did not bring home any single
large pearl, as they were not there at the season
of the year for pearl-fishing* They said however
that they found an oyster there the flesh of which
weighed forty-seven pourids, ... Son after our men
had sailed from Thedori, the larger of the two
ships (the Trinidad) sprang a leak, which let in
so much water, that they were obliged to return
to Thedori,. The Spaniards seeing that this defect
could not be put right except with much labor and
loss of time, agreed that the other ship (the Vic-
toria) should sail to the Gape of Cattigara, thence
across the ocean as far as possible from the Indian
coast, lest they should be seen by the Portuguese,
until they came in sight of the southern point of
Africa, beyond the tropic of Capricorn, which the
Portuguese call the Cape of Good Hope, for thence
the voyage to Spain was easy. It is also arranged
that, when the repairs^ of the other ship were com-
pleted, it should sail back through the Archipe-
lago and the Vast (Pacific) Ocean~to the coast of
the continent, which we have already mentioned
(South America) until they came to the Isthmus of
Darien, where only a narrow neck of land divides
the South Sea from the Western Sea, in which are
the islands belon: ing to Spain, The smaller ship
accordingly set sail again from Thedori,.. and though
they went as far as twelve degrees south, they did
not find Cattigara, which Ptolemy considered to lie
considerably south of the equator; however after
a long voyage, they arrived In sight of the Cape
of Good Hope, and thence sailed to the Cape Verde
Islands, Here this ship also, after having been
so long at sea, began to be leaky, and the men,
-who had lost several of their companions through
hardship in the course of their adventure, were un-


-45-

able to keep the water pumped out. They therefore,
landed at one of the islands called Santiago, to
buy slaves. As our men, sailor-like, had no money,
they offered cloves in exchange for slaves. When
the Portuguese-officials heard of this, they com-
mitted thirteen of our men to prison. The rest
eighteen in number, being alarmed at the position
in which they found themselves, left their compa-
nions behind, and sailed direct to Spain, Sixteen
months after they had sailed from Thedori/on the
sixth of September 1522, they arrived safe and
sound at a port (San Lucas) near Seville, These
sailors were certainly more worthy of perpetual
fame, than the Argonauts who sailed with Jason to
Colchis, and the ship itself deserves to be placed
among the constellations more than the ship Argo,
For the Argo only sailed from Greece through the
Black Sea, but our ships setting out from Seville
sailed first southwards, then through the whole
of the Wst, into the Eastern Seas, "then back again
into the Western,.


-46-

GHAPTER THREE
LATER ATTEMPTS AT COLONIZATION, 1525-1565

1. The Loaisa Expedition
The return of the Victoria in September, 1522, with
survisors of the Magellan expedition aroused in Spain great
enthusiasm and interest. King Charles I himself was much
impressed by what had been accomplished. Shortly after

y

the return of the Victoria he gave orders for the launch-
ing of a new expedition to the East ?fto reap the fruits of
Magellan*s discoveries," It was his aim to extend to the
East the Spanish colonial empire.

Preparations for the new expedition were completed
in the summer of 1525 A much larger expeditionary force
than the one led by Magellan was assembled. It included
seven vessels and 450 men. In command of the Expedition
was Fray Garcia Jofre de Loaisa, a distinguished Spaniard,
a man well versed and experienced in the art of naviga-
tion. Accompanying him as ranking officer was Sebastian
del Cano, who had made a name for himself as an able pilot
and navigator by successfully bringing home the Victorla.
One of the members of the expedition was a young man namfed
Andres de Urdaneta. Urdaneta, like many a young man of
his time, was full of the spirit of adventure. He joined


-47-

the expedition desirous of seeing new lands and strange
peoples in the East.

The Loaisa expedition, with all the preparations made
to assure its success, came to an inglorious end. Misfor-
tune and disaster awaited it on the long and arduous way to
the East. The fleet left the port of Corua on July 24,
1525. Even before the Strait of Magellan was reached,
three ships had been lost,. two were wrecked and one de-
serted, Later, after the passage of the Strait had been
accomplished, another ship was forced to separate from the
fleet. Shortly after the fleet entered the Pacific Ocean,
a series of misfortunes befell the expedition in rapid suc-
cession. Four hundred leagues from the Strait of Magellan
Loaisa died July 30, 1526 His successor, Sebastian del
Cano, also died a few days after assuming command. The
third commander, Toribio de Salazar, died September 15,
1526 The fourt in succession to the command of the ex-
pedition, Martin de Iniguez,lived until July 11, 15^7, when
he, too, died. The last commander, Hernando de la Torre,
succeeded" in briaging the fleet to one of the Moluccas Is-
lands, but no better luck awaited him there. He and his
companions fell into the hands of the Portuguese.

Of the original group that started on the venture,
only a few lived to tell the story of this. Ill-fated expe-


-48-

dition, One of them was Andres de Urdaneta He and the
other survivors returned to Spain in 1536 #

An important source of information on the Loaisa ex-
pedition is the account written by Andres de Urdaneta. This

Mas published in Spain shortly upon Urdaneta's return from

l

the East in 1536 In this account, Urdaneta made some in-
teresting observations regarding the lands he visited in
the .East, their natural productions, and the customs and
peculiarities of their inhabitants. The following are por-
tions of his observations on Mindanao and the Moluccas!

Arriving at Bendanao (Mindanao), we anchored
at the port of Bizaya.2 Later on we went ashore
in a small boat to trade with the inhabitants of
the place. The latter had swine and hens, but'
they would not sell any of these to us, These
people are well dressed. They wear cotton and
silk clothes ana satins from China In this is-
land of Bendanao there is much gold. They offered
to sell to us a quantity of this metal. Here we

1 - It bears the title delacin del Viaje de la Arma-
da del Comendador Ga de Loaisa a las Islas de la Espece-
ceria,.." It was published in Valladolid, Feb* 28, 1537*
The document is found in Coleccion de Doc. Inditos del Real
Archivo de Indias vol, 5, Madrid, 1866.

2 - The identity of this port is not known. The ex-
pie dit ion touched at various places on the eastern coast of
Mindanao but there is no port at present under that name
anywhere in Eastern Mindanao, Urdaneta, however, stated
that "forty leagues from there (the port of Eizaya) we came
to another island which is called Talao,n Urdaneta was
referring here to Talaud, and Island south of Mindanao, On
the basis of this reference, it can be said that the port
of Bizaya must have been located somewhere on the south-
eastern coast of Mindanao,


-49-

got an Indian whom we brought to Maluco. The lat-
ter told us that every year two junks from China
came to the place to buy gold and pearls of which
there is an abundance. Cinnamon also abound in
the western part of the island...

The island of Maluco which produce qloves are
Tidore, Terrenate, Matil, Maquian, and Bachan...
In this five islands eleven thousand six hundred
quintales more or less of cloves are raised every
year...

If it should please Your Majesty to order the
establishment of trade with Maluco, to the end that
all the cloves, nutmegs, and mace gathered in
those islands could be brought to Espaa, then of
necessity a,ll those who wish to buy these articles
will have to go to wherever Your Majesty commands
that the traffic in these articles be made. For
Your Majesty should know that nowhere else in the
known world are cloves, nutmegs, and mace pro-
duced. Therefore, to Your Majesty these islands
of Maluco and Banda should be of great interest
for from spices alone they bring an income of more
than 600,000 ducados a year...

2. The Saavedra Expedition
Two other expeditions were despatched to the East sub-
sequent to the departure of Loaisa: the Sebastian Cabot ex-
pedition, dispatched from Seville, Spain, on April 13, 1526,
and the Saavedra expedition, which was launched from Mexico,
on October 31, 152? The Cabot expedition consisting of
four ships and 250 men failed to ruach its destination.
After spending three years exploring the eastern coast of
South America in a futile attempt to discover a shorter
route to the East, fighting hostile Indians, and searching


-50-

for gold, it returned to Spain, arriving there in August,
1530.

The Saavedra expedition was prepared by Hernando Cortes,
Viceroy of Mexico, in compliance with an order from Charles I,
It was the first Spanish venture to the East to be launched
from the New World. Placed under the command of Alvaro de
Saavedra, cousin of Cortes, the expedition set out to accom-
plish four objectives: (1) to rescue Juan Serrano and other
Spaniards who had been loft in Cebu in 1521; (2) to look
for the Trinidad, one of the vessels in the Magellan expe-
dition; (3) to find out what befell the Cabot expedition;
and (4) to follow up the Loaisa expedition and render to it
whatever assistance it needed.

Saavedra brought with him a letter from Hernn Cortes,
Viceroy of Nueva Espaa, for delivery to the King of Cebu.
In that letter, Cortes expressed, in the name and on behalf
of the King of Spain, his regrets for Magellan*s actuations
in Cebu. "The King grieved," Cortes wrote, "at having a
captain who departed from the royal commands and instruc-
tions that he carried, especially in his having stirred up
war or discord with you and yours," Cortes also requested
the release of Spaniards held captives-by the King of Cebu.
"This Emperor our lord," he wrote, "will be much pleased if
you will deliver to this captain (Saavedra) any of the


-51-

Spaniards who are still alive in your prison. If you wish
a ransom for it, he shall give it you at your pleasure and
to your satisfaction.^

With three ships and 110 men the Saayedra expedition
sailed -from the port of Zaguatanejo, Mexico Like the
Loaisa expedition before it, it met with misfortune and dis-
aster on the' way. Somewhere in the mid-Pacific, two of
Saavedrafs vessels were wrecked. With only one vessel with
him, Saavedra succeeded in reaching Mindanao, but he was un-
able to go to Cebu as' he had planned to do in fulfillment
of one of the objectives of his expedition. His lone ves-
sel was swept by strong winds to Tidore, one of the Moluc-
cas islands. Here he met the remnants of the Loaisa. ex-
/

pedition. After staying for about two months in Tidore,
Saavedra prepared to go back to Mexico. He was not des-
tined, however, to see Mexico again. He ciied at sea, Octo-
ber 9, 1529.2

1 - The full text of the letter is in B. & R., Vol. 2,
P 39, ff.

2 - An important source of information on the Saavedra
expedition is the account written by Yivencio de aples en-
titled "Relacin Hechas por Vivencio de aples, del Viaje
que Hizo la armada que Hernn Cortes Envi en Busca de las
Islas de la Especera.It is found in Martin Fernandez de
%vrr at e1 s Colee clon de los viajes y descubrimientos que
hicieron por mar los espaoles desde mes del siglo XV,vol. 5,

Madrid, 1837


-52-

3. The Treaty of Zaragoza

Spain* s venture in the East with the Magellan expedi-
tion g&ve rise to a dispute between Spain and Portugal over
the ownership of the Moluccas and other islands in the East.
Spain claimed that these lands were within the Spanish side
of the line of demarcation as fixed by the Treaty of Torde-
sillas. Portugal on the other hand, .maintained that the
lands in question rightly belonged to her by reason of prior
discovery and occupation.

Two conferences were held in 1524 to settle the con-
troversy, one at Victoria, Spain, in February 1524, and
another at Badajos, April 11 to May 31> 1524- No satis-
factory result came out of them. In 1529, the two nations
finally were able to reach an agreement. By this time,
Spain was no longer in a-mood to make further attempts at
colonisation in the .East. She had incurred heavy expenses
in fitting out the Loaisa, Cabot, and Saavedra expeditions
and up to that time, no favorable report had been received
.from any of them. Under the circumstances, Spain was in-
clined to agree to relinquish whatever rights she claimed
in the East especially, if in so doing she could obtain a
large sum of money from Portugal. The Treaty of Zaragoza,
conluded April 22, 1529, represented a withdrawal on the
part of Spain, at least for the time being, from further


colonial ventures in the East.

Important provisions of the Treaty are the following;1

Inasmuch as there existed a doubt between
the said Emperor and King of Castilla, etc., and
the said King of Portugal, etc., concerning the
ownership, possession, and rights, or possession
or quasi possession, navigation, and trade of
Maluquo and other islands and seas, which each one
of the said lords, the emperor and king of Cas-
tilla and the" King of Portugal declares as his,
both by virtue of the treaties mace by the most
exalted, powerful,- and Catholic sovereigns, Don
Fernando and Doa Isabel, rulers of Castilla,
grandparents of the said emperor and the King,
Don Joam the Second of Portugal (may they rest
in glory) about the demarcation of the Ocean Sea
and by virtue of other rights and privileges which
each one of the said emperor and raonarchs asserts
to belong and pertain to said islands, seas, and
lands belonging to him of which he is in posses-
sion; the said emperor and monarchs have covenant-
ed and agreed as to the said doubts and disputes
in the following form and manner;

First, the said grand chancellor, the bishop
of Osma and the commander-in-chief of Calatrava,
attorneys of the said emperor and sovereign of
Castilla declared that they, in his name, and by
virtue of their said power of attorney would sell
and in fact did sell from this day and for all
time, to the said King of Portugal, for him and
all the successors to the crown of his kingdoms,
all rights, action, dominion, ownership, and pos-
session or quasi possession, and all rights of
navigation,, traffic, and trade in any manner what-
soever; that the said emperor and king of Cas-
tilla declares that he holds and could hold how-
soever and! in whatsoever manner in the said Ma-
luquo, the islands, places, lands, and seas, as
will be declared hereafter; this, with the decla-

1 B. & R., vol. 1. The treaty was ratified by King
Charles I of Soain the day following the signing of the
Treaty. King*John III ratified it later on June 20, 1530.


-54-

rations, limitations, conditions, and clauses con-
tained and stated hereunder for the sum of three
hundred and fifty thousand ducats of sold,2 paid
in the current money, of gold or silver, each duc-
at being valued in Castilla at three hundred and
seventy-five maravedis.3 The said King of Portugal
will give and pay this amount to the said emperor
and. King of Castilla, and to the persons whom his
Majesty may appoint, in the following manner: one
hundred and fifty thousand ducats to be paid at
Lixbona, within the first fifteen or twenty days
after this contract, confirmed by the said emperor
and king of Castilla, shall have arrived at the
city of Lixboa, or wherever the said King of Por-
tugal may be; thirty thousand ducats to be paid in
Castilla twenty thousand at Valhadolid and ten
thousand at Sevilla, by the twentieth day of the
month of May of this present year; seventy thous-
and ducats to be paid in Castilla at the May fair
of Medina del Campo of this same year, at the terms
of the payments of said fair; and the hundred
thousand ducats remaining at the October fair at
the said town of Medina del Campo of this same
year, at the terms of the payment of the same all
to be paid over and above the rate of exchange. ...
The aforesaid sale is made by the said emperor and
king of Castilla to the said King of Portugal on
condition that, at whatever time the said emperor
and King of Castilla or his successors, should wish
to return, and should return, all of the said three
hundred and fifty thousand ducats without any short-
age to the said King of Portugal or his successors,
the said sale becomes null and void and each one of
the said sovereigns shall onjov the right and au-
thority which he now holds &-nd claims to hold., both
as regards the right of possession or ouasi posses-
sion, and as regards the proprietorship, howsoever
and in whatever manner they belong to him, as if
this contract were not made,-and in the manner in1
which they first held possession and claimed to
hold it, and this contract shall cause no preju-
dice or innovation.

2 - A "ducat" was a gold coin worth, in former times,
about $2.2679, or about ?457 Philippine currency.

3 - Maravedi was a Spanish copper coin introduced by
Ferdinand and Isabella. It was worth nominally 1/34 real.


-55-

ItemJ It is covenanted and agreed by the
said attorneys, in the names of their said cons-
tituents, that, in order to ascertain what islands,
places,, lands, seas, and their rights and jurisdic-
tion, are sold, henceforth and forever, by the
said emperor and King of Castille, by this contract
under the aforesaid condition, to the said King of
Portugal, a line must be determined from pole to
pole, that is to say, from north to south, by a
semicircle extending northeast by east nineteen
degrees from Maluquo, to which number of degrees
correspond almost seventeen degrees on the equinoc-
tial, amounting to two hundred and ninety-seven
and one-half leagues east of the islands of Maluquo,
allowing seventeen and one-half leagues to an equi-
noctial degree. In this northeast by east meri-
dian, and direction are Situated the islands of Las
Velas and of Santo Thome, through which the said
line and semicircle passes. Since these islands
are situated and are distant from Maluquo the said
distance, more or less, the deputies determine and
agree that the said line be drawn at the said two
hundred and ninety-seven and one-half leagues to
the east, the equivalent of the nineteen degrees
northeast by east from the said islands of Maluquo,
as aforesaid. The said deputies declare that, in
order to ascertain where the said line should be
drawn, two charts of the same tenor be made, con-
formable to the chart in the India House of Trade
at Sevilha, and by which the fleets, vassals and
subjects of the said emperor and king of Castilla
navigate. Within thirty days from the date of
this contract two persons shall be appointed by
each side to examine the aforesaid chart and make
the two copies aforesaid conformable to it. In
them the said line shall be drawn in the manner
aforesaid; and they shall be signed by the said
sovereigns, and sealed with their seals, so that
each one will keep his own chart; and the said
line shall remain fixed henceforth at the point
and place so designated. This chart shall also
designate the spot in which the said vassals of
the emperor and king of Castilla shall situate
and locate Maluquo,~which during the time of this
contract shall be regarded as situated in such
place, although in truth it is situated more or
less distance eastward from the place that is de-


signated in the said charts. The seventeen de-
grees eastward shall be drawn from the point where
Maluquo is situated in said charts. For the good
of this contract the said King of Portugal must
have said chart, and in case the aforesaid be not
found in the House of Trade of Sevilha, the said
persons appointed by the said sovereigns shall make
said charts within one month, signed and sealed as
aforesaid. Furthermore navigation charts shall be
made by them, in which the said line shall be drawn
in the manner aforesaid, so that henceforth the
said vassals, natives, and subjects of the said em-
peror and king of Castilla shall navigate by them;
and so that the navigators of either part shall
be certain of the location of the said line and. of
the aforesaid distance of the two hundred and^ninety-
seven and one-half leagues between the said line
and Maluquo.

Item: It is covenanted and agreed, that, in
all the islands, lands, and seas within the said
line, the vessels and people of the said emperor
and king of Castilla or of his subjects, vassals
or natives of his kingdom, or any others (although
this latter be not his subjects, vassals, or na-
tives of his. kingdoms) shall not, with or without
his command, consent, favor, and aid, enter, na-
vigate, barter, traffic, or take on board anything
whatsoever that maybe in said islands, lands or
seas. Whosoever shall henceforth violate any of
the aforesaid provisions, or who shall be found
within said line, shall be seized by any captain,
captains, or people of the said King of Portugal
and shall be tried, chastised and punished by the
said captains, as privateers and violators of the
peace. Should they not be found inside of said
line by the said captains or people of the said
King of Portugal and should come" to any port,
land, or seigniory whatsoever of the said emperor
and king of Castilla, the said emperor ana king
of Castilla, by his justices in that place, shall
bo obliged and bound to take and hold them. In
the meantime the warrants and examinations prov-
ing their guilt in each of the above-said things,
shall be sent by the said King of Portugal, or by
his justices, and they shall be punished and chas-
tised exactly as evil-doers and violators of the
peace and faith.


-57-

Item: It is covenanted and agreed by said
deputies that the said emperor and king of Castilla
shall not, personally or through an agent, send the
natives of his kingdoms, his vassals, subjects, or
aliens (and although these latter be not natives of
his kingdoms, or his vassals or subjects), to the
said islands, lands, and seas within said line, nor
shall be consent nor give them aid or favor or per-
mit them to go there, contrary to the form and de-
termination of this contract. Rather he shall be
obliged to* forbid, suppress, and prevent it as much,
as possible.

Item; It is covenanted that the said emperor
and king of Castilla command letters and instruc-
tions to be given immediately to his captains and
subjects who are in the said islands that they do
no more trading henceforth and return at once, pro-
vided that they be allowed to bring freely whatever
goods they shall have already bartered, traded, and
taken on board.

Item: It was covenanted and agreed by the said
deputies in the names of their said constituents
that the treaties negotiated between the said Catho-
lic sovereigns, Don Fernando and Dona Isabel and the
King of Joam the Second of Portugal in regard to the
demarcation of the Ocean Sea shall remain valid and.
binding ?Tin totof? and in every particular, as is
therein contained and declared, excepting those
things which are otherwise covenanted, and agreed
upon in this contract. In case the said emperor
and king of Castilla returns the sum which accord-
ing to this contract is to be given .in the manner
aforesaid, thus canceling the sale, the said trea~.
ties negotiated between the said Catholic Sovereigns
Don Fernando and Dona Isabel and the said King Dora
Joam the Second of Portugal, shall remain in full
force and power, as if this contract -ore not made;
and the said constituents shall be obliged to com-
ply with it in every respect, as is therein stated. ...


-74-

4. The Villalobos Expedition

The return of Urdaneta to Spain in 1536 and the pub-
lication a year later of a report of his experiences in the
East served to draw public attention once more to the lands
and peoples of the Far East For one thing, it reawakened

Charles I's interest in Spanish colonial enterprise in that .

/

part of the world. Shortly after Urdaneta1 s return,
Charles I gave orders to the Viceroy of Nueva Espaa,
Antonio de Mendoza, to despatch a new expedition to the East,
The treaty of Zaragoza,' which had assigned'all lands lying
west of a line 297-1/2 leagues east of the Moluccas to Por-
tugal, was still in existence. Apparently, King Charles I,
in ratifying the treaty, did so with some mental reserva-
tions. It would seem that he did not consider the treaty
as having at all extinguished Spain*s rights to the lands
discovered by Magellan and formally taken possession of by
the Spaniards for the King of Spain.

In compliance with the King's orders, a fleet of six
ships, carrying three hundred men, sailed from Navidad,
Mexico on November 1, 1542. In command of the expedition
was Ruy Lopes de Villalobos, brother-in-law of Viceroy

f:


-59-

Mendoza. The voyage across the Pacific was a pleasant
one. On the way the Spaniards discovered Palau and several
other islands of the Carolinas Archipelago. On February 2,
1543, the fleet reached the eastern coast of Mindanao. At
Sarangani, Villalobos started to build a colony, putting his
men to plant food crops. Villalobos1 men, however, did
not find tilling the soil much to their liking, saying that
they had come "not to plant, but to make conquests.ri The
colony experienced many hardships. Food was scarce and
Villalobos was forced to send out ships to neighboring is-
lands in search of provisions.

Of the hardships endured by Villalobos* men at Saran-
gani, Fray Geroniruo Santisteban gave a vivid account in a

letter he wrote to the Viceroy of Spain in February, 1547.

2

Among other things, Fray Satisteben wrote:

If X should try to write to your lordship
in detail of the hunger, need, hardships, disease
and the deaths that we suffered at Sarragan, X
would fill a book ... In that island we found a
little rice and sago, a few hens and hogs, and
three deer. This was eaten in. a few days, toge-
ther with what remained of the ship food.. A num-
ber of cocoa-palms were discovered; and because
hunger cannot suffer delay, the buds which are the
shoots of the palms were eaten. There were some

1 - The command of the expedition was first offered to
Pedro de Alvarado. Upon the latter*s death, Andres de Urda-
neta was asked to take command. Urdaneta declined the offer,
whereupon Villalobos was chosen.

2 - B. & R. Vol. 2, p. 65.


-60-

figs and other fruits. Finally we ate all the
dogs, cats and rats we could find, besides horrid
grubs and unknown plants, which all together caused
the deaths, and much of the prevalent disease.
And especially they ate large numbers of a certain
large variety of gray lizard, which emits consider-
able glow; very few who ate them are living. Land
crabs also were eaten which caused some to go mad
for a day after partaking of them, especially if
they had eaten the vitals. At the end of seven
months, the hunger that had caused us to go to
Sarragan withdrew us thence.

After about eight months in Sarangani, Villalobos,
despite his instructions to the contrary, decided to go to
the Moluccas, He reached Tidore April 24, 1544 Here he
and his men fell into the hands, of the Portuguese. Villa-
lobos was put aboard a Portuguese vessel to be returned to
Spain. In Amboina he contracted illness from which he died
(1546) He was assisted in his dying moments by Francis
Xavier, a Jesuit missionary, the future St, Francis Xavier,
"Apostle of the Indies." Xavier was in the Moluccas at
that time engaged in Apostolic work.

Although the Villalobos expedition like its predeces-
sors failed in its mission, it had. one notable accomplish-
ment to its credit; it. gave to the Philippines a new name,
Felipinas, from Felipe, the name of Charles Irs son and
heir to the Spanish throne. Felipinas was originally ap-
plied to some islands in the Leyte-Samar region, but in
its modified form Filipinas it was later given as a per-


-61-

manent name to the entire archipelago.^

5. The Legazpi Expedition
The failur e of the Villalobos expedition had quite a
sobering effect upon Charles I's colonial ambitions. It
dampened his ardor and enthusiasm for the extension of
Spain*s colonial empire in the East. Up to the year of
his abdication (155$), no new colonial venture was under-
taken. It remained for his son and successor, Philip II,
after whom the Philippines had been named, to bring to a
realization his cherished dream and ambition the founding
of a permanent Spanish colony in the Far East*

Three years after his accession as King of Spain (1556)>
Philip II took the initial steps towards the eventual ful-
fillment of the Spanish, dream of empire in. the East, In
September 1559, he wrote a letter to the Viceroy of Mexico,
Luis de Velasco, instructing him to prepare a new expedi-
tion to the East. Velasco was ordered to despatch two

3 There are two important sources of information on
the Villalobos expedition.' One is a letter written by Fray
Gernimo de Santisteban dated February 22, 1547, to the
viceroy of New Spain. Santisteban was in the expedition
of Villalobos. The other is Garcia Descalante Alvarado1s

0 Ae Ruy Gomez (sic) de Villalobos, Lisboa,
l#o de agosto, 1548^7 Those accounts are found in the
Coleccin de Documentos Inditos.


-62-

ships "for the discovery of the Western islands toward the
MoluccasIn another letter written at the same time,
the King invited. Andres de Urdaneta to join the proposed
expedition.

Urdaneta was at that time living in an Agustinian con-
vent in Mexico. He had entered the religious life not long
after he returned to Spain from the ill-fated Loaisa expedi-
tion. Nov/ well advanced in years, he expected to spend
the rest of his life in retirement in the simple and peace-
ful surroundings of the Agustinian community in Mexico.
But his reputation as a cosmograplier and as a navigator had
not been forgotten. The King was aware that the services
of a man of Urdaneta's knowledge, ability and. experience
were greatly needed to insure the success of the proposed,
expedition.

The King* s letter must have touched a responsive chord
in Urdaneta's heart. Despite the handicaps of age and the
inconvenience of having to go out again into the world at
the sacrifice of the peace and quiet of community life, he
accepted the royal invitation, placing himself entirely at
the service of His Majesty. It may be presumed that he
found in the King's offer a new opportunity, not only to
serve his King and his country, but God Himself. For he
was aware of the fact that an important objective of the


enterprise was t he' extension of ,the ,Christian f aith to
the inhabitants of the Indiesv

*

Five years .were spient'in preparing for the new ven--
ture. In November, 1564, the fleet that was to carry the
expeditionary ?force was ready to sa.il Instructions
had been drawn up and a commander had been chosen. On
Father Urdanetaf s recommendation, Miguel Lopez de iegazpi
was appointed commander-in-chief of the expedition.
Father Urdaneta himself was made chief pilot of the fleet,
charged with the important mission of bringing the expe-
dition safely to -its intended destination.

No better men could have been chosen to lead the
expedition than Father Urdaneta and Legazpi,< Both per-
formed the tasks assigned to them efficiently an well.
Father Urdaneta piloted the fleet -with great skill and
succeeded where his predecessors had failed. Moreover,
in compliance with royal.Instructions, he charted a safe
route for vessels to follow in crossing^the Pacific on.
their way back to! Espaa from the Philippines.

Legazpi, like Father Urdaneta, was quite advanced
in years when he received the appointment to lead the new
expedition to the East. A native of Zumarraga, Guipzcoa,


-64-

Spainr he had left Spain as a young man to find fame and
fortune in the New World, He was not quite successful
in hi& quest of material wealth, but in his actuations as
a humble employee in the Ayuntamiento of Mexico he ac-
quired a reputation for honesty, patience, tact, and lo-
yalty to duty,^ His known qualities and virtues made
him fully deserving of the important post to which he was
appointed. Chivalrous, courageous, upright, steadfast
in his loyalty and devotion to God and Country, Legazpi
was a worthy representative of the best type of Spanish
character of his age, an age which produced Miguel Cervan-
tes de Saavedra, Ignatius Loyola and Saint Teresa of Avila,
In his dealings with the Filipinos, he invariably dis-
played a spirit of good will and conciliation. He sought
to secure his objectives without undue resort to threats,
display of force, or unnecessary sacrifice of human lives.
To him belongs much -ofkthe credit for the establishment
on firm and permanent foundations of Spanish rule in the
Philippines,

On September 1, 1564, the Audiencia of Nueva Espaa
gave the necessary Instructions to guide Lega api in the
expedition. Among othr things, Legazpi was instructed

4 For nearly thirty years he'served as scrivener
(escribano) of the ayuntamiento of the city of Mexico.


-65-

to proceed with the fleet "in search of and to discover
the Western Islands situated toward the Malucos, but you
shall not in any way or manner enter the island of the
said Malucos, ... but you shall enter other islands con-
tiguous to them, as for instance the Filipinas,, and others
outside the said treaty, /Zaragoza/ and within his majes-
ty' s demarcation, and which are reported also to contain
spice#fr Two months later, the fleet carrying the expe-
dition sailed from the port of Navidad,

The story of the Legazpi expedition is told by Le-
gazpi himself in a letter which he wrote from Cebu in
1565 The letter in part read as follows:"1"

I wrote to your excellency from Puerto de
la Navidad giving as full an account as possible
up to that port. Now I shall do the same, for I
consider it a debt justly due, and I shall always
consider it so whenever the opportunity presents
itself. I am enjoying good, health, thanks be to
our Lord; and the same can be said of the whole
camp, a thing which ought not to be looked upon
as of little importance. May our Lord grant to
your excellency the good health that I wish.

On Tuesday, November 21, three hours before
dawn, I set sail with the fleet that was at
Puerto de Navidad. For five days the fleet
sailed, southwest, but on the sixth wo directed
our course westward until we reached the ninth
degree. We sailed on in this latitude in search
of the island of Los Reyes, in order that-we

1 Letter written by Lega api to Viceroy of Mexico,
B & R., vol. 2, p. -196 ff.


-66-

/

might go from that point to the Felipinas. A
week after we had taken this course, vie awoke'
one morning and missed the patache "San Lucas,"
with Captain Don Alonso de Arellano in command.
There had been no stormy weather to make it lose
sight of us; nor could it have been Don Alonso1 s
fault, for he was a gallant man, as he showed.
It is believed that it was due to the malice or
intent of the pilot. And as he had already been
informed about" the expedition that we were mak-
ing, and the course we were to sail, and as^he
was fully instructed as to what he must do in
case he should lose sight of us (as actually hap-
pened), and whither he must proceed to await us,
we expected all the time that we would find the^
vessel in some of these islands. But up to this
time we have heard nothing of it, which gives
me not a little uneasiness. After the fleet
had sailed for fifty days in the same course be-
tween nine and ten degrees, a degree more or less,
we reached land, which proved to be an Island in-
habited by poor and naked fishermen. This is-
land was about four leagues in circumference, and
had a population of about two hundred men. That
same day we sailed between two other small is-
lands, which were uninhabited and surrounded by
many reefs, which proved very troublesome to us
for five or six days. At the end of that time
we decided that the fleet should continue its
course along the thirteenth degree of latitude;
so that we might strike a better land of the Fi-
lipinas, which the pilots were finding already,
and should not strike Vindanao. We followed
our course in this latitude, and on Monday, Jan-
uary 21, we came in sight of land, which after-
ward proved to be one of the Ladrones Islands,
called Qua. We directed our bows to that is-
land, but we were no more than two leagues from
it when fifty or sixty praus under sail surround-
ed the fleet. These praus/were furnished with
lateen sails of palm mats and were as light as
the wind; this is a kind of boat that sails with
remarkable speed, either with the wind or at
random. In each canoe were from six to eight
Indians, altogether naked, covering not even
the privy parts, which men are wont to cover.
They laughed aloud, and each of them made signs


-67-

invitirlg us to his own town different villages) and promising to give us food
there. At break of day we coasted the island and
the next morning we cast anchor in a very good
port. The day had scarcely begun when a great
number of those praus appeared about usf There
were so many of them, who came to trade with us,
that some'of our men who counted them affirm that
there were more than four or five hundred of
them around the ships. All that they had to sell
us were articles of food, namely, potatoes, rice,
yams, cocoa-nuts, sugar-cane; excellent bananas,
and several other kinds of fruit. They also
brought ginger, which grows in this island in so
great quantity that it is a thing to wonder over;
and they do not till or cultivate, but it comes
up and grows of itself in the open fields, just
as any other herb The natives shouted at us,
each one inviting us to buy of him. ...

This island is called Ladrones, which accord-
ing to the disposition of the inhabitants, is the
most appropriate name that could have been given
it. Eleven days §fter reaching this island, we
set sail following our course in the aforesaid
latitude. After sailing eleven days more with
good weather, we finally came in sight of Filipi-
nas, where we finished our voyage. According to
the experiments and opinions of the pilots, we
covered more than two thousand leagues from
Puerto de la Navidad to this island, although I
have heard that they were deceived as to the dis-
tance* On the afternoon of the same day in which
we came to this land, we cast anchor in a beauti-
ful bay, called Cibabao, and there we remained
seven or eight days. Meanwhile we sent two
boats, one south and the other north (for this
island is located north and south) to see whether
they could find some good port or river. One
of them returned minus a gentleman of my company,
calXed Francesco Gomez, and with the report that,
for ten leagues north, they had found neither
port nor river. The gentleman was killed by
some Indians, after he"disembarked to make blood-
friendship with them, a ceremony that is consi-
dered inviolable. This is observed in this man-
ner: one from each party must draw two or three


-84-

drops of blood from his arm or breast and mix
them, in the same cup? with water or wine. Then
the mixture must be divided equally between two
cups, and neither person may depart until both
cups are alike drained. While this man was
about to bleed- himself, one of the natives
pierced his breast arom one side with a lance# *

Leaving this bay, we sailed south until we
reached the end of the island, where the land
turns west. Just south of. this Island are
other islands between which this island there is
a straight channel running west. The fleet passed
through this channel, and on the second day from
our departure from Cibabao, after having sailed
nearly thirty leagues, we reached a port of
Tandaya island.

In this port a small river empties itself
into the sea through an estuary. Some of our
boats sailed up this river and anchored at the
town of Cangiungof The natives received them
neither with peace nor war; but they gave our
men food and drink* When they were about to eat,
an Indian came to them, who spoke a few words in
the Castilian tongue, saying "Comamos" (let us
eatTt), "bebamos" T"let us drink"), and answer-
ing "si" ("yes"}, when questioned by Anton Ba-
tista Billalohog (Villalobos)" and "Captain
Calabaca." It seems that he had traded with the
people of the fleet of Billalobos, according to
what was gathered from him. And because he said
this, this native vexed the ruler of the village,
and never came back. The next day I wished to-go
to the same village, and found the natives hos-
tile. They made signs that we should not dis-
embark, pulled grass, struck trees with their
cutlasses, and threateningly mocked us, Seeing
that in this casa cajolery could not suffice, we
withdrew in order not to disturb then; but as we
departed, they began to shower sticks and stones
aft er us, and I vas obliged to order the soldiers
to fire their arquebuses at them; and they never
appeared again. This town has a population of
twenty or thirty Indians.

On arriving at that port, I despatched Cap-
tain do Goiti with a boat and a frigate, well


-69-

supplied with raen and provisions, to discover
some port along the coast. On the way'he was to
examine thoroughly the town of Tandaya, which was
not very far from where we were, and other towns
of the island of Abbuyo, Deceived by the ap-
pearance of the coast, he sailed on past the
coast for fifteen leagues, without seeing any-
thing, Finally he reached a large bay on which
was situated a large town containing many families;
the people had many swine and hens, with abundance
of rice and potatoes. He returned to the fleet
with this news, which gave us not a little con-
tent, for all were longing for land-products. The
fleet left this port, and in the afternoon'of the
next day we reached the abovementioried bay, where
we anchored in front of the large town, of Cavalian,

One thing in especial is to be noted---namely,

that wherever we went, the people entertained us
with fine words, and even promised to furnish us
provisions; but afterward they would desert their
houses. Up to the present, this fear has not been
in any way lessened* When we asked the people of
this village for friendship and food, they offered
us all the friendship we desired, but no food what-
ever. Their attitude seemed to me to be cuite
the contrary of what had been told me by those who
had gone there; for they had said that, in this
village of Cavalian, which is located on the is-
land of Buyo, Spaniards were received and'were well
treated. Now they did not wish to see us, and on
the night of our arrival, we were made thoroughly
aware of this; for they embarked with their wives,
children, and property, and went away. The next
day, a chief called Canatuan, the son f Malate2
who is the principal chief of the town, came to us;
but I detained him in the ship, until provisions
should b'e sent us from land (paying for them to
their satisfaction), because of his not return-
ing to the village and because his father was very
old and blind.. But this proved no remedy, to make
them give us anything but words. It was deter-
mined that the people should go ashore And so

2 In the relation published in Col, doc, ined* Ul-
tramar, ii, pp. 265-277, where these transactions are re-
counted in greater detail, these names are spelled Camutian
(Camutuan, Camotuan), and Maletee, respectively, B.&R.,Notes.


-70-

they went, and, we made a fine festival, killing
for meat on that same day about forty-five swine,
with which we enjoyed a merry carnival---as pay-
ment for which articles of barter were given to
the chief whom I had with me, The latter sent
us ashore with an Indian, to give these articles
to the owners of the swine,

This chief, Canutuan, by signs and as best he
could, informed me of the names of the islands, of
their rulers and people of importance, and their
number. He also"promised to take us to the is-
land of Mancagua,3 which was eight leagues from
this island set sail with the Indian,'and when
we reached-Macagua I sent him three others, who went
him to their village In a canoe, after giving them
some clothes. He was quite well satisfied^ ac-
cording to his own i^ords, and became our friend.

This Macagua, although small, was once a thick-
ly populated island. The Castilians who anchored
there were wont to be kindly received Now the is-
land is greatly changed from former days, being quite
depopulated for it contains less than twenty In-
dians; and these few who are left, are so hostile to
Castilians, that they did not even wish to see or
hear us. From this island we went to another,
called Canuguinen.4 Here we met with the same
treatment. As the natives saw our ships along the
coast, they hastened to betake themselves to the
mountains Their fear of the Castilians was so
great, that they would not wait for us to give any
explanation.

From this island the fleet directed its course
towards Butuan, a province of the island of Vlnda-
nao; but the tides and contrary winds drove us upon
the coast of an island called Bohol. Here we cast
anchor, and within a small bay of this island we
made some necessary repairs to the flagship. One

3 Apparently the same as the Massaua of earlier do-
cuments* Ibid.

L TrT the relation cited above, note 92, the name of
this island is spelled (p, 277) Camiguinin. Ibid.


-71-

morning the almiranta^ sighted a junk at some dis-
tance away. Thinking it to be one of the smaller
praus, the master-of-camp despatched against it a
small boat with six soldiers, after which he came to
the flagship to inform me of what he had done See-
ing that he had not sent men enough, I despatched
another small boat with all the men it could hold;
and the master-of-camp himself with instructions
how he was to proceed, reached the boat and junk,
which were exchanging shots. The junk seeing that
the boat contained so few men, defied them, When
the second boat arrived it found some of the men
wounded, and that the junk had-many and well-made
arrows and lances, with a culverin and some muskets.
The junk defied the second boat also. Shouting
out in Castilian, "a bordo l a bordo IM (boardt
board") They grappled it, and on boarding it,
one of our soldiers was killed by a lance-thrust
in the throat. Those aboard the junk numbered
forty-five soldiers. Fourteen or fifteen of them
jumped into' a canoe which they carried on their
poop deck, and fled, Eigh or ten of the others
were captured alive, and the remainder were killed,
I have been assured'that they fought well, and brave-
ly in their defense, as was quite apparent; for
besides the man they killed, they also wounded more
than twenty others of our soldiers. In the junk
were found many white and colored blankets, some
damasks, almaizales6 of silk and cotton, and some
figured silk; also iron, tin, sulphur, porcelain,
some gold, and many other things. The junk was
taken to the flagship. Its crew were Burnei Moros,
Their property was returned to them, and what ap-
peared, in our reckoning, its equivalent in arti-
cles of barter was given to them, because their
capture was not induced by greed My chief intent
is not to go privateering, but to make treaties
and to procure friends, of which I am in great need.
The Burneaiis were much pleased and satisfied with

~ 5 The "second ship of the fleet, "San Pablo," The
"San Pedro" or flagship was spoken of as the capitana, IbicL
6 A veil of thin gau.se worn by the Moros, Evident-
ly the term is used in this connection, as the Mohammedans
of these islands were called Moros (Moors) by the Spaniards,
Ibid,


-72-

this liberality displayed toward them, thus show-
ing how fickle they were.

On the same day that the boats went to the junk,
X despatched the patache "San Joan" with orders to
go to Butuan and sail along its coast, and to^find
out in what part of this island the cinnamon is ga-
thered, for it grows there. They were also to look
for a suitable port and shore where a settlement
could be made. While the patache went pn this mis-
sion, I kept the boat of the Burneans and the pilot.
This latter was a man of experience, and versed in
different dialects; and he informed me of much re-
garding this region that I wished to know. Among
other things he told me, that if the Indians of this
island avoided this fleet so much, I should not be
surprised, because they had great fear of the name
of Castilla. He said that while we were among
these islands no Indian would speak to us; and that
the cause for this was that about two years ago, some-
what .more or less, some Portuguese from Maluco vi-
sited these islands with eight large praus and many
natives of Maluco. Wherever they went they asked
for peace and friendship, saying that they viere
Castilians, and vassals of the king of Castilla;
then when the natives felt quite secure in their
friendship, they assaulted and robbed them, killing
and capturing all that they could. For this reason
the island of Macagua was depopulated, and scarcely
any inhabitants remained there. A;ad In this island
of Bohol, among the killed and captured were more
than a thousand persons. Therefore the natives
refused to see us and hid themselves as in fact
was the case. Although, on my part, I did my best ,
to gain their confidence, giving them to understand
that the Portuguese belong to a different nation
and are subjects of a different king than we, they
did not trust me; nor,was this sufficient, for they
say that we have the same appearance, that we wear
the samd kind of clothing, and carry the same wea-
pons .

In this island of Bohol live two chiefs, one
called Cicatuna and the other Cigala, who through
the Bornean*s going inland to call them, came to
the fleet. From these chiefs I heard the same


-73-

thing that I had been told by the Burnei pilot and
his companions, in regard to the great robberies
that the Portuguese committed hereabout, in order to
set the natives against us so that, on our coming,
we should find no friends. This fell out as* they"
wished, because, although Cicatuna and Cigala made
friendship with me, we could put no confidence in
them; ncr would they sell us anything, but only made
promises.

While in this island, I despatched a frigate
to reconnoiter the coast of certain islands that
could be seen from this island. The chief pilot and
Joan de Aguirre accompanied it, and it was supplied
with sufficient food, men, and provisions. Coming
to the entrance between two islands, they were caught
by the tide and drifted to the other entrance of the
channel; and in order to return, they sailed around
the island. On this island they saw a town where
the Moro pilot declared that he was known, and that
he was on friendly terms with its inhabitants; but
under pretense of friendship? the natives treacher-
ously killed him with a lance-thrust. The space of
one week had been given to them,, but it took much
longer; for the return could be accomplished only
by sailing around the island which was one hundred
and fifty leagues in circumference.

When the patache returned from Butuan, it re-
ported that they had seen the king, and that two Moro
junks of the large and rich island of Luzon were an-
chored in the river which flows near the town. The
Moros sold our men a large quantity of wax* When
the men of Luzon saw our tostones they were very
much pleased with them, and they gave nearly twenty
marks'of gold, wliich they had there in that island,
giving for six tostones of silver one of gold; and
they saidNthat they had more gold, if our men would
give them more tostones, and. that in exchange for
the latter they would give them ten or twelve quin-
tals of gold'Which they had there in that island. ...

While in the bay of the island of Bohol, I was
very anxious about the frigate, since it was to be
gone but one week; while twenty-one days had passed,
and it was nowhere to be seen. Meanwhile a prau
which I had despatched with two soldiers and the


-74-

chiefs Cicatuna and Cigala to the island of Cubu
to endeavor to ascertain some news concerning it,
had returned, bringing no news whatever of its where-
abouts. On Holy Saturday, three hours before^day-
break, while we were thus.plunged in great anxiety
and grief, fearing that our companions might have#
been lost, captured, or killed, the shout "the fri-
gatel frigate!" was heard in our fleet. Turning
my glance,beheld it entering the bay. Only the
Burnei pilot was missing; the others looked well and
strong, although they had suffered from hunger#
On arriving, they Informed us that the island which
they had coasted had a circuit of one hundred and
fifty leagues, and that on their return they had
passed between it and the opposite coast of Cubu.'
They reported that this island of Cubu was densely
populated, containing many large villagesand among
them were many people inhabiting the coa s t, and in-
land many cultivated districts. The above-mentioned
soldiers who went to Cibu in the prau with Cicatuna
and Cigala said that the same thing was to be ob-
srved on the other coast, and that the port of the
town of Cibu admitted of anchorage, and was excel-
lent. I decided to take the fleet to that island -
a plan I carried out, with the intention f request-
ing peace and friendship from the natives, and of
buying provisions from them at a reasonable cost.
Should they refuse ^11 this I decided to make war
upon them a step which I considered justifiable
in the case of these people; for it was In that same
port and town that Magellanes and his fleet were
well received* King Sarriparra and nearly all the
natives were baptized, and admitted to our holy
faith and evangelical teaching, voluntarily offering
themselves as his majesty1s vassls. Magallanes
and more than thirty of his companions were after-
wards killed while fighting# in behalf of this is-
land against the people oflviatan, a thickly popu-
lated island situated near this one. Afterward the
two islands made peace privately between themselves,
and the inhabitants of the town of Cibu killed many
of the Spaniards' of the same fleet, and drove the
remaining few away from their land. Hence we see
that all this is sufficient occasion for any course

7 Apparently referring to the island of Negros#


-75-

whatever, In accordance with this last opinion
the fleet left the port of Bohol and we reached the
port of Cibu on Friday, April 27, 1565* We had
scarcely arrived when an Indian .fcame to the flagship
in a canoe, who said that Tupas, the ruler of the
island, was in the town, and that he was going to
come to the fleet to see me. A little later there
came from the village, an Indian, an interpreter
of the Malay language, who said, on behalf of Tupas,
that the latter was getting ready to come to see rne,
that he would come on that very day, and that he
would bring ten of the principal chiefs of that is-
land, I waited for them that whole day; but as I
saw that the people were much occupied in removing
their possessions from their houses and carrying
them to the mountain, and that during all this day
and until noon of the next, Tupas, the son of Sari-
para, who killed the men of Magallanes, did not come,
I sent a boat with father Fray Andres de Hurdaneta
and the master-of-carnp, in order that, in their
presence, the government notary, with Hieronimo
Pacheco, interpreter of the Malay tongue (which is
spoken by many of the natives of this land), might
request the natives, as vassals of the king of Cas-
tilla, to receive us peaceably. They were to as-
sure the people that I did not come to do them any
harm, but on the contrary to show them every favor,
and to cultivate their friendship. Three times
this announcement was made to them, with all the
signs and kind words possible to win their friend-
ship, But at length seeing that all our good
intentions were of no avail, and that all the na-
tives had put on their wooden corselets and rope
armoj.- and had armed themselves with their lances,
shields, small cutlasses, and arrows; and that many
plumes and varicolored headdresses were waving; and
that help of men had come in praus from the outside,
so that their number must be almost two thousand
warriors; and considering that now was the time for
us to make a settlement and effect a colony, and that
the present port and location were exactly suited
to our needs", and that it was useless for us to wait
any longer; and seeing that there was no hope for
peace, and that they did not wish it, although we


-76-

had offered it the master-of-camp said to the na-
tives through an interpreter: "Since you do not de-
sire our friendship, and will not receive us peace-
fully, but are anxious for war, wait until we have
landed; and look to it that you act as men, and de-
fend yourselves from us, and guard 3/0ur houses."
The Indians answered boldly! "Be it sol Come onl
We await you here," And thereupon they broke out
into loud cries, covering themselves with their
'shields and brandishing their lances. Then they
returned to the place whence they had set out,
hurling their lances by divisions of threes at the
boat, and returning again to their'station, going
and coming as in a game of caas.8 Our men got
ready and left the ships in boats; and as the
boats left the ships for the shore, in accordance
with the order given them, some shots were fired
from the ships upon the multitude of pranks anchored
near a promontory, as well as at the landsmen upon
shore, and upon the town. But, although they had
showed so great a desire for war, when they heard
the artillery and saw its effects, they abandoned
their village without waiting for battle, and fled
through the large, beautiful, and fertile open
fields that are to be seen in this region. Accord-
ingly we remained in the village, which had been
left totally without provisions by the natives. We
pursued the enemy, but they are the lightest and
swiftest runners whom I have ever seen. Uhen we
entered the village, all the food had already been
taken away. However, I believe that there will be
no lack of food. In exchange for our hardships
this is a good prospect, although there is no hope
of food except through our swords. The land is
thickly populated, ana so fertile that four days
after we 'took the village the Castilian seeds had
already sprouted. We have seen some little gold
here,- on the garments worn by the natives. We are
at the gate and in the vicinity of the most for-
tunate countries of the world/and the most remote;
it is three hundred leagues or thereabouts farther
than great China, Burnei, Java, Lauaon, Sumatra,
Maluco, Malaca, Patan, Sian, Lequios, Japan, and

An equestrian exercise with reed spears. Ibid.


-77-

other rich and large provinces. I hope that,
through God's protection, there will be in these
lands no slight result for his service and the
increase of the royal crown, if this land is set-
tled by Spaniards, as I believe it will be. From
this village of Cubu, I have despatched the ship
with the father prior (Urdaneta) and my grandson,
Phelipe de Zauzedo, with a long relation of the
things which I boldly write here to your excellency.
They will inform his majesty at length, as persons
who have been eyewitnesses of all, especially of
what has taken place here, the state of the new
settlement, and the arrangements made for every-
thing. It remains to be said that, since this
fleet was despatched by the most illustrious vice-
roy, my master, of blessed memory, and further,
chiefly because of beinan enterprise that every
gentleman should all the more favor, inasmuch as
it pertains naturally to your excellency, as the
heir of the glory resulting from this expedition
--- your excellency should favor it in such a man-
ner that we may feel here the touch.of your most
illustrious hand, and so that aid should be sent as
promptly as the necessity of our condition demands.
For we shall have war not only with the natives of
this and other neighboring islands of the Philip-
pinas (which is of the lesser import), but a
thing of greater consequence we shall have to
wage war with many different nations and islands,
who will aid these people, and will side against
us. On seeing us settled in this island the Por-
tuguese will not b.g pleased, nor will the Moros and
other powerful and well-armed people, It might
happen that, if aid is delayed and is not sent by
you to us with all promptitude, the delay will prove
a sufficient obstacle, so that no result will fol-
low from the work that we have accomplished. I
beg his majesty to send us some aid with the prompt-
ness, which rightly should not be lees than in that
city of Espaa, where his majesty resides, And
because it is worth knowing, and so that your ex-
cellency may understand that God, our Lord, has
waited in this same place, and that he will be
served, and that pending the beginning of the ex-
tension of his holy faith and most glorious^name,
he has accomplished most miraculous things in
this western region, your excellency, should know


-73-

that on the day when we entered this village, one
of the soldiers went into a large and well-built
house of an Indian, where he found an image of the
child Jesus (whose most holy name I pray may be
universally worshiped}* This was kept in its
cradle, all gilded, just as it was brought from
Espaa; and only the little cross which is general-
ly placed upon the globe in his hand was lacking.
This image was well kept in that house, and many
flowers were found before it, no one. knows for what
object of purpose. The soldier bowed before it
with all reverence and wonder, and brought the image
to the place where the other soldiers were.J I pray
the holy name of this image which we have found here,
to help us and to grant us victory, in order that
these lost people who are ignorant of the precious
and rich treasure which was in their possession, may
come to a knowledge of him.


-79-

CHAPTER FOUR
EA RL Y FIL IP INO CIVILIZ A T10N

The Filipinos whom the Spaniards encountered in the
Philippines were the direct descendants of the Malay immi-
grants who came to the Philippines from South and Southeast
Asia in successive waves of migration centuries before
the arrival of the Magellan expedition. In their new
homes, the Philippine Malays set up their own forms of po-
litical and social organization, of which the unit and pat-
tern was the balangay or ba ran,gay to use the Spanish trans-
cription.

Of the estimated population of 500,000 then occupying
the Philippines, a considerable number were living in sin-
gle barangays consisting of from 30 to 100 families and
ruled by d^tos or maginoos. The rest were living in larger
political units, large communities or confederacies of
barangays, under rajah-S, haris or ^ultans. The rulers
governed their respective barangays or confederacies of
l^iSfi^ZS in accordance with established laws, customs and
traditions. The people carried on trade among themselves
and with their Oriental neighbors. They had systems of
writing, consisting of syllabaries. They had their own


-30-

religious beliefs and practices,as well as their £>wn stan^
dards of morality and their own sense of values

For the study of early Filipino civilization, the
writings of four well-known authorities will be used -
Antonio de Morga, Miguel de Loarca, Juan de Plasencia and
Francisco Colin,

Antonio de Morga was a high official in the Spanish
government in the Philippines He was a member of the
royal Audiencia in Manila. At one time he served as
acting governor of the Philippines, 1595-1596 He had
during his residence in the Philippines (1595-1603) good
opportunities for observing conditions in the Philippines
and the ways of life of the Filipino people.

The work which he wrote, under the title "Sucesos de
las Islas Filipinas" (Events in the Philippine Islands), is
a narration of events in the Philippines from the first dis
coveries by Europeans in the East until his own time. It
was published in Mexico in 1609.

Of particular interest to the student of early Fili-
pino civilization is the eighth chapter of the Sucesos,
for this chapter contains Morga1s observations on various
aspects of Filipino life

The following are portions of the eighth chapter


of Morga* s Sucesos:1

-31-

Geography of the Philippines

The islands of the eastern Ocean Sea, adja-
cent to farther Asia, belonging to the crown of
Espaa, are generally called, by those who navigate
thither by way of the demarcation of Castilla and
Castilla1 s seas and lands of America, "the Western
Islands;" for from the time that one leaves Espaa,
he sails in the course of the sun from east to west,
until he reaches them. For the same reason they
are called "Eastern Islands" by those who sail from
west to east by way of Portuguese India, each of
them circumscribing the world by voyaging in op-
posite directions, until they meet at these islands,
which are numerous and of varying size; they are
properly called Filipinas, and are subject to the
crown of Castilla. They lie within the tropic of
Cancer, and extend from twenty-four degrees north
latitude to the equinoctial line, which cuts the
islands of Moluco.2 There are many others on the
other side of the line, in the tropic of Capricorn,
which extend for twelve degrees in south latitude.
The ancients affirmed that each and all of them
were desert and uninhabitable, but now experience
has demonstrated that they deceived themselves; for
good climates, many people, and food and other
things necessary for human life are found there,
besides many mines or rich metals, with precious
gems and pearls, and animals and plants, which na-
ture has not stinted.

It is impossible to number all "bhe islands -
counting larger and smaller of this vast archi-

1 - B. & R., vol, 16, pp. 69-133*

The full text in English of MorgaTs Sucesos de las
Islas Filipinas is in volumes 15 and 16 of the Thiliopine Is-
lands. Blair and Robertson have included In their edition
the notes made by Rizal in his own edition of Morga (Paris,
1S90), as well as those taken from Stanley1s translation of
Morga (Hakluyt Soc. ed., London, l36$.) ,

2 - The present limits of the Philippine Archipelago
are as follows: 116 40T and 126 34T east longitude, and
4 40! and 21 10* north latitude.


-32-

pelago. Those comprised in the name and govern-
ment of Filipinas, number about forty large islands,
besides other smaller ones, all consecutive. The
chief est and best 'known are Luzon, Mindor, Tendaya,3
Capul, Burias, Masbate, Marinduque, Leiti, Camar,
Ybabao, Sebu, Panay, Bohol, Catenduanes, Calamianes,
Mindanao, and others of less renown.

The first island conquered and colonized by the
Spaniards was Sebu. From there the conquest was
started and continued in all the neighboring islands.
Those islands are inhabited by people, natives of
the same islands, called Vicayas; or by another
name, Pintados for the more prominent of the men,
from their youth, tattoo their whole bodies, by
pricking them wherever they are marked and then throw-
ing certain black powders over the bleeding surface,
the figures becoming indelible. But, as the chief
seat of the government, and the principal Spanish
settlement, was moved to the island of Luzon the
largest island, .and that one nearest and opposite
to Great China and Japn I shall treat of it
first; for muck that will be said of it is similar

3 It is very difficult now to determine exactly which
is this island of Tendaya, called Isla Filipina for some
years. According to Father Urdaneta*s relations, this is-
land was far to the east of the group, past the meridian of
Maluco. Mercator locates it in Panay, and Colin in Leyte,
between Abuyog and Cabalian contrary to the opinion of
others, who locate it in Ibabao, or south of Samar. But
according to other documents of that period, there is no
island by that name, but a chief called Tendaya, lord of a
village situated in that district; and, as the Spaniards
did not understand the Indians well as that time, many con-
tradictions thus arose in the relations of that period. We
see that, in LegaspiTs expedition, while the Spaniards
talked of islands, the Indians talked of a man, etc. After
looking for Tendaya for ten days they had to continue with-
out finding it ?Tand we passed on without seeing Tendaya or
Abuyo". It appears, nevertheless, that the Spaniards con-
tinued to give this name to the southwestern part of Samar,
calling the southeastern part Ibabao or Zibabao and the
northern part of iihe same island Samar.-Rizal.


-83-

in the others, to each of whose particulars' and dis-
tinctive details I shall pass in due time.

This island of Luzon extends lengthwise, from
the point and head where one enters the Filipinas
Islands (by the channel of Capul, which lies in thir-
teen and one-half degrees north latitude) to the
other point in the province of Cagayan, called Cape
Bojeador (and located opposite China, in twenty de-
grees), more than two hundred leguas. In some
parts its width is more constricted than in others,
especially in the middle of the island, where it is
so narrow that it is less than thirty leguas from
sea to sea, or from one coast to the other. The
whole island is more than four hundred leguas in
circumference. ,.

Inhabitants of the Philippines

The people inhabiting the province of Camarines
and almost as far as the provinces of Manila, in this
great island of Luzon, both along the coast and in
the interior, are natives of this island. They are
of medium height, with a complexion like stewed
quinces; and both men and women are well-featured.
.They have very black hair, and thin beards; and are
very clever at anything that they undertake, keen and
passionate and of great resolution. All live from their
labor and gains in the rield, oneir fisning, ana

trade, going from island to island by sea, and from
province to province by land,

The natives of the other provinces of this is-
land as far as Cagayan are of the same nature and
disposition, except that it has been learned by tra-r
dition that those of Manila and its vicinity were
not natives of this land, but came thither in the
past and colonized it; and that they are Malay na-
tives, and come from other islands and remote prov-
inces .4...

4 The ancient traditions point to Sumatra as the
ancestral home of the Filipinos. These traditions were
completely lost, together with the mythology and the genea-


-34-

The province of Cagayan is inhabited by na-
tives of the same complexion as the others of the
island, although they are better built, and more va-
liant and warlike than the others. They wear their
hair long and hanging down the back. They have^been
in revolt and rebellion twice since the first time
when they were pacified; and there has been plenty
to do, on different occasions, in subduing them and
repacifying them.

The apparel and clothing of those natives of
Luzon before the entrance of the Spaniards into the
country were generally, for the men, certain short
collarless garments of cangan, sewed together in
the front, and with short sleeves, and reaching
slightly below the waist; some were blue and others
black, while the chiefs had some red ones, called;
chinanas.5 They also wore a strip of colored
cloth wrapped about the waist, and passed between
the legs,, so that it covered the privy parts, reach-
ing half-way down the thigh; these are called baha-
ques. They go with legs bare, feet unshed, and
the head uncovered, wrapping a narrow cloth, called
potong just below it, with which they bind the fore-
head and temples. About their necks they wear gold
necklaces, wrought like spun wax, and with links in
our fashion, some larger than others. On their
arms they wear armlets of wrought gold, which they
called calombigas, and which are very large and
made in different patterns. Some wear strings of

logies referred to by the old chroniclers, thanks to the

zeal with which the missionaries destroyed everything that ¡

reminded the Filipinos of their former paean culture,.* [
Rizal, ~

5 Chinana_s. TJe do not know for certain the origin '
of bthis word. To us it does not appear to be derived from ^
China. If we are permitted to offer a guess, we would say
that it is derived from tinina (from, tina) which in Tagalog
means colored dress and that/through an error in phonetical
transcription, the word was transformed into chinina. The 1
chiefs were in the habit of wearing red-colored dresses,
made, according to Colin, from "fine Indian gauze". This
partiality towards the red color, which'we find among the I
ancient Romans, still exists among the pagan tribes of Min- ¡
danao.--Rizal. 1 .


Full Text

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READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY By NICOLAS ZAFRA PROFESSOR OF HISTORY UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES Revised Edition "" UN I VE RSI TY OF THE PHILIPPINl:-S OUEZON CITY, 1956

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READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY ( NICOLAS ZAFRA, Prcfes30r of History University of the:: Philippines -~--0 ----NEv.T EDITION UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES l\1ANILA, 1956

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RIGHTS RESERVED -----------

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p. 22 W line 4 36 II 7 39 ii ~41 t! 35 41+ -II 17 46 Ii 2 11su:cvivorf.),11 not ;isu.rvisors1i 47 .. 11 17 11fo11rtb.11 not "fourtn l+G -f ootnot C) 2, line 7 -11an 11 not 11.:md 0 59 line 15 HfJonti st P.ban ;i not nsatisteban 11 61 II 6 111556 ;i not ;r155211 71 Ii 22 lif;ip)lt l H r.ot t!Ti' i !7 h" .. 0.1. 82 :foot.note 3, l:ine 11 11at, 11 not rrao17 85 88 -97 103 ... 109 -109 -line Ii II fl H Ii 8 25 11. 26 23.,.25 30 11com1:1odi:t~y-, 11 not ;1coumidity" -11 sun 11 not 17 surnH '. omit the [,enten<:(:), 11_:.nd of those who die 17 109 footnote J., line 1 -11:nytholo~:.Y, 11 not ;1rne;tho lop:yn 111+ line 30 120 a 12 123 I! 17 148 -last line n sp0ken, 11 not :r Dpokcm i; 155 line 27 155 ii 17

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157 -line 162 -165 165 -176 177 178 185 lo,, OU -194 -206 -210 -228 ii II ff ii II II fl 1! 1 6 38 43 15 1 2 11 9 11 18 32 29 -2r1circumstance, n not 11circimstancen add 11that11 after 11sum11 11It,11 not liJfll "rewards, ri not are,:;,.,rcl. s 11 Hencomienda, 17 not Hencomiendas11 add 11for11 after 11personsH 11 Islands, 11 not a Islans 11 11gates,11 not agaves11 add "andY after 11Spanishn 11pepper, 11 not 11papper11 11merchanclise, H not 11merchanduse11 271+ -footnote 2, line 7 Hcontrary, 11 not 11contrarty" 275 -line 29 11those, r1 not Hwhose;i 285 -footnote ( second to the last line) Hdecrees, 11 not iidecreed11 291 -lines 9-10 omit ;, surrendered 11 299 -line 6 llHistoria rr not rtHistorica" 312 -ii 14, "vengeance, II not 11veangeance 11 318 I! 7 "condition, 11 not 11conditon11 338 -2nd to last line 11Real, ii not 11head11 339 -line 5 riprogress," not 11 pr ogres 11 341 ii 1/+ omit "byli after 11rendered11 351 ii 3 11that,ri not nwha_tii 353 71 13 l!Jf, 11 not 11rtn

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362 Line 385 388 390 390 392 -399 II II ii ('Ith 3 2S 16 12 22 9 frorn 401 -line 12 403 (5th froEt 419 ( li,th f1--u1n 423 -line 3 40 ri :~O 1+29 --433 -436 4~-4 ii 26 1t 11 7 fi r ) rr 14 -3ripamave, 11 not i1panave1t 11,Sturgis, 1 not "Stur:::i_ssn i1,C1PJ~1'ng f\' r1ot iiJ'r.:,r:>r;ncrfl i.J1....,._,, 1_..,, J v(...i. U last line) add ;rw;~r,11 ,?fter 11fact'1 lt:[~t line) -non, II not 71no 11 last line) 11howitzers, !i not 11hot it zer s 11 -11 our''nteP.~ 11 not 11 'Ytl"lI'enteed" L.) --~ c:;., .., l.:. .''.':> _. c... n r i ~ p ,-, lu.1. H not fl rn l' ,-.u1 P, r :> 1-) J 8 1? 'L--- .l,.~.i.::.J. ~;, ,_ ,.J l.J. ~., ... .i.~,,.),/, -11tanlee., 11 not i 1tailo,s;; add 11not n after 11c:ohu11" h47 {3rd from lnt;t 1:.ne) .. 1ocollcge, ,; no~ :1J.'olle?ge11 4h9 line i .,, 451 -It r, () 1+51 -Ii 14 4 r. ) ,::, footnote, 453 lino ')4 ,, 455 -r, ?O 457 n 6 .,. 111 piastru, ;1 not a1 :-)i,:t ::1trec~1 11fr,mc, n not 11:f:'rac:1 11 orphan, 11 not rrorph::tnc" 11nverturE;t::," not ;rovertunres11 it-,,,.ou"" 11 no1-n.;oJ',)v.,.,.,., L ..; i..J' J J ,, ,I 1

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p. 11-58 -line 465 -II l,.66 last 468 -line 469 -(3d 469 -( 11 471 -line 481 i7 483 11 557 .. iY 580 Ii 580 ii 581 ii -4-27 11pirouettes, il not npirouttes" 19 11pesos, ii not 11 per so s17 line 11Girls', II not ;;Gir 1 r sr1 15 nwhere in 1872,H not 1'where 187111 paragraph, 6th line) "rd::;ecl, ;1 not rayed" 11th line) -17concession, ii not "succession11 7 11constituent, ii not 11consotituentn 1 11SIX, H not 11SEVENrt 3 oCTit 0on" after 11Affaira 17 11Fort,n not "Forst" 25 110s,0 not 11es11 31 virtudes, n not 11vitudes11 10 Nevr parac;raph beginf; with 11Uninformed11 666 -footnote, line 4 -Period after 11Cabinet 11

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-ii-Brief accounts in the form of summaries of leading events of various periods of Spanish history have been included to enable the student to understand nore clearly the nature and significance of events in the Philippines and their relationships to contemporary events in Spain an,d in Europe. I wish to express hereby my e;rc1.titnde to many of my former students and to friends and colleagues who, in one way or another, helped me in the pr1=!paration of the Rgag-ing_. I wish to tr1ank particularly Miss Jes efa IVi. Saniel who gave much of her time and offort to the reading of the proofs. University of the Philippines Nov emb er, 194 7 N. ZAFRA

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-i-PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION Readin:2:s in Philir:mine History has been prepared meet the-needf'or~r88d.ing materials of students who tab the course, History 5, glven in the first two years oft College of Liberal Arts. This course takes up the history of the Philippines from Magellan' s voyase of discov to the outbreak oi' tbe PldJ.ippine Revolution. Not ever: thing in this period, ho~9ver, is considered. The gene~ outlines of the history cf this period, as well as the main events and personalities of Philippine history, are presumed to be quite farr1~:_1i::',:.' to tl;.os e who enroll in this1 course. Main intE-3rE,st :.f? di:i.'E,ctr-d to a few selected facts, incidents and epLsodes of this period nnd these are studied on the basis of matE-;riaJ.s gathered fr'om vario\ sources, primary a:1d secondary. It is hoped that, in this1 way, the student not only will acquire a fuller knowledge of the subjects studied, bu.t e1lso may gain famili'.3.rity wit and appreciation of, the vast store house of materials from which a history of the Phili:ppines may be written. Moreover, throt,gh frequent handlin13 and analyzing of some of these rnateriDls, the student may gain valuable ex-1 perience and training in the application of the principles and methods of historical criticism. The ft.JidJ.-r-:.g_s_ is not designed to supply the needs of the historical rS()archeJ' or investigator. The latter will have to explore the vast field of Philippine historical lite:1rature itself, using as guides such bibliographical aids as Rotana 1 s Aoara t,o B::i.bJ. ior:rafic o. Rob ertcon r s Biblio-' I -. ,,...-,,._., ,. .. ,.n--,o..-. .,. ,,_ ____ ,.~ ... ..--.-.-., ... -~ -. a I o-y,cin1-.,.r of tn;:, Dl,,, -,T,Dl'}P Tc.] ,r;(1C~ "1r1r, T-ovura's B'"'] ic,-e~a Q..;~.J:..-.. ~."':,L,_ __ -_...,_,;..1. .. :,'..,.,.,3:.. ;;.,~.-:::~;_.;;:.J;;:.Jh,..,.,.:: ..... ... 1..)_ -'?,,;_:..,.;....~ .. Cl. U. Cl v _-1;_~_::,.__.. ... ~--~ Fi.lipind., 'l'r!e 5.eadj.n.~s is intended mainly to meet an urg e::-it and imperative need ,9.r;is ing from the inadequacy the facilities of our libraries in the way of handy and convenient collections of historical sources suitable a1 proper for our purpose. Most of the :materials contained in the Readings ha been takEm from the 55-volume collection, ThePtII'}.jj_rine Is1ang_., compiled and edited ,by Emma H. BJ.air and James Robcirtson, and published by the Arthur H. Clark Co., Clev land, U. S. A. This is the most complete and extensive compilation of Philippine source materia.J.s in English so far produced. Spne of the materials in the Read,t_ngs, ho' ever, have been drown from sour-ceo outside of Blair and4 Robertson's The Phi1i.n~Jine Islands. Th,2re are a few c ments which, as L1ras I know, have not appea.red in a1 \work -in English translations before this time.

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-iii-PREFACE TC THE NEW EDITION In this new cdi tion of the Readin2:sin Phil ippinc Historv:, many cl1;;-u1ges have been introduced. Apart from numerous corrections, irrprovement2 and additions throughout the text, chringeE, were made in some of tLe documents which uppcD1cd -i_r1 ti:'ifJ precr:;ding edition. Some docurients ha'1e brcn ordttecl aJtogether. In-tho case of other documents, pas:-rnges ha;ie been 1 c;ft out for the sake of brevity. In their a bbrcvia.+~ccl forms, ho111 ever, the latter still retain their e:Jsenti2l character and value as sources of bi~'ltoric:al information. These ch2ng0s have been made to mo.k e pos,3ibl e the addition. of new mc1terial without increabiw_:i: too much th8 volume of the new edition Notable among the new features of tho present edition are the material bearinp: on the life and works of Rizal Thes 8 hav G been add,ed. in view of the enact-ment of Republic Act No. 1425, popularly known 1s th8 Rizal bill. The lav; provid E~s for the giving of courses on th~ life, works and writings of Rizal as a part of the curricula of all schools, colJeges and universi-ties of tl1e Pnl.lip:_Jines, public and priv2te. Such c0urs es -are ner-:;d ed, according to th\~ spomwrs of the measure in Congress, to imbue the 7<.mth of the country with the ideals of freedom and nationalism of Rizal. The new material on Rizal in the Rendirnrn will, it is hoped, contribute in some way to the .fulfilJmcnt of the aims and objeclives of the law. Select passages from well known works of Rizal have been included in the nrE':sent edition to enable the student in the course in PLilip pine history to acquire a clearer undorstandin~ and a better appreciation of Rizal and of his place and significance in the history of the Philippines. A new chapter, the last, has also been added in the Readinp:s. Under t.110 title, "Philippine Independence in the Now Age", the cba.pt(~r is intended to serve as a fitting epilogue to the story of the Philippine Revolution. It t L~lls of the c ontir:.uo ticn, durinv the American regime, of the independence strugrde which was sta:::--ted by the lCatipunan Society under Andres Bonifacio in August 1896.

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-iv-I am grateful to all my colleagues in the Department -of History w] have rendGred valuuble assistance, in one form or another, in the~ prepc1r,Jtion of the pres-ent edition. I v-rish to thank in particular, Dr. Guadalupe Fores-GRnzon, Professor Josefa M. Saniel, MiE3ses Justina A. Saltiva and Donc1ta Taylo, l'ilr. i,u.rsulio ;3. Estani::,lao Jr., 1\I Al.i r-, t. C' rv: .., J C r,.'[ CJ C' :. IvT : 1 '' ,, 1\/f L ,. ld rr. ,)_,r ,) ,. 1101a_e,.), 1. .r .... ,cc.1r .. ,. i. JUL.,.,l), 1',.r. eo1Jo o TI. Serrano, ;_mcl. J'/[if3S Flordcliza Vicent(:o, DcpartmeQt of History lJ ll e r, t' -.,... t h C) p 1,. ] r O :::, C-' ._J.V r,,1 y u_._ ,, uL.J.1)!)l.i18,_, Di1irn.r:m, Que::;on City Decem1)er, 1956

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TABLE OF CONTENTS PART o:tJE DISCOVERY aND COLONIZATION Chapter One -Background of Magellan's Voya:I,c of Discovery 1. Introductory Survey 1 2. Pope Alexanc~er VI 's Bull arnter Cs.etera11 4 3. The Treaty of Tord2slllas 7 Chapter Two -The Magellan Expedition 1. Pigafettc2 's Account of the Expeo.it ion 12 2. Transylvanus Ace ount of the Magellan Ex-pec:ition .................................. 33 Chapter Three Later Attempts At Colo:aization 1. 2 3. 4. 5 The The The The The Loaisa Expetlition .. 46 _S2c1vecli--a Ex~eclition ...................... 49 T :re J 3r of i~ c1 r a 6 oz a o o 5 2 Ville: lobos E:xpe di tion 55 Leg2zpi Expedition 61 Chapter Four -Early l7il5.pino Civilization 1. Morga 's -~,1cesos de le?..!? Islas F:LJJpinas 8),. 2. Loarco's Relac~6n d0 las Irlas Fj_lip~_nas 106 3. Plasencia r-;; i1Las Costunibre:::i de los Tai,alos11 11$ ... 1+ C ol_in 's Labor EvangeJ.ic a 132 PART T"u!O Tm~ FIRST C cJ\JTUR.Y Qli' SPAJ'JIS H RULE Chapter One -Spain and the Philippines ir1 c.~1e 16th and 17t:,l1 Centuries ........................... 167 Chapter Two -Mo"'.",:;G. on the Eorly Years o:: Spanish Rule 18'5 Chapter Three EcclesiG stical Fatroru ,:2 in the Indies 213 Chapter Four Ecclesiastical Affairs L1 the 16th and 17th Centuries 1. Creation of the Diocese of Manila 224 2. Origin of the Privileres 3njoyed by the Frid r's i~1 t.:,1~e Ir1d ies ...................... 227 3. Incidents of the Diocesan Controversy 229

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-vi-Chapter Five The Early Provinces 235 Chapter Six --Spanish Commercial Policy 1. Laws Regardinr:: Navi2;ation and Commerce 244 2. Memorial of Juan Grao y Monfalcon 255 PART THREE -THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY Chapter One -Spain in the 18th Century Chapter Two -The Manila-Acapulco Trade . 0 261 272 Chapter Three The British Occupation of Manila 279 Chapter Four Filipinc Revolts During t.hG 18th Century 1. The 1745-46 Uprisings 292 2. Revolts During the British Occupation 298 Chapter Five -Ecclesiastical Affairs, 1767-1776 1. The Question of the Curacies Durin0 the Times of Santa Justa and Governor Anda 313 2. The Expulsion of the Jesuits 320 ':IT'fua:pter Six GovGrnor Basco's AdministrEition 1. Bascovs Plc.ms and. Policies ... 325 2. The Tobacco Monopoly .... 329 3. The Real Compafiia de Filipinas 331 Chapter Seven The Philip-pines At The Clos(~ of the lest h Century 1. The Governnent of the Philippines J40 .2. The Provinces 353 3. Social Life Manners and Customs 357 \ PART FOUR POLITIC1LL' ECONm:rc AND CULTURAL PH OGRESS 1800-:187; Chapter One Philip~ine Representation in the Spanish Cortes 1. European :3ackground of Philippine RGDresen-t a ti on o o ......... Cl

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-vii-2. The Philippines and the Cortes of 181C-181J J. The Constitution of Cadiz ..... 4. The IJ.ocos Revolt, Hn4-1815 ................ 5. The Cortes of 1$20-1823 .. 6. The Cortes of 183/+-1[;37 .......... Chapter Two :Material Pron-r()SS 371 1'74 .., l 377 379 382 1. Regidor-l',fu.sonr s Account on Philippine Commercial Prcrress 388 2. Economic c1.nd Soci-11 1(r,sul t::., er" the O~cning of the PhilippirH:s to Foreign Nations (a) Economic and Social Development .. (b) Commercial and Ao.::riculturel Progress (c) 'social and Political Results ... J. Other Aspects of Philippines Material Progress (a) Improvement of Communication F'c.1ci-J.itj_es ...................... (b) Campaigns Against Piracy Chapter Three Provincinl and Municipal Reforms Ji,04 406 l.i,C~ ,-i i J.i-1, 41t 1. Defects o.f the Administrative System ... 424 2. The Rofprn Decree of 1844 .................. 436 J. 'Ihe Provi.nc es AbclJt the Middl s of thri 19th ---C er1 t ur :;:r 4. The Municipal Reform Decree o.f lt47 ....... Chapter Four Educatiorwl Reforms 1. Educational and Cultural Conditibns about the :viicldl e oE th0 19th Century .. 4 2. The Educational Decree of 1g63 ........... L 3. Other Notable El~ucationa1 DEvel.orments 466 Chapter Five -The Spanish Revolution and Its Results 1. Bae kg round of the Hevol ution ................. 2. Effects Upcn the PhiJ.ippinE.~s . Chapter Six -The Cavite Affair of 1872 ~-69 478 1. Background of the Cavite Affair ... 483 2. The Cc1vi te Affair :rnd Its Results .. 499

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PART FIVE -THE LAST YEARS OF SPANISH RULE Chapter One -Spain, 1871-1898 ....................... .. Chapter Two The Spanish Colonial Administration Chapter Three -Reforms Granted to the Philippines 1. The Tax Reform of l88L1. : 2. The Provincial He.form of 1886 ........... 3. The Reform DecreE: of 1885 ............. 4. The Extension of the Spanish Codes 5. The Royal Order of November 12} 1Ss9 ........ 6. The B.oyal Decree of Hay 1 7, 1893 ............ 7. Suppression of the Tobacco Monopoly Chapter Four The Propaganda Campaign 1. Rizal as a Propagandist .... 2. La Solidaridad ...... J. The PetitioP of 1888 and the Calamba Episode 4. La Liga Filipina .... Chapter Five The Philippine Revolution 1 Tl:-1e Ka ti'iJu11an ..... ......................... 2. The Philippines on the Eve of the Revolution ..................................... 3. Outbreak of the PlJil ippine Revolution Chapter Six -Philippine Independence in the New Age ----o:o----

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PAHT ONE DISCOVERY AND COLONIZATION CHAPTER ONE :a,ACKGROUND OF MAGELLAN' S VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY 1. Introductory Survey The voyage of Magellan to, the Philippines, one of the great accomplishments of Spain in early modern times, was an event of the reign of Ch~rles I. (1516-1556) 1 It ranks in historical importance with Columbus' voyage to the New World in 1492 and Vasco da Gama's voyage to India in 149S. These voyages. were the prelude to that great event of early modern times which history writers refer to as the Commercial Revo lution. From the standpoint of Spanish national history, the voyages of Columbus and Magellan were the sequel of an impor-. tant event which took place in the Spanish Peninsula in the 1 -Charles I was the son of Mad Joan ( Juana la Loca), daughter .of Ferdinand and Isabella, and Philip, the Handsome ( el Hermosa), son of aximilian of Austria, Emperor of the Hol-y Roman Empire. Besidcf; being King of Spain, he was Emperor Charles V of the Holy Roman Empire. He was elected Emperor of the E:rnpire shortly after his accession to the Spanish throne. A descendant of the Hapsburgs of Austria,. Charles I founded the Spanish Hapsb~rg dynasty which ruled Spain for nearly two hundred years. The other Spanish Hapsburgs were Philip II (1556-1598}, Philip III (1598-1621), Philip IV (1621-1665) and Charles II (1665-1700).

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-2-later Middle Ages. This was the union through marriage of two of the then leading states in the Peninsula, the kingdom of Castilla.-Leon and the kingdom of Aragon. On October 14th, 1469, Princess Isabel of Castilla-Loon was betrothed to Ferdinand, heir to the throne of Aragon. This event signal-ized the culmination of the centuries-old process of national evolution which had been in progress in the Peninsula and in which the small independent Cr1ristian otntes in Spain were united and consolidc:ited into bigger states and kingdoms. The ultimate outcome of' this process was the emergence of l-:'fodern Spain, destined to play a leading role in European affairs in early modern times. Under Ferdinand and Isabella (1474-1516), frequently referred to by Spanish 1f,lr1t.0..r~_,:'l.r1 J;,o:=1 .R.ffVG.S. .. Cnl_j..c.os., t .rv:'. new Spain, following the example of Portugal, emb0.rk<)rl uJ,ol\ the task of finding a new trade route to the countries of the Far East. The need for such a route was keenly felt at that time throughout Western Europe. For the old trade rqutes over which the riches of the Orient, from immemorial time, found their -way to Europe, no longer Yc)r'Oved adequate --...------and ~~tisfactory. For one thing, the Mediterranean Sea, over which the goods from the East were carried to Western Europe, was con\I:oll-ed by the maritime city states of Italy Because of their favorable geographical situation in relation

PAGE 19

-3-to the terminals of the old trade routes, the merchants of the Italian city states had a decided advantage over the merchants of Western Europe in the international competition for control and domination of the trado with the East. Besides, the countries in the eastern Mr3diterranean, where the old trade routes had their terminals, wore gradually falling into the hands of Moslem Powers. Portugal pioneered in the task of finding new routes to the countries of the East. Under the patronage and encouragement of Prince Henry the Navigator (1394-1460), Portuguese sailors undertook voyages of discovery and exploration along the Atlantic coast of Africa. Princfa Henry did not live long enough to see the roalization of the Portuguese dream of reaching the East by a direct all water route. However, the project that he had started was carried on by the Portuguese with undiminished zeal. In 1486, Bartholo-mew Diaz reached the southernmost tip of Africa. The Portuguese called the place "Cape of Good Hope, 11 a name chosen to express their undying faith in the ultimate success of their undertakings. Twelve years later, they had the great satisfaction of seeing their dream come true. In 149, Vas co da Gama sailed into the harbor of Calicut, India, bringil}g to a successful conclusion one of the most memor-able voyages in early modern times. At last a direct all-

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-4watElr route to the East had been found which could give traders from Western Europe freedom ::rnd immunity frcm interference or control on the part of the marit,ime city states of Italy and the Moslem states in Western Asia. It was; however, to the Spnin of Ferdinand and IGabella that the honor belongs of accomplishing the first truly epoch making voyage of modern times. Six years before Vasco da Gama accomplished his memorable voyage, Chrictophor Columbus, sailing under the flag of Spain, and, following a bold plan of his own to get to the countries of Eastern Asia, h.ad successfully crossed the Atlantic Ocean and had come upon a new world, (1492), 2, Pope Alexander VI's Bull nrnter Caetera". Columbus' achievement gave rise to misunderstanding and controversy between Spain and Portugal. For it was generally believed. then that the world was much smaller than its actual size and that Columbus had reached islnnds off the eastern coast of India. Portugal contended that Columbus had gone into reeions which at that time wero being discovered and explored by her own navigators. To settle the controversy bet-ween Spain and Portue;al, Pope Alexander VI issued in 1493 a papal bull establishing a line of demarcation between the areas assicned for dis-

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-5-covory and exploration to the rulers of these states. The YVInter Caetera, r; as this document is known, was promulgated May 4, 1493. following:1 Important portions of the document are the Arnone other works well pleasing to his divine llf.aj csty and cherished of our heart, this assuredly ranks highest: that in our times especially the Catholic faith and the Christian law be exalted and overywh.ere increased :.crnd sp:tead Wherefor o, recognizing that as true Catholic kings and princes such as we have always known you to be, and as your illuf;trious deeds already known to almost t, he whole worJ.d declo.re, you not only eagerly desire but with every effort, zeal, and diligence, without regard to hardships, ex penses, dangers, with the shedding even of your blood, are laboring to that end; thnt besides you have already long ago dedicated to this purpose your whole soul and all your endeavors, as witnessed in these times with so much glory to the divine name in your recovery of the kingdom of Granada from the yoko of the Moors, we therefore not unrichteously hold it as our duty to grant. you even of our own accord and in your .favor those things whereby daily and with heartj_er ef fort you may be enabled .for the honor of God himself and-the spread of the Chrj_stian rule to accomplish your saintly and praiseworthy purpose so pleasing to immortal God. In sooth we have learned that according to your purpose long ago you were in quest of some far-away islands and mainlands not hitherto discovered by othors, to the end that you might bring to the wors:1ip of our Redeemer and the profession of the Catholic faith tl1e inhabit:rnts of them; thc1.t with the wish to fulfill your desire, you chose our be-l -Blair & Robertson, The Philippine Islands, vol. 1, pp. 97 ff. In subseguont citations, BJ.cdr and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, will be referred to by the abbreviated form, B. & R.

PAGE 22

-6-loved son, Christopher Colon, to make diligent quest for these far-away, unknown mainlands and islands through the sea, where hitherto no one has sailed; who in fine, with di.vine aid, nor without the utmost di1i6ence, sailing in the Ocean Sea discovered certain very far-away islands and even mainlands th:it hitherto had not bean discovered by others... Wherefore, as becoming to Catholic kings and princes, after earnest consideration of all matters, especially of the rise and spread of the Catholic faith, you have purposed with the favor of divine clemency to bring unde:)r your sway tho said mainl&nds E,.nd island;3 vdth their inhabitants 2.nd 7-he dw8llers therein, and br;i.ng them to the Catholic f,1ith. ~. By tenor of these pros ents, we do give, gr&nt, and assign to you and you:;:' heirs and successors, kings of Castile and Leon, forever, together with all thoir dominions, cities, camps, places, c:;.nd towns as well as all rights, jurisd:i .. ctions, 2.ncl appurtenances, all isl2nds 2nd m2inlands found E:nd t-'.) be found, dis -covered and to be discoverod towards the west and south, by drawing and 9stablishing a line; from the Arctic pole, nr.-'l.mely the north, to t:.ie Antartic pole, namely the south, no matt.er whethor tho said mainlands and islands are found and to be found in the direction of India or towards any other quarter, the said line to the west. and south to be distant one hundred leagues from any of the islands commonly known as the Azores and Cc:.:i.to Verde-. With this proviso however that none of the islands and ma.inland,s found and to be found, disco vorcd and to be discoverec: bevond that said line towards the 1,wst and south, b;.3 in tlic actual possession of any Cllristian kinF; or i'):.:ince up to the birth duy o.f our Lord: Jesus Christ ju2t pa.st in the present year o".1e thousand four hnr:id:cr;d and ninoty threP. Mol."eOVP."" ,.o Yil" 1,e 'l~lPO 1./nd de_,_ ._ ..,,..,. Vv v C!, ,l_ C i._..... V et -. V pute you and your sE1 :j.d J.1c-)::l.rs anc s11.ccesr;ors owners of them with .full and freo powcir, authority, and jurisdiction of every kind; with this proviso however that throue;h th:i.s gift, g:rant, and as signment of ours no ri.f:i;ht conferred on any Ch:ristian prince, who mny be in actual possession of said is1u.nds cJ.nd muinl,111ds up to the said birth day of our Lord Jesus Christ, j_s nureby to be consider8d as withdrawn or to be wit,hdrawn, More-

PAGE 23

-7-over we command you in virtue of holy obedience that, cmployin:::; all due diligence in the premises, a,s y0i..,1_ promise, nor do we doubt your com pliance therein to the best of your loyalty and royal greatness of spirit, you send to the said aforesaid mainlands and islands worthy, Godfearing, learned, skilled, and experienced men, in order to instruct. the aforesaid. inhabitants and dwellers therein, in the Catholic faith and train them in good morals 2. Treaty of Tordesillas King John of Portugal did not find quite satisfactory the arrangement established by the Pope. He felt that the demarcation line established by the Papal Bull was not far enough to the west toinclude regions which, by reason of prior discovery and exploration by Portuguese naviga-tors, properly belonged to Portugal. He demanded that the line be moved farther to the west. The Portuguese demand was taken up in a conference of Portuguese and Spanish commissioners held at Tordesillas in l/i..94. In that conference the Treaty of Tordesillas "fas concluded, June 7, 1494. Important portions of the Treaty al'e the following: 2 Whereas, a certain controversy exists between the said lords as to what lands, of all those discovered in the Ocean Sea pertain to each one of the said parts respectively; there~ fore, for the sake of peace and concor6, and for the preservation of the relationship and love of the said King of Portugal for the said _, _______ 2 ~-

PAGE 24

-8King and Queen of Castilla, Aragon, etc., they, their s&id represcmtativos, acting in their rwme and by virtue of their powers herein described, covenanted and agreed that a boundary or straight line be determined and drawn north and south, from pal~ to pole~ on the said Ocean Seu ---from the Artie to the Antarctic pole. ?r..is boundary, or line shall be JrEiW11 straLr,Lt, as aforesaid, at a di::,tanco of three hundrnd .s.nd seventy 1 eagues west of the Caba Verde islands, being ca:culated by deg1~ees, 01 by L,ny other r:1.e.n.ner.f as :nay be considered the best and readiest, provided the distance shall be no 2:rei1ter than above said. And all lands, both i;ldnds and mainlands, found and discove~od alr0adyi or tote found and dis covered hereafter by the said Kin[,; of Portugal and by his vessels on this side of the said line and bound determined as above, toward the east, in either no:::-th or south latitude, on t:1e eastern side of the said bound, provided the said bound is not crossed, shall belong to, and remain in the poss2ssion of, and pertain forever to the said King of Portugal .:J.nd his succosso:i. ... :.=;. And all other lands ---bo-:-h islancis and ma:.i.nJands, found or to be found her ea ft er, d:Lscoverec: or to be discovered herenfter, whi~~ have been discoVGrcd or sh2lJ. be discovered bv the said King and Queen of Ca.3tilla, Ara9:;on, eteJ~, ~tr1d by their vessels, on the w2stern side of the said bound, deter~ined as above, after hRving passed the said bound toward the west, in either its no~th or south latitude, shc,11 bolcng tc, and remo.in in possession of, and pertGin forever to tho said King and QuGon of Castilla, Leon, otc,, and to their successors Yten: In order that the said line o~ bound of the ~sc::id division may be made straight &nd as ready as possible the suid distance of three :iundr2d c1nd seventy 1 eagues west o.f the Cc;bo Verde isla,1ds, .'.ls l1.e1~einbefore sJca.ted, the sc=.:id repre$ertatives of both the said parties acree and assent that wi.thin the ten months irnrnedir1.tely following the date of tills t:c8c:,ty, thEdr said const ituer.t J.ords sb.all despatch t\JO or four en -ravels. Thasc vessels shall meet at the island o.f Grande Ca:1aria ( Grand Canary IsJ.n.nd), during

PAGE 25

this time~ and each one of the said parties shall send cert&in persons in them, to wit, pilots, astrologers, sai.lors, and any others they may deem desirable. But there must be 8S many on one side as on the other, and cert&in o~ the said pilots, astrologers, sailors, and others of those sent by the said King and Queen of Castilla, Aragon, etc., and who are experienced, shall embark in the ships of the said lCing of Portwi;al anet t11e Algarbes; inlike manner certain of the s1.id persons sent by the said Kine; of Portugal shall embark in the ship or ships of the said King and Quee:1 of C.::wtilla, Aragon, etc.: a like number in each case, so that they may jointly study and examine to better advantage the sea, courses, winds, and the degroes of the sun or of north latitude, and lay out the leagues aforesaid, in order t.hat, in determining the 1 ine and boundary, all sent and empowered by both the said parties in the said vessels, shall jointly concur. These said vessels shall con-tinue their course to2:ether to the said Cabo Verde islands, from whence Ehey shall lay a direct course to the west, to the distance of the said three hundred and seventy degrees, measured 3.S the said persons _shall agree, and measured with-out prejudice to the said parts. When this point is reached, such point ;,,iill constitute tl1e plo.ce and mark for measuring degrees of the sun or of north latitude eith0r by daily runs measu::.~ed in 1 eogues, or in any other mann-Jr thJ.t sha11 mutually be deor.1ed bettlf;r. This said line shc..11 be drawn north and south as efo~esaid, from the said Arctic pole to the said Anta:.:ctic }Jole And when this line ha.s been det9rmined as above said, those sent by the aforesaid parties, to whom each one of the said parties must delegate his own authority and power, to determine the said mark and bound, shall draw up a writing concerning it and affix thereto their signatures. And when deter~ mined by the mutual consent o.:' all of tl1em, this line shall be consider2d forAver as a perpetual mark and bound, in Sl.1ch wise that the said parties, or either of them, or their future successors, shall be unable to deny it, 01 erase or re move it, at any time or in an:r manner whatsoever. ---: 0: _.;. ..

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-10-CHAPTER TWO THE :MAGELLAN EXPEDITION The Treaty of Tordesillas gav~ Spain the right to ven;.. ture into the unexplored regions of the South Seas as the Pacific Ocean was then called. Spain, however, did not make use of this right until many years later. In the meantime, Portugal had ;:one to the Eas-s ctncl had started in earnest laying down the foundations of a vast colonial em-pire in that part of the world. In 1498, Vas co da Gama ar-rived at Calicut, India. In 1509, Albuguerq110 acquired Goa, on the western coast of India, and made it th3 capital of Portugal's colonial empire in the East. In 1511, Albuquer-que captured lVIalac::ca from the Malays. That sa1i1e year he dispatched an expedition in Gearch of the Spice Islands. In 1519, Spain launched an e:{pedi:~ion ol her own to the East. That yeal' Ferdinand Ma'Iellan J.eft the port of Snn Lucar de Barrameda on a voyage cf discovery which eventually took him to the Philippines. The story of the Magellan e:xpcdition is told in two importcmt source documents: Pj_gafette' s account, first published in Italim1 in 1800 under the title, i1?rimo viaggio intorno al globo tcrracqueo"; and a letter written in Latin

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-11-in 1522 by Maximilianus Transyl vanus entitled, 11De Moluccis Insulis111 Pigafettats account was written by an eyewitness of the events related therein. For Pigafetta was a member of the Magellan expedition. He went through the hardships and vicissitudes of the voy~ge and was one of the few among the members of ,the expedition who came bf.lck to Spain alive. He wrote the story of that memorable voy:Jge o.round the world using as his main source of information the copious notes that he had taken down from time to time of things that happened in the course of the voyage. Transylv.::tnus wrote his story on the basis of the testimonies gathered by him from Sebastio.n dGl Cano; the navigator who piloted the Victoria back to Spain in 1522, and from the other survivors of the expedition. Transyl vanus' "De Moluccis Insulisi1 has a significance of its own in Philippine historical literature. It was the first account to be published in Europe relative to the Philippines. (1) The following is the story, in part, of the Magelian expedition as told by Pigafetta: 1 -Pigafetta's account is in vols. 33, Jh, B.&:, R. Transylvanus' i1De Moluccis Insulisit is in vol. 1, B.&, R., p. 30 5, .ff.

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-12-Departure from Spain On Mondny. morning,. August X, St. La:;4re:r:ice' s Day, 111 the year aboves-11c.;., 2 the fleet, naving been supplied with all the things n0ccsso.ry to the sea, (and counting those of every nationality, we were two hundred and thirty-s ven m.cm), made rea -dy to leave the harbor of Siviglia.3 From Sivi.glia to this point (i.e., San ~ucar), it is 17 or 20 leaguas by river. Some dn:rs after, the captain-ceneral, with his other ca~~ains, descended the river in the small boats belonging to th~ir snips. We remained there for a c:JnniderG.ble num ber of days in order to finish (providing) the fleet with some things that it needed. Every day we w_ent a.shore to hear mass in a village called Nostra Dofla de Baremeda (our Lady of Barrameda), near San Lucar, Before the departure, the captain-general wished all tho--men to confess, and would not allow any woman to sail in the fleet for the best of considerations. We left that village, by name San Luchar, on Tuesday, September XX of thG same yec,r, and took a southwest course. On the 26th of the said month, we reached an island of the Great Can2ria, called 'r h b 1 1 t ct -r ,...,r). eneripno, w ic j ies in n at:.. u e o.L ,:;,..) c.egrees, (landing thore) in order to get flesh, water, and ,vood Mutiny 3.t San Julian In tha~ port which we called the port of Santo Julinnno, 1 ~ we remained about 5 months. IVbny 2 15, q J. 3 Sevilla. Mag2llan's fleet consisted of the following vessels: Trinid~d (Flagship, 110 tons), San Antonio (120 tons), Concepcion (90 tons), Victoria (85 tons), and Santiago (75 tons). 4 -This port, located at latitude 49 South on the shores of Argentina, was reached Ma~ch 31, 1520. After C:i:'ossiag the Atlantic, Mi:1gellnn' s fleet took time exploring the coa.st of South A1nerica. Cape Santo

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-13-things happened there. In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know some of them, it happened that as soon as we had entered the port, tho captains of the other four ships plotted treason in order that they might kill the captaingeneral. Those conspirators consisted of the overseer of the fleet, one Johan de Cartagena; the treasurer, Alouise de Mendosa; the accountant, Anthonio Gocha and Gaspar de Cazada. The over seer of the men having been qunrtered, the treasurer was killed by dagger blows, for the treason was discovered. Somedays after that, Gaspar de Cazadq, was banished with a priest in that land of Patagonia. The captain-,general did not wish to have him killed, because the emperor, Don Carlo, had appointed him captain. At the Strait of Magellan Then going to fifty-two degrees to~-Jard the same pole, we found a strait on the dai (feast of the) eleven thousand virgins (i.e., October 21), whose head is called Capo de le Undici Millia Vergine (i.e., cape of the Eleven Th6usand Virgins) because of that very great miracle. That stro.it is one hundred and ten leguas or 1+40 millas long, and it is one-half legua broad, more or less. It leads to another sea called the Pacific Saa, and is surrounded by very lofty mountains laden with snow. There it was impossible to find bottom (for anchoring), but (it was necessary to fasten) the moorings on land 25 or 30 Agustino on the most eastern headland of Brazil was reached toward the end of November, 1519. Rio de Janeiro was reached on December 13. Leaving Rio de Janeiro on December 26, the fleet proceeded to the estuary of the Rio de la Plata. Here it remained until February. 2, 1520. From the Rio de la Plata IVhgellan sailed to the port of Santo Juliano. Winter had begun and I'-'Tagellan decided to stay there throughout the winter months.. He left port San Julian August 24, 1520. On October 21, 1520, the fleet arrived at the cmtrance to the Strait of Mugellan.

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-14-brazas away. Had it not been for the captain-general, we wo~ld not have found that strait, for we all thought and said that it wrw closed on all sides. After entering that strait, we found two openings, one to the southeast, and the other to the southwes~.,. We went t,'J ex~lore the other opening toward the sout.hwest. Finding, however, the same strait continuously, we came upon a ri ver which we called the river Sardi~e (i.e., Sardines), because there were ma~y sardines near it. So we stayed ther.J for four d&ys. Du.r::.ng that period we sent a wt-;11-eciuipped boat to e:xplore the cane o~ the other s6a. The men returned within thr~e days~ and reported that they had SGen the cape and'the open sea. The captain-general wept for joy, and:called that cape, Cap0 Dezeado (i.e., Desire), for we h&d been desirin6 it for a long time,,. In'order that your most illustrious Lord ship may believe it, when we were in that. strait, the ni6hts were only three hours long, arid it was then the month of Octob or. The la.nd on the-left-hand side of that strait turned to~1ard the southeast and was low. We called that strait the strait of Fatagonia. One finds the safest of ports every hulf legua in it, water, the finest wood (but not of cetj.ar Y, fish, sa::...-clines,. and missiglioni, while smullage, a s-weet herb (c.1lthough there is also some that is bitter) grows around the spr~ngs. -We ate of it for mnny days as we had nothin.2: else. I bclievG tha-i:, there is not a more beautiful strait in the world than that one. The Voyage Across the Pacific Wednesday, 'November 28, 1520, we debouched from that strait, engulfing ourselves in the Paci-fic Sea. We were three months 1.nd twenty dnys without getting any kind of fresh food. We. ate biscuit, which wa.J no longer biscuit, but powder of biscuits swarming with worms, for they had eaten the good. It s~Gnk s~rong:v of the urine of rats, vfe drank yellow water :1nt had been pu trid for many days. We also at8 ~3omo ox hides that covered thG top of the mainyard to prevent

PAGE 31

-15-the yard from chafing the shrouds, and which had become exceedingly hard because of the sun, rain, and wind. We left them in the sea for four or five days, and then placed thr:~m for a few momonts on top of the embers, and so ate thern; and often we ate sawdust from boards. Rats were sold for one-half duc.Jdo apiece, and even ti1cn we could not get them, But above all the other misfortunes the following was the worst. The gums of both the lower and upper teeth of some of our men swelled, so that they could not eat under any circumstances and therefore died, Nineteen ffien died from that sickness, and the giant together with an Indian from the country of Verzin. Twenty-five or thirty men fell sick ( during that time), in the arms, legs, or in cmother place, so that but .few r,:;rnained well. However, I, by the giace of God, suffered no sickness. We sailed about four thousand leguas during tJ:wse three months and twenty days through an open stretch in that Pacific Sea. In truth it is very pacific, for during that time we did not suffer any storm. We $aW no land excopt two desert islets, where we found nothin3 but birds and trees, for which we called them the Ysolle Infortunate (i.e., the Unfortunate Isles). They are two hundred leguas apart. We fo1111d no anchorage, ( but 1 near them saw many :::harks. The first islet lies fifteen degr0es of south latitude, and the other nine. Daily we made runs of fifty, sixty, or seventy leguas at the caten2, or at the stern. Had not God and His blessed mother given us so good weather we would all have died of hun ger in that exceeding .vast sea. Of a vor:i.ty I believe no such voyage will ever be made (again). Arrival at the Philippines At dawn on Saturday, March 16, 1521, we came upon a high land at a distance of throe hundred leguas from the islands of Latroni, an island named Zamal (Sa:mar). The following dctY the captain-Joneral desired to land on another island which was uninhabited and lay to the right of the above mentioned isJ.and in order to be more secure and get water and have some rest, He had two tents s~t up on the shore for the sick and

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-16-had o. sow killed for them. On Monday afternoon, March 18, we saw a boat coming toward us with nine men in it. Therefore, the captain general ordered that no one should move or say a word. without his Derrnis~don. When those men reached the shore, their chief went immediately to the captain-general giving sirns of joy because of our arrival. Five of the rr~st ornately adorned of them remained with us, while the rest wont to get some oth,:irs who were fishing, and so thoy all cam,3. The captain-gen eral seeing that they were re:1sonablo men, ordered food to be set before th9m, and gave them red caps, mirrors, combs, bell,s, ivory, bocasine, and other things. when they sa-w thn 9ap tain' s courtesy, they presented fish, a jar of palm wine, which t hoy call 111:il,_Ca {i.e. arrack), figs more than one palmo J.oni:; IT. e. ban,g,nas), and others which were smaller and more delicate, and two cocoanuts. They had nothing else then, but rnade us signs with their hands that they would bring umay or rice, and coconnuts and many other articles of food within four days Those people became very familiar with us. They told us many things, th::dr names and those of some of the islands that could be seen from that place. Their own island was called Zuluan and it is not ve~y large. We took great pleas ure wit;,1 them, for they were very ploc:i.sant and conversable. In order to show then gren.ter honer, the captain-eeneral took them to ~is ship and showed them all his merchandise -cloves, cinnamon, p_epp'er, ginger, nutmeg, mace, gold, and all things .. in the ship. He had some mortars fired for them, whereas they exhibited grent fear, and tried to jump out of the qhip. They rnado signs to us that the abovesaid ar ticles grew'in that place where we were going. When thoy were about to :cetiro they took their leave very_ grace.fully and ne:3.tly, s.1.yini; that they would return accor.::ling-to their promise. The islan,d where we werJ .1.s ca:::..J ed I-Iuri,unu; but inasmuch as we: four1d-two cp1:0i:riL)"' there of the clearest water, we call2d it Ac(~ada da li buoni Segnialli (i.e. the Watering nlace of good Sig~~) foi there were the fi;si signs of

PAGE 33

-17 ... gold which wo found in those districts. We found a great quantity of white coral there, and large trees with fruits a trifle smaller than the almond. and resembling pine seeds. There 3.re <1lso many palms, some of them good and others bad. There are many islands in that district, and therefore we calld them the the archipelago of San Lazaros, as they were discovered on the Sabbath of St. Lazarus. They lie in X degrees of latitude toward the Arctic pole, 3.nd in a longitude of one hundred and sixty one degrees from the line of demarcation. At noon on Friday, March 22, those men came as they had promised us i~ two boatc with cocoanuts, sweet oranges, a jar of palm-wine, and a cock, in order to show us thut there were fowls in that district. They exhibited great signs of pleasure at seeing us, We purchased all those articles from them. Their seignior was an old man who was paintod {i,E~., tattooed). He wore two r,old earrings (...:li~) in his ears, and the others many gold arml(:;ts on their arms and kerchiefs about their heads. We stayed there one week, and ,during that time our captain went ashore daily to visit the sick, and every morning gave them cocoanut water from his own hand, which comforted them greatly. There nre people living near that island who have holes in their ears so large that they can pass their arms throw:;h them. Those peoples 2re CC'.phri, that is to say heathen. They go nak~d with a cloth woven from the bark of a tree about their uriviss excent some of the chiefs who wear cot ton cloth embroidored with silk at the ends by means of a needle. They anoint themselves with cocoanrrt and with leensced oil, as a protection against sun and wind. They have ery black hair that falls to the waist, and use dnggers, knj_ves, and spears ormunented with gold, large shields, fascines, javelins, and fishing nets that resemble rizali, and their ooats are li~e ours. On the afternoon of holy Monday, the day of our Lady, lV:[arch twenty-five, while wo were on the point of weighing anchor, I '\.1ent to the

PAGE 34

-18-side of the ship to fish, and putting my feet upo11 a yard le,e.ding down into the storeroom, they slipped, for it was rainy, ,:md consequently I felJ. into t ho sea, so thut no one Grrw mo. When I wns all but under, my left hnnd hDppenod to catch hold of the clew-gnrnet of the mainsaii, which wa~ dansling (&scos~) in the water. I held on tightly, ::ind o,3g.:::rn to cry out so lustily that I was rsscued by tha small boat. I was aided, not, I 'believo, indeed throurh my merits, but through the mercy of that font of ch&rity (i,e., of the Virgin). That saffie day we shaped our course toward the west southwest between four small islc;nds, namely, Cone.lo, Hiunanghan, Ibusson, and Abarien, At Lirnasawa On Thursday morning, Mar~h tvrnnty-c-dght, as we had seen a firf? on 2n isJ.and the night be fore, we anchored ne.sr it .5 We saw a small boat which the natives call oo::.oto with ciin:ht men in it, ap:roacning the fl::1gshi:'.). A slave belonging to the captain-general, -,'lho was a native of ZamatrL~ (i.o., Sumatra); w:i:i.ch -was formerly called Traprobana spoke them. Tnsy im mediately understood him, ca~e alon~side the ship, unwilling to ente:c but takin:~ 2 po;J:i.tion at some little distance. The c2ptr:.iin see~.ng that thoy would not trust us, threw theD out ,'-l red cap and other thine:s tied to a bit of' wu0d. They received them very gladly, and went away quickly to advise their king. Aoout two hours latbr we saw two balang~ni ;o~i~~. Thev are large boats 2nd a::~e so~ cD.llod J~by -::.hcse :ooople7. They -were full of mon, and thej_r kine; wus in the larger of them, being seated un-ier a;1 awning of rn2.ts, When the king cnme ne,:;r th,..; flagship, the slnve spoke to him. Thr_: 1,:-ine; tmder stood him, for in those di2tricts -<:,he lcLncs know more languages thnn the oth-3r PCOP~.e. He ordered some of his men to enter the ship~, but he al-5 Tho island referred to h,3re was Limasawa, a smetll island lying a short distence sout:-1 of LGyte.

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-19ways remained in his balane.;hai, at some little distance from the ship until his own men returned; and as soon as they returned he departed. The captain-general showed great honor to the man who entered the ship, and gave them some presents, for which the king wished before his departure to give the captain a large bar of gold and basl~etful of ginger. The J.atter, how-ever, thanked the king heartily but would not ac-cept it. In the afternoon we went in the ships Land anchored? near the dwellings of the king. Nex~ day, holy Friday, the captain-general sent his clave, who acted as our interpreter, ashore. in a smaJ.l boat to ask tho king j_f ho had any food to have it carried to the ships; and to say that they would be well satisfied with us, for he /and. his rnen? had come to the island as friends and-not as enemies. The king came with six or eight men in the same bo3.t and enterod the ship. He embraced the cc1ptain-general to whom he gave three porcelain j2rs covered with leaves and full of raw rice, two very large pradc, and other things. The captain-general gave the king a gnrmont of red and yeJ.J.ow cloth rnn cie in the Turkish fashion, and a fine red cap; and to the others (the king's men), to some knives ~nd to others mirrors. Then the captain:?:eneral huc1 a colla-tion spread for them, and had the king told through the slave that he dosired to -oe c.1si ..Pi with him, that is to say, brother. 1fhe king replied that he also wished to enter the same rela-tions with the captain-general. The capt1in showed him cloth of various colors, linen, coral Lornaments7, and many other ert:LcJ.es o.f.' merd1an dise, and all the artillery, some of which he had discharged for him, wherea'e, the riati vec were great ly frightened. Then the captain-gene:ral had a man armsd as a soldier, and placed him in the raidst of three men armed with swortis and daggers, who struclc him on all parts of the body. There by was the kinz rende:;."'ed alr!1ost ,speechless. The captain-general told him t~rough the slave that one of those armed men was worth one hundred of his own men. The king answered that that was a fact. The captain-general said that he had two hundred mGn in each ship who were armed in that

PAGE 36

manner. He showed the king cuirasses, swords, and bucklers, and had a review made for him. Then he led the kinr._: to the deck of the ship, that is located above at the stern; and had his sea-chart and compass brought. He told the kinr.; through the interpreter how hG had found the strait in order to voyage thither, and how many moons he had been without seeing land, whereat the king was astonished, Lastly, he told the king that he would like, if it were pleasing to him, to send two of his men with him so that he might show them sorJ1e of his things. The king replied that he was agreeable, and I went in coL:pany with one of the other men. When I reached shore, the king raised his hands toward the sky and then turned toward us two. We did the same toward him as did all the oth8rs, The king took me by the hand; one of his chiefs took my companion: and thus they led us under a bamboo covering, where there was a balanghai, as long as eighty of my palm lengths, and resembling a fusta. We sat ci.own upon the stern of that bo.langhai, constantly conversing with signs. The king's men stood about us in a circle with swords, daggers, spears, and bucklers. The king had a plate of porl~ brought in and a large jar filled with wine. At every mouthful, we drank a cup of wine. The wine that was left Lin the cup? at any time, althouo;h that happened but rarely, was put into a j nr by it-self, The king's jar was always kept co7ered and no one else drank from it but hc3 and I. Before the king took the cup to drink, h(i raised his clasped hands toward the sky, and then tow~rd me; and when he was about to drink, he extended the fist of his left hand toward mB (at first I thought that he was about to st:;."'ike me) and then drank, I did the same toward the king. They all make those signs one toward o.not.i.1'Jr then they drink. We ate vJith such ceremonies ,.tnd with other signs of friendship. I ate meat on holy Friday, for I could not help myself. Before the supper hour I gave the king many things which I had brought. I wrote down the names of many things in their language. When the king and the others saw me writing, and when I told them their /

PAGE 37

-21-words, they were all astonished. While engaged in that the supper hour was announced. Two large porcelain dishes were brought in, one full of rice and the other of pork with its gravy. We ate with the same si:?:ns and ceremonies, after which we went to the palace of the king which was built like a hayloft and. was thatched with fig LI. e., banang_7 and palm leaves. It was built up high from the ground on huge posts of wood and it was necessary to ascend to it by mean.s of ladders, The king made us sit down there on a bamboo mat with our feet drawn up like tailors. After a half-hour a platter of roast fish cut in pieces was brouglffi in, and ginger freshly gathered, and wine. 'J'he king's eldest son, who vias the prince, came over to us, whereupon the king told him to sit down near us, and he accordingly did so. Then two platters were brought in (one with fish and its sauce, and the other with rice}, so that we might eat with the prince. My companion became intoxicated as a consequence of so much drinking and eating. They used the ~m of a tree called anjE!Q wrapped in palm or fig i.e., banarJ.J l~aves for lights. The king made us a sign that he was going to go to sleep. He left the prince with us, and we slept with the latter on a bamboo mat with pillows made of leaves, When day dawned the king car~ and took me by the hand, and in that manner we went to where WG had had supper, in order to partake of refreshments, but the boat came to get us. Before we left, the king kissed our hands with great joy, and we his. One of his brothers, the king of another island, and three men came with us. The captain-general kept him to dine with us, and gave him many things. Pieces of cold, of the size of walnuts and eggs are found by sifting the earth in the island of that king who came to our ships. All the dishes of that king are of gold and also some portion of his house, as we were to].d by that king himself. According to their customs he wao very grandly decked out ,[niolto in ordin2,7, and the .finest looking man that we saw among those people. His hair was exceedingly black, and hung to his shoulders. He had a covering of silk on his head, and wore two large golden earrings fastened in h:i.s e.al"s, He wore a cotton cloth all embroidered with silk, which covered him from the waist to the knees. At

PAGE 38

his side hung a da~ger, the haft of which was somewhat long and all of gold and its scabbard of carvGd wood, He had three spots of 80ld on every tooth, and his his teeth appear3d as if bound with gold. He wo.s perf'urmed wi.t,h storax and benzoin. H8 was tawny and paintnd Li,e., tELttoeiJl all over. That island of 11:.Lt: w:u~1 call cd Butuan and. Calagal).. When those kinss wished to see one another, they both went to hunt in tl~wt islanl v1here we were 'l'he nar.e or -L. h'-' '"' i r ~i-k1 r1,,. i c:, 0 ~ i ,::, C oJ ""mbu and .J. ,1. V V --l ..,. ti'.J .::: --0 ll.-..A.u~~ -C.4, J the second Raia Siaui. Easter Sunday Mass e..t Limasawa Early bn the morning of Sunday, the last of March, and Easter day, the captain-general sent the priest with ao@e men to prepare the place where mass was to be said; togethc:r with the interpreter to tell the king that wo W8I'e not going to land in order to dine with him, but to say mass, Therefore the king sent us two sw:.ne that h2 Lad h&d killed. When the hour for li~Ss arrived, ~G l~nded with about fifty men, wi:-hcuL body arr;1or~ but carrying our other arms; and c!'f')Ss,ed in our 'best clothes. BeforB we reached +:.he shore with our boats, six pieces were disch2r1~i as a sign of peace. We landed; tl1e two ld,1(:;'o 9rnbracecJ the captain-general, 2nd p~_aced liir,, ~'Je+;weqn tr.em, We went in mnrching order to t11e !)2_aco consecrat-ed, which was not far from tl;l.13 3:so: .. e. I::efore the cor.nnencoment of mas~, tne c -,,}:;f:,c in-s ereral sprin:VJ.ed the en-~ire boG'J.(:)S of :,he; two r:in~s with musk water. The mass was off ere1 up. The k::i.ngs went forward to kiss the cross ai we did, but they did not off er the sacrifice. \i!h,~1. t :1e body of our Lord was elev~ted, they reIT~i!ed on their knees and worshiped Him with cl~s;ed hands. ThG ships fired all their artill0ry a~ on~G, when the body of Christ was levated, the sj_gno.l having been given from the shore witL .r:-'.uslc:e-':-s. After the conclusion of the mass son;e o: our men took communion, The captain-f:':,ancr'al arranged a fencing tournament, at which ;~Le :~J.ngs were greatly pleased. 'I'hGn he hE:cl a cross ce.rried in nnd the nails and a crovm, to which irmnediate reverence was made. He tolC::. the kinss through thu interpreter that they we11e the standaids given to him by

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-23the emoeror his sovereign, so that wherever he might go he might set up those his tokens. (He said) that he wished to set it up in that place for their benefit, fo~ whenever any of our ships came, they would know that we had been there by that cross, and would do nothing to displease them or harm their property (property~ doublet in original rtlS.) If any of their men were captured, they would be set free immediately on that sign being shown. It was necessary to.set that cross on the summit of the highest mountain, so that on seeing it every morning, they might adore it; and if they did that, neither thunder,. li~htning, nor storms would harm them in the least. They thanked him heartily and (said) that they would do everything willingly. '11he Captain-general also had them asked whether they were Moros or heathens, or what was their belief. They r2plied that they worshiped nothing, but that they raised their clasped hands and their face to the sky; and that they ~alled their god "Abba". Thereat the captain was very glad, and seeing that, the first king raised his hands to the sky and said that he wished that it were possible for him to make the captain see his love for him. 'I'he interpreter asked the king why there was so little to eat there. The latter replied that he did not live in that place except when he went hunting and to-see his brother, but that he lived in another island where all his family are. The Captain-general had him asked to declare whether he had any enemies, so that he might go with his ships to destroy them and to render them obedient to him. The king thanked him and said that he did indeed have two islands hostile to him, but that it was not the season to go there. The Captain told hirn that if God would again allow him to return to those districts, he would bring so many men that he would make the kingrs enemies subject to him by force~ He said that he was about to go to dinner, and that he would return after-ward. to have the cross set up on the sun1.mit of the mountain. They replied that they were satisfied, and then forming in battalion and firing the muskets, and the captain embracing the two kings, we took our leave. After dinner we all returned clad iE our dou blets, and that afternoon went together with the two

PAGE 40

kings to the summit of the highest mountain there. Wheri we reached the summit, the Captain-general told them that he esteemed highly having sweated for them, for since the cross was therc1 it could not but be of great us0 to them. On asldng them which port was the best to get food, they replied that there were three, Ceylon, Zubu, and Cnlaghann-, but that Zubu wa.s thG lcir:,;u~,t '..1nd the one with most trad They offered--of thc~ir own accord to give us pilots to show us the wayl The Captain general thanked them and determined. to go there,,_. for so did his ur..hap:py fate wi1l., Aft,er tho cross was erected in position, eGch.of us repeated a Pater Nost;~r anJ Ave Marin E.md adored the cross; and the kinzs-'afd the--s iinc-:--irhen we descend.ed through their c~ltivated fields, and went to the place where the balanghni was. The ki-ngs had some cocoanuts brought in so that Wi:~ might refresh ourselves. The Captain-~eneral asked the kings for the pilots for he intended to d0p2rt the following morning, and (said). that he. vwuld treat them as if they were the kings thems0lves, and would leave one of us as hostage. The l:ing replied that every hour he wished the pilots were at his command, but that night the first king changod his mind, and in the morning when we were about to depart, sent word to the Cap tain-general, asking him for love of him to wait _two days until he would, have his rice harvested, and other trifles attEmded to. He asked the Captain-general to send him some men and help hirri, so that it might bo sooner; and said that he intended to act as pilot himself. The Captain sent him some men, but th8 kings ate and drankso much that they slept all the day. Somo said to excuse them that they were slightly sick. Our men did nothing on that day, but they worked the next two days. Those people arc heathGns, nnd go naked and painted. They wear a piece of cloth woven from a tree about their privies They are very hoavy drinkers. Their ~omen aro clad in tree cloth from their waist down, and tbeir hair is black and reaches to the ground, They have holes pierced in their ears which are f111ed with 2:old.-. Those peopl0 are constantly chewing a fruit whic!1 they call "arsca" and which resembles a pear. They cut the fruit into four parts, end then wrap it in the

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-25-1 eaves of their tree which they call 71betroi1 (i. c., betel}. Those leaves resemble the leav8s of th8 mulberry. 'I'hey mix it with a little lime, .and when they have chewed it thoroughly, they spit it out. It makes the mouth exceedingly red. All tho people in those parts of the world use it, for it is very cooling to the heart, and if they ceased to use it they would die. There ar(3 dogs, cats swine, fowls, goats, rice, ginger, cocoanuts, figs ttananas), oranges, lemons, millet, panicum, sorgo, wax? and a quantity of gold in that island. It lies in a latitude of nine and two thirds degrees toward the Arctic pole, and in a longitude of-ono hundred sixty-two degrees from the line of demarcation. It is twonty five from the Acquada, called M:1.zaua.6 We remained there seven days, after which we la id our course tovrnrd the northwest, passing among five islands, Ceylon, Bohol, Canighan, Baybai and Gati1shan Arrival at Cebu At noon on April seven, we entered the port of Zubu passing many villages, where 1ve saw many houses built upon logs. On approaching the city, the captain-general ordered the ships to fling their banners. The sails were lowered and arranged as if for battle and all the artillery was fired, and action which caused ereat fear to those people. The captain-general sent a foster-son of his as ambassador to the king of Zubo and an interpreter. When they reached the city, they found a vast crowd of people together with the Kine, all of whom had been frightened by the mortars. Th(.3 interpreter told them that that was our custom when entering into such places, as a si.gn of peace and friendship, and that we had d.ischnrf,'.ed all our mortars to honor the kin2: of the vi11 n:'2:c. The king and all of his men ;ere reassured; and the king had us as!<.:od by his govE',rnor whaJc we ,:vant ed. The interpreter rQplied th'.:3.t his riast8::-was a cap tain of the grGatest king and prince of the world o.nd that he was going to discover Malucho, but that he had comG solely to visit the king because of the good repo1~t which he had h(')ard from the king 6 -It is now called Limasawa.

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-26, / I of Masau3, and to buy food with his morchandise,, The king told him that he was welcome(literaly: he had coma at a good time); but that it was their custom for all ships that entered their port to pay tribute and that it was but four days since a junk from Ciama (i.e. Siam) laden with gold and slaves had paid him tiibut e. As proof of his statement the king pointed out to the interpreter, a merchant from Ciam3 w:10 hctd rerna.ined to trade the gold and slaves. The interpreter told the king that, since his master was the captain of so [;reat a king, he did. not pay tribute to any signior in the world, and that if the king wished peace, he would have peace, but if war instead, war. Thereupon, tl h d t i ,., t 1e Moro mere ant sai to .,(ie King li,1.ta nun. C':11.....E., that is to say i7Look well, sire". These rne1'l are the same who h3VC': conquered Calicut, Malaca, and all India Magiore (i.e., India Mn.jor) .. If they are treated well, tht;y e:ivegood treatn;ent, but if they are treated evil, evil and worse-treatment as they have done to Calicut and }falaca. The interpreter understood it all and told the king that his master's king vrns more powerful in men ancl ships than the king of Portogalo, that he was king of Spagnia and emperor of all the Christians, and that if the king did not care to be his friend he would next time send us many man that would destroy him. The Moro related everything to the king who said thereupon that he would deliberate,with his men, and would answer the captain on the following day. Then he had refreshments of many dishes, all li,.qde from meat and contained in porcelain potters, besides many j8rs of wine brought in. After our men had refreshed themselves, they returned and told: us every thing. The kinz of .lYbzaua who w:1s th() r.1ost influential after that king and the Si.r.:nior of 3. number of islands went ashore-~ to speak to _,the king of the great courtesy of our captain-general. On Sunday morning, April fourteen, forty men of us went ashore, two of whom wore coupletely armed and pr--cceded th<"J roy:1.l bannero When we reached l1nd all the artillery was firod.

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-27Mass Baptism in Cebu After dinner the priest and some of th~ others went ashore to baptize the queen, who came with forty women. We conducted her to the platform and she was made to sit down upon a cushion, and the other women near her, until the priest should be ready. She was shown an image of our Lady, a very beautiful wooden Child Jesus, and a cross. Thereupon she was overcome with contrition and asked tor baptism amid her tears. We named her Johanna after the emperor's mother; her daughter, the wife of the prince, Catherina, the queen of Ma.zaua, Lisabeta, and the others each their (distinctive) name. Counting men, women and children, were baptized eight hundred souls. The queen was young and beautiful, and was entirely covered with a white and black cloth, Her mouth and nails were very red, while on her heud she wore a large hat of palm ..Leaves in the manner of a parasol, with a crown. about it of the same leaves, like the tiara of the pope; and she novor soes any place without an attendant. She asked us to give her the little Child Jesus to keep in place of her idols; and then she went aw3y. In the afternoon the king and queen, accompanied by numerous persons came to the shore. Thereupon, the captain had many trombs of fire and largo rnort:::irs discharged, by which they were most highly delighted. The captain and the king called one another brothers. That king's name was Raia Humabon. Before that week had-gone, all the persons of that island, and some from the other islands were baptizod. We burned one haw.lot tihich was locat8d in a neighboring village because it refusetl to obey the king or us. We set up the cross there for those people were heathens,. Had they been Moros, W8 could havq erected a column there as a token of greater hard~ ness, fo-r the Moros are much harder to convert than the heathen. There are many villages in that island. Their names and those of their chiofs are as follows: Cinghapala, and its chiefs, Cilatan, Ciguibucan1 Cimaningha, Cimatichat, and Cidantabul; one, mandaui, and its chief, Apanoaan; one Lalan, and its chief, Theteu; one, Lalutan, and its chief, Tapan;

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-28one Cilumai; and one, Lubucun. All those villages render0d obedience to us, and gave us food and tribute. Near that island of Zubu was an island called :Matam, which formed the part whore we were anchored. The name of its village was Matan and its chiefs were Zula and Cilapulapu. 'fhat city which was burned was in that island and was called Balaia. The Mactan Affair On Friday, April twenty~six, Zula, a chief of the island of Matan, sent one of his sons to present two goats to the captain-general, and to say he would send him all that he had promised, but that he had not been able to send it to him because o.f the other chief Cilalulapu_, who refused to obey the ki"ng of Spagnia. He requested the captain to send him only one boatload of men on the next night, so that they might help him and fight against tha other chief. The captain-general decided to go thither with three boatloads. We begged hirn repeatedly not to go' but he, like a good shepherd, refused to abandon his flock. At midnight, sixty men set out e.rmGd with corselots and helmets, together with the Christian King, the prince, some of the chief men, and twenty or thirty balanguais. We reached l'ffatan three hours before dawn. The cantain did not wish to fight then, but sent a mes'.sage to tne natives by the Moro to the effect that if they :JOl:.ld obey the king of Spagnia, recognize the Christian King as their sovereign, and pay us our tribute, he would be their friend; but if they ~iohod otherwise, they should see our lanbes wound. They replied that if v1e had lances they h.J.d lances of bamboo and stakes hardened with f~.re. ( They asked us) not to proceed to attack them at once, but to wait until morning, so that tnoy might have ~ore men. They said that in order to in-duce us to go in search of them) for they had dug certain pitholes between the houses in order that we might .f al1 into them. When morning came forty-nine of us leaped into the water up to our thighs, and walked through water for more than two c:cossbow flir(hts before we could reach

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-29-the shore. The boats could not approach nearer because of cert2in rocks in the water. The other eleven men remained behind to guard the boats. When we reached the land, three men had formed in three divisions to the number of more than on(! thousand five hundred persons. When they heard of us, they charged down upon us with exceeding loud cries, two divisions on our flanks and the other on our front. When the c-aptain saw that, he formed us into two divisions, and thus did we begin to fight. The musketeers and crossbowmen shot from a distance for about a half-houl'', but uselessly; for the shots only passed through the shields which 'lvere made of thin wood and the arms (of the bearers). The captain cried to thorn, "Cease firing1 cease firingl II but his order was not at all heeded. when the natives saw tht1.t we were shooting our muskets to no purpose, crying out they determined to stand firm but they redoubled their shouts. When our muskets were discharged, the natives would never stand still, they leaped hither and thither, covering themselves with their shields. They shot so many arrows at us and hurled so many bamboo spears ( ;:'JOfi;_e of them tipped with iron) at the captain-general, besides pointed stakes hardened with fire, stones, and mud, that we could scarcely defend ourselves. Seeing that, the captain-general sent ~,ome 1::ien to burn thoir houses in order to terrify them. When they saw their houses burning, they were roused to greater fury. Two of our men wore killed near the houses, while we burned twenty or thirty houses. So many of them charged down upon us that they shot the captain through the right leg with a poisoned atrow. On that account, he ordered us to retire slowly, but the men took to fli[.ht, except six or eight of us who remained with the captain. 'rhe natives shot only at our 1 egs, for the latter were bcJre; and so many were the spea~s and stones that they hurled at us, that 1,ve could offer no resistance. The mortars in the boats could not aid us as they were too far avJay. So, we continued to retire for more than a good crossbow flight from the shore always fightin8 up to our knees in the water. The natives continued to pursue us, nnd picking up the same spear four or six times, hurled it at

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-30-us a~Din and a~ain. Recognizing the captai~, so many turnod upon him that they knocked his helmet off his head t,-iice, but he always stood firmly like a good knight, to~ether with some others. Thus did we fight .for more than one hour, refusing to retire farther. An Indian hurled a bamboo spear into the captain's face, but the latter immediately killed him with his lance, which he left in the Indian's body. Then, trying to lay hand on sword, he could. draw it out but halfway, because he had been wound0d in the nrm by a bamboo spear. When the natives saw that, they all hurled themselves upon him. One of them wounded him on the left leg with a large cutlass, which resernbl es a scimitar, only being larger. That caused the captain to fall face downward, when immediately they :r.usr~ed upon him with iron and bamboo spears and with their cutlasses, until they killed our mirror, our light, our comfort, and our true guide. When they wounded him, he turned back many times to see whether we were all in the 'Joats, Thereupon, bE,holding him dead, we, wounded, retreated, as best we could, to tho boats, which were already pulling off. The Christian Kin:?; 1rnuJ.d huve aided us, but the captain charged him before wo landed, not to leave his balanghai, but to stay to se8 how we fought. When the ~ir~ learned that the captain was dead, ho wept. Had it not been for th&t unfortunate captain, not a single one of us would have been saved in the boats, for while he was fizhtin~ the others retired to the boats. I hope thr6ugh 1the efforts) your most illustrious Lordship, that the fame of so noble a captain will not become effaced in our times. Among the virtues which he possessed, he was more constant than ever any ono else in the greatest of adversity. He endured hunger better than all the others, and more nccur:=i.tely than any man in the wo:tld did he understand sea charts 2,nd navigation, And that this was the truth was seen openly, for no other had had so much natural talent nor the boldness to learn how to circumnavigate the world, as h0 had almost done. Tllat battle was fought on Saturday, April twenty-seven, 1521. The captain desired to fight S:1turday, especially holy to him. Eight of our men were killed with him in that battle, and four Indians, who ha.d b eGome Christians and who come afterwnrd to aid us ware killed by the mortars

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-31-of the boats. Of the enemy, only fifteen were killed, while many of us were wounded, In the afternoon, the Christian king sent a message with our consent to the people of :Matan, to the effect that if they would give us the captain and the other r.ien who had been killed, we would give them as much merchandise as they wished. They answered that they would not give such a man, as we imagined( they should do) and that they would not give him for all the riches in the world, but, they intended to keep him as a memorial. On Saturday, the day on which the captain was killed, the four men who had remained in the city to trade, had our merchandise carried to the ships The Return Voyage t6 Spain On Tuesday night as it dre1,I/ near Wednesday, February eleven, 1522, we left the island of Timar and took to the great open sea called Laut Chidol. Laying our course toward the west southwest, we 1 eft the island of Zamatra, formerly called Traprobana, to the north on our right hand, for fear o.f the king of Portoghala; In order that we might double the cape of Bonna Speranza (i,e., "Good Hope"), we descended to forty-two degrees on the side of the Antarctic Pole. We were nine weeks near t\1at cape with our sails hauled down because we had the west and northwest 1,d.nds on our bow quarter and because of a most furious storm. That cape lies in a latitude of thirty-four and onehalf degrees, and is one thousand six hundred leguas from the cape of Nalaca. It is tho largest and most dangerous cape in the world. Some of our men, both sick and well, wished to go to a Portuguese settlement called Mozambich, bGcause the ship was leakJ.ng badly, because of the severe cold, and especially because we had no other food than rice and water; for as we had no salt, our provisions of meat had putrefied. Some of the others however, n~re desirous of their honor than of their own lif8, determined tb go to Spagnia living or dead. Finally by God1s help, we doubled that capo on May six at a distence of five

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-32 ... leguas. Had ,,. e not approached so closely, we could never have doubled it. Then we sailed nortrrwest for two months continually without taking on any fresh food or water (r.gfrj.gerio). Twenty-one men died during that short time. When we cast them into the sea, the Christians went to the bottom face upward, while the Indians always went down face downward. Had not God given us good weather we would all have perished of hunger. Finally, constrained by our great extremity, we went to the islands of Capo Verde. Wednesday, July nine, we reached one of those islands called Sancto Jacobo, and immediately sent the boat ashore for food, with the story for the Portuguese that wo had lost our f,oremast under the equinoctial line (although we had, lost it upon the cage of Bonna Speranza), and when we were rcstepping it, our capit,~in-gencral had gone to Spagnia with the other two ships; With those good words and with our merchandise, we got two boatloads of rice. We charged our men when they went ashore in the boat to ask what day it was, and they told us that it was Thursday v1ith the Portuguese. We were greatly surprised for it was Wed nesday with us, and we could not see how we had made a mistake; for as I had always kept well, I haa set down every day withou4 .any interruption How ever, as was told us lator, it was no error, but as the voyage had been made continually to,1ard the west and we hrtd returned to the same place as does the sun, we had made that gain of twenty-four hours, as is clearly seem. The boat having returned to the shore again for rice, thirteen men and the boat wen detai~ed1 boc~use one of them!, as we learnen after ward in ~pagnia, told the Portuguese that our captain was dead, as w~ll as others, and that we were not going to Spagnia. Fearing lest W8 also be taken prisoners by certdin ca:pavols, we hastily de parted. On Saturday, Septemb,0r six, 1522, we en-. tered tho bay of San Lucar wi"i:;h only eighteen men \ and the majority of them sickt all that were left of the sixty rnen who left Malucho. Some died of hunger; some dessert ed at the island of Timor; and some wore put to death for crimes. From the time we loft that bay (of San Lucar) until the present day (of our return), we had sailed fourteen th-ousani four hundred and sixty legua.s, and furthermore had completed the circumnavi.l!ation of the world from east to west. On Monday; September oight, we cast

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-33-anchor near the quay of Seviglia, and discharged all our artillery. Tuesday, we all went in shirts and barefoot, each holding a candle, to visit the shrine of Santa Maria de la Victoria (i.e., trSt. Mary of Victory"), and that of Santa Maria de 11 Anti qua (i.e. 2 t1St. Mary of Antiquity"). Leaving Seviglia, I went to Vagliadolit (_i.e., Valladolid), where I presented to his sacre_d I,lajesty, Don Carlo, neither gold nor silver, but things very highly esteemed by such a sovereign. Among other things I gave him a book, written by my hand, concerning all the niatters that had occurred frorn day to day during our voyage. I left there as best I could and went to Portngalo where I spoke with King Johanni of wh9.t I had,_ s ee:1 Passing through Spagnia, I went to Fransa where I made a gift of ce1"tain things from the other hemisphere to the mother of the most Christian king, J2on Francisco, Madame_ the regent. Then I c.'lme to .Ltalia, where I established my permanent abode, and devoted my poor lab ors to the famous and r;iost illustrious Lord, Fhilipo de Villers Lisleadam, the most worthy grand master of RhodL, The Cavalier ANTONIO PAGAPHETTA. (2) Transylvanus own story of the Magellan e::pedition is told in part, in the following excerpts:1 Background of the Exp edit ion Not long ago one of tr10s e five ships returned which the emperor, while 118 was at Sara gossa some years aDo, had sent into a strm1ge and 1 B. & R., Vol. 1, P 305, ff.

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-34-hitherto unknown part of the world, to search for the islands in v1hich spices grow. For al though the Portuguese brine; us a great quantity of them from the Golden Chersonesus, which we now call .Malacca, nevertheless their own Indian possessions _produce none but pepper. For it is well known that th8 other spices, as cinnamon, cloves, and the nutme.g, 1:Jhich we call mus cat, and its covering (mace J which we call muscat-flower, are brought to their Indian possessions from distant islands hitherto only known by name' in ships held together not by iron fastenings, but merely by palmleaves and having round 5ails also woven out of palm-fibers. Ships of this sort they call "junks" and they are impelled by the vdnd only when it blows directly fore or aft. Nor is it wonderful that th~se islands have not been known to any mortal, almost up to our time. For \-1hatever statements of ancient authors we have hitherto read with respect to the native soil of thase spices, are partly entirely fabulous, and partly so far from truth, that the very regions, in v.Jh5_ch th(;y asserted that these spices were produced, are scarcely less distant froB the countries in whic:1 it is now ascertained that they grow, than_we ourselves Now it was necessa~y for our sailors, who have recently returned, to sail round the whole world and that in a veI'Y wide circuit, before they discoveretl these islands and returned to Europe; and, since this voyage was a very remark able one, and neither in our own time, nor in any former age, had such a voyage been accor:1plished, or even attempted, I have determined. to send your Lordship a full and accurate account of the expedition. I have taken much care in o'ut&inin:c: an account of the facts from the co!llinandin :-of .fie er of the squadron, 2 and from the individual sailors w!lo have returned with him. They also made a statem.3nt to the emperor, and to several other 2 -Sebastian del Cano.

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-35-persons with such good faith and sincerity, that they appeared in their narrative, not m~rely to have abstained from fabulous statements, but also to contradict and refute the fabulous statements made by ancient authors. Some thirty years ago, when the Castillians in the West and Portuguese in the East, had begun to search after new and unknown lands, in order to avoid any intorf:rence of one with the other, the Kings of these countries divided the whole world between thc::m, by the authority probably of Pope Alexander VI, on this plan, that a line should be drawn from the North to the South pole through a point three hundred and sixty leagues West of the Hesperides which they now call Cape Verde ls lands, v,ihich would divide the earth t s surface into two equal portions. All unknown lands hereaft~r discovered to the east of this line were assignsd to the Portuguese, all on the west to the Castillians. Hence it camG to pass that Castilians always sailed southwest, and there discovered a very extensive continent, besides numerous large islands, abounding in c:;old, pearls and other valuable commodities, and have quite recently discovered a large inland city named Tenoxtica (:Mexicol situated in a lake like Venice. Peter Martyr,--' an author who is more careful as to theaccuracy of his statements than of the elegance of his style, has given a full but truthful description of this city. But the Portu_;uese sailinz southward past the l-Iesperides (Cape Verde Island:::) and the Fish-eating Ethiopians (West Coast of Africa), crossed tLe Equator and the Tropic of Capricorn, and sailing eastward discovered several very large islands heretofore unknown. Thence, by way of the Arabian and Per-sian Gl,llf s, they arrived at the shores of. India within the Ganges, where now there is the'very great trading station and the kingdom of Calicut. Hence they sail,3d. to Taprobane which is now called Zamatar? (Sumatra). Thence, they came to the Golden Ghersonesus, where now stands the well-peopled city' of Malacca, the principal place of business of the East. After t~is they pene. 3 Author of De orbe nono Decades, 1516.

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-36-trated into a 5-;reat gulf, as far as the nation of the Sinae, who are now called Schinae (Chinese), where they found a fair-complexioned and tolerablycivilized people,/like our folks in Germany. And althou!.h there was a sommvhat doubtful rumour afloat, that the Portuguese had advanced so far to the weast, that they c0me to the end of their own limits, and had passed over into the territory appointed for the Castilians and that Jv'f..a lacca and the Great Gulf were within our limits, all this was more sai.d than believed, until four years ago, Ferdinand Magellan, a distinguished Portuguese, who had for many years sailed about the Eastern Seas as admiral of the Portuguese fleet, having quarreled with his king, who he considered had acted ungratefully towards him, and Christopher Haro, brother of my father-in-law, of Lisbon, who had, through his agents for many y8ars carried on trade with those eastern coq.ntries, and more recently with the Chinese, so that he was well acquainted with these matters (he also, having been ill-used by the King of Portugal, had returned to his native country, Castille), pointed out to the emperor, that it was not yet clearly ascertained, whether Malacca was within the boundaries of the Portuguese or of the Castilians, because hitherto its longitude had not been definitely known, but that it was an undoubted ~act that the Greo.t Gulf and the Chinese nations were within the Castilian limits. They asserted also that it was absolutely certain, that the islands called the tbluccas, in which all sorts of spices grow, and f~om which they were brou,:;:1t to Malacca, were co:1t2inGd in the Western, or Castilian division, and. that it would be possi;)le to sail to them, a:1:1d to bring the spices at less trouble and expens,3 from their native soil to Castile. The plan of the voyage was to sail west, and then coasting the Southern Hemisphere round the south of Amorica to the East The emperor and his council considered that 1?he plan proI?osed by Magellan and Ha::'.'o, though hold ing out considerable advantages, was ono of very considerable difficulty as to execution. After some delay, Magellan offered to go out himself, but Haro

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-37-undertook to fit out a squadron at the expense of himself and his friends provided that they were allowed to sail under the authority and patronage of his Majesty. As each resolutely upheld his own scheme, the emperor himself fitted out a squadron of five ships and appointed Magellan to the command. It was ordered that they should sail southwards by the coast of Terra Firma, until they found either the end of that country or some strait, by which they might arrive at the spicebearing Moluccas. Departure of the Expedition -Discovery of the Strait of .Magellan Accordingly on the ten~h of August, 15191 Fer dinand Magellan Nith his five ships sailed from Seville. In a few days they arrived at the Fortunate Islands, no11,1 called Canaries. Thence they sailed to the islatids of Hesperides ( Cape Verde), and thence sailed in a southwesterly direction towards that continent which I have already mentioned (Terra F'irma or South America) and after a favora'ole voyage of a few days discovered a promontory, which they called St. Mary's. Thence they coasted along this continent, which extends far on southwards, and which I now think should be calledthe Southern Polar land, then gradually slopes off in a westerly direction, and so sailed several degreos south of the Tropic of Capricornw Not till tho end of March in the follovling year, (1520), did they arrive at a bay, 1r-1hich they called St. Julian t s Bay They stated that the longitude was fifty-six degrees west of the Canaries. As soon as Magellan observed that the wea ther was less stormy and that the winter began to break up, he sailed 6ut of St. Julian1s Bay on the twenty-fourth of August 1520, as before. For some days he coasted along to the southward and at last sighted a cape, which they called Cape Santa Cruz. Here a storm from the east caught the;11, and one of the five ships was dri~en on shore and wrecked, but the crew and all goods on board were saved, except an African slave who was drowned. After

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-38this the coast se~med to stretch a little south eastwards, and as they c_ontinued to exp'iore it? on the twenty-sixth of November (1520) an opening was observed havin0 the appearance of a strait; :r,Iagellan at once sailed in with his whole fleet, and seeing several bays in various directions, directed three of the ships to cruise about to ascertain whether there was any way through, undertaking to wait for them five days at the entrance of the strait so that they might report -what success they had. One of these ships vrns cor;-Jnanded by Alvaro de Iviesquita, son of Magellan' s brother, and this by the "'.vindings of the channel came out again into the ocean whence it had set out. When the Spaniards saw that they were at a considerable distance from the other ships, they plotted among themselves to return home, and having put Alvaro their Captain in irons, they sailed northwards_, and at last they reached the coast of Africa, and there took in provisions, and eight months after leaving the other ships, they arrived in Spain, where they brour:;ht AJ.varo to trial on the charcr,e that it had 8hiefly been through his advice and pet'suasion that his uncle :Magellan had adopted sue.,.. severe measures,_ agains~, the Castilians. Mae:,~ellan waited soee days ovor the appointed time for. his ship, and meanwhile one ship had returned, and reported t:1at they had found nothing but a shallow bay, and the shores stony and with hif~h cli:::'f's; bnt the other re:)orted that the greutest bay had the appearance of :..1 strait, as they had sniled on for three days a:1d Lad found no way out, but that the farther ~hey wont the narrower the passage became, and it was ~o dcop, that in many places th8y sounded without finding the bottom; they also noticed from the tiCe of the sea, that the flow was somew.hat st1Lz;e:c thaa the ebb, a11d thence they conjectured tho.t tJ1<:)re wrrs a passage that way into some other se.:.1. Un hoarilli! this Magellan determined to sRil al_oi:.0 : t~iis clwn':. nel. This strait, though not theJ.1 Lno'm1 to be such, was of the.breadth in some,places of three, in others of two, in others of fi~e or ten Italian miles and inclined slightly to the ,:rnst

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-39-Crossing the Pacific Magellan saw that the main land extended due _north, and therefore gave orders to turn away from the great continent, leaving it on the right had, and to saiJ. over that vast and e::tensive ocean, which have probably never been traversed by our ships or by those of any other nation, in a northwestcrly direction, so ':;hat they might arrive at lost at the Easter:--;. ocean, cor,1ing at it from the west, and again ent:,er the torrid zone, for he was satisfied that tt.e Mo1uccas -were in the extreme east, and could not be far off the equator. They continued in this course, never deviating from it., except when compelled to do so now and then by the force of the wind After sailing for three months and twenty days with good fortune over this ocean, and having traversed a distance a:.most too long to estimate, having had a strong wind aft almost the whole of the time, and having again crossed the equator, they saw an island, which they afterwards learnt from the neighborinz people was called Inuagana .L1When they came nearer to it:,, they found thu latitude to be eleven degrees north; the longitLde they reckoned to be one hundred and fifty-eight degrees west of Cadiz. Arrival in the Philippines Our men then sailed towards Selani. 5 but a storm caught them so t;hat they could net, 1.and there, but they were driven to aTio~~9~ i31Qnd called iassa.na,6 where t:11:i ki.i.1.[:-; cf ::.:w t'1.:cee is-lands resides. From this island th~v sailed to Su1?uth (Zebu), a_very lar~e isi_2,i?d, :tl1C::. we:u sup-pllAd wh~~e l"avina ~ome t:o a TY,, L.;>'lr
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-40-tructed an altar in the Christian fashion, and divine service was duly performed. The chief and a large crowd of Indians came up, and seemed much pleased with the religious rites. They brought the admiral and. ::wme of the officers into the chief's cabin, and set before them what food they had. The bread v/as made of sago, which is obtained from the trunk of a tree not n111ch unlike the palm. This is chopped up small, and fried in oil, and used as bread, a specimen of which I sent to your Lordship; their drink was a liquor which flows from the branches of palm-trees when cut, some birds were also served up at this n-:eal; and also sorne of the fruit of the country. Ma gellan having noticed in the chief's house a sick person in a very wasted condition, asked who he was and from what disease he was suffering. He was told that it was the chief's grandson, and that he has been sufferin,~ for two years from a violent fever. Magellan exhorted him to be of good courage, that if he would devote himself to Christ, he would immediately rGcover his former health and strength.. Ths': Indian consented and adored the Cross and received baptism, and tho next day declared that he was v-1ell ap;ain, rose from his bed, and walked about and took his meals like the others. What visions he may have told his friends I can not sGy; '.)ut th,,:: chief and over twenty hundred Indians were baptized and professed the name and faith of Christ. Magellan seeing that this island was rich in gold and ginger, and that it was so conveniGntly situated v.Jith respect to the neighboring islands, thHt it would be easy, makinG this his headquarters, to explore their resources and natural productions, he therefore went to the chief of Subuth and sugrsst8d to him, that since he had turned away from the foolish and impious worship of false gods to the Christian religion, it would be proper that the chiefs of neighboring islands should obey his rule; that he had determined to send envoys for this purpose, and if any of the chiefs should refuse to obey this summons, to com-pel them to do so by force of arms. The proposal pleased the savage, and the envoys, were sent: the chiefs came in one by one c:1nd paid hon1c1se to the Chief of Subuth in the manner adopted in those countries.

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-41-The M:'1.cto.n Affa:i.r But the nearest island is called JWauthan {Matan), and its king was superior in military force to the other chiefs; and he declined to do homage to one whom he had been accustomed to command for so long. IViagellan, nnxious to carry out his plan, ordered forty of hj_f1 men, whom he could rely for valor and military i:;kill to arm themscl ves and pass e.d over to the island Mau than in boats, for it was very near. The chief of Subuth furnished him with some of his own people, to guide him as to the topography of the island and the character of the country, and, if it should be necessary to help him in the battle. The king of iV'lauthan, seeing the arrival of our men, led into the field some three thousand of his people. l\ll'.agellan, drew up his own men, and what artillery he had, though his fol"ce 1:vas somewhat small, on the shore, and although he saw that his force was much inferior in numb ors, and that his opponents were a warlike race, and were equipped with lances and other weapons, nevertheless thought it more advisable to face the enemy 1vith them, than to retreat, or to avail himself of the aid of the Subuth islanders. Accordingly he exhorted his men to have courag~, and not to be alarmed at the superior force of the enemy; since it had often been the case, as had recently happened in the island (Peninsula) of Yucatan, that two hundred Spaniards had routed two or even three hundred thousand Indians. He said to the Subuth islanders, that he had not brought them with him to fight, but to see the valour and military prowess of his men. 'i.1hen he attacked the I-'Iauthan islanders. and both sides fought boldly; but as the er.1emy surpassed our men in number, and used longor Vrn.ches, to the great damage of' our men, at last M::1gellan .himself wc1.s thrust through and slain. Althou6 h the survi \rors did not consider themselves fairly beaten yet, as they had lost their leader, they retreated; but as they retreated in good order, the enemy did not venture topursue them. The Spo.nia.rds then, having lost their admiral, I~gell~n, and seven of their comrades, returned to Subuth, where they chose as their new admiral John Serra.no, a man of no con-

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-42-temptible ability.. He renewed the alliance with the chief of Subuth, by making him additional presents, and undertook to conquer the king of lV1a.uthan. :Massacre at C ebu Magellan had been the owner of a slave, a native of Mollucas, whom he had formerly bought in lvlalacca; and by means of this slave, who was able to speak Spanish fluently, and of o.n interp:ceter of Subuth, who could speak the Moluccan language, our men carried on their negotiations. This slave had taken part in the fight ~with the Iv[authan islanders~ and had been slightly wounded, for which reason he lay by all day intending to nurse himself. Serrano, who could do no business without his help, rated him soundly, 2.nd told him that though his master Magellan was dead, he was still a slave, and that he would find that such was the case, and vmuld get a good flogging into the bargain, if he did not exert himself and to do what was required of him more zealously. This speech much incensed the slave against our people: but he concealed his anger and in a few days went to the chief of Subuth, and told him that the avarice of the Snaniards was insatiable: that they had determined' as soon as they should have defeated the king of J!.Iauthan1 to turn round upon him, and take him away as a prisoner; and that the only course for him (the Chief of Subuth) to adopt was to anticipate by treachery. The savage believed this, and secretly ca@e to un d0,rstanding with the chief of Mauthan, and m.ade arrangements with hir.1 for common action against our people. Admiral Serr a no, 2nd t '\'lent y seven of the principal officers and men, were invited to a so-lemn banquet~ These, went unsuspectingly, for the natives had car2fully dissembled their intentions, went on the shore w'ith,:iut precautions, to take their dinner with the Chief. While they were at the ta'.)le, some armed men, who had been concealed close by, ran in and slew them. A great outcry was made: it was reported on our ships that our men were killed, and that, the whole island was hostile to us; our men saw rrom on board the shifs, that the handsome cross, which they had set up in a tree, was torn down by the natives and cut into fragments. When the Spaniards,

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-43-who had remained on board, heard of thE-) slaught-er of our men, they feared further treachery: so they weighed anchor and began to set sail without delay. Soon afteri;Jards Serrano was broueht to the coast a prisoner; hG entreated the~ to deliver him from so miserable a captivity saying that be had got 1 eave to be rc1.nsorned, if his men would agree to it. Al though our men thought it was disgraceful to 1 eave their commander behind in this way, their fear of the treachery of islanders was so great that they put to sea, leaving Serrano on the shore in vain laii1enting and beseeching his comrades to rescue him. 'I'he Spaniards having lost their commander and several of their comrades, sailed on sa.d and anxious, not merely on the account of the loss they had suffered, but also because their number hnd been so diminished, that it was no longer possible to work the three remaining ships. The Return Voyage On this question they consulted together, and unanimously camG to this conclusion, that the best plan was to burn one of the ships, and to sail home in the two remaining. They therefore sailed to a neighboring island, called Cohol (Bohol), 2nd having put the rigging and stores of one of the ships on board the two, others, set it on fire. Hence they proceeded to the island of Gibeth.7 Although they found that this island was well supplied with gold and ginger and many other things, they did not think it desirable to stay there any length of time as they could not establish friendly relations with the natives and the';,r were too few in numoor to venture to use force. From Gibeth they proceeded to the island of Porne (Borneo). In this archipelago there are two large islands; one of which is called Siloli {Gilolo), whose king had six hundred children. Siloli is larger than Porne, for Siloli can 7 -Quipit, a port on the northwest part of J.1.,Iindanao.

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-44-hardly be circu1;mavigated in six months, but Porne in three months. Al though Siloli is larger than Porne, yet th8 latter is more fertile, and dis-t5 ~guished as containing a large city of the same name as the island. On leaving this island our men having paid th0;ir respects to the king, and propitiated him by prcs0nts, sailed to the Moluccas, their way to ,;;Jhich l1D.d been pointed out to them by the king, Then they came to the coast of the island of Solo, where they heard that pearls were to be found as large as dove's eg~s, or even hen1s eggs, but that they were only to be had in very deep water. Our men did not bring home any single large pearl, as they were not there at the season of the year for pearl-fishing, They said however that they found an oyste~ there the flesh of which weighed forty-seven pourtds. Son after our men had sailed from Thedori, the larger of t:w two ships ( the Trinidad) sprang a leak, whic >.!. 1et in so much water, that they were obliged to return to Thedori. The Spaniards seeing that this defect could not be put right except with much labor and loss of ti,me, asreed that the other ship (the Victoria) should sail to the Cape of Catti.c~ara, thence across the ocean as far as possible froLl the Indian coast, lest they should be sea:n by the Portuguese, until they came in sic;ht of the southern point of Africa, b .:::yond tl:::.e troT:)ic of Capricorn, tJhich the Portuguese cell the Cape of Good Hope, for thence the voyaze to S?ain was easy. It is also arranged that, when the ~epairs. of the other ship were completed, it should s3.iJ. back through the Archipelago and the Vast {Pacific) Ocean to the coast of the continent, 11Lic:1 we have already :mentioned (South America) unt:U. they came to the Isthmus of Darien, where only a narrow neck of lnnd divides the South Sea from the Western Sea, in which are the islands belon:fng to Spain. The s~aller ship accordingly set sail again from The.-:bri, and though they went as far as twelve degrees so nth, they did not find Cattigara, which Ptolemy considered to lie considerably south of' the equator; however after a long voyage, they arrived in sight of the Cape of Good Hope, and thence sailed to the Cape Verde Islands. Here this ship also, after having been so long at sea., began to be leaky, and the men, -v.iho had lost several of' their compe.nions through hardship in the course of their adventure, were un-

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-45-able to keep the vmter pumped out. They therefore. landed at one of the islands called So.ntiar;o, to buy slaves. As our men, sailor-like, had no money, they offered cloves in exchange for sl~ves. When the Portuguese officials heard of this, they committed thirteen of our men to prison. The rest eighteen in number, being alc1rmed at the position in which they found themselves, left their companions behind, and sailed direct to Spain. Sixteen months after they had sailed from Thedori,on tha sixth of Septem1J
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-46-CHAPTER THREE LA'rER ATTEMPTS AT QOLONIZATION, 1525-1565 1. Tho Loaisa Expedition The return of the Victoria in September, 1522, with survisors of the Magellan expedition ar'JUS ed in Spain great enthusiasm and interest. King Charles I himself was much impressed by what had been accomplished. Shortly after the return of the Victoria he gave orders for the launch:. ing of a new expedition to the East "to reap the fruits of Magellan1s discoverieEi.11 It was his aim to extend to the East the Spanish colonial empire. Preparations for the ne1,1 exp(idition were completed in the summer of 1525. A much larger expeditionary force than the one led by lViagellan was ass.embled. It included seven vessels and 450 men. In command of the -expedition was Fray Garcia Jofre de Loaisa, a distinguished Spaniard, a man well versed and experienced in thE1 art of navigation. Accorapanying him as ranking officer was Sebastian del Cano, who had made a name for himself as an able pilot and pavigator by succt:issfully bringing home the Victoria. One of the members of the expedition was a young man named Andres de Urdaneta. Urda not a, like many o. young man of his time, was full of the spirit of adventure. IIe joined

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-47-the expedition desirous of seeing new lands and strange peoples in the East, The Loaisa expedition, with all the preparations made to assure its success, came to an inglorious end. l'ilisfortune and. disaster awaited it on the long and arduous way to the East. Tho fleot left the port of Corufia on July 24, 1525. Even before the Strait ,of Magellan _was reached, three ships had been lost, two were wrecked and one de-serted. Later, aft8r the passage of the Strait had been accomplished, another ship was forced to separate from the fleet. Shortly after the fleet entered the Pacific Ocean, a series of misfortunes befell the expedition in rapid succession. Four hundred leagues from the Strait of Magellan Loaisa died July 30, 1526. His successor, Sebastian del Cano, also died a few days after assuming command. The third commander, Toribio de Salazar, died September 15, 1526. The fourt in succession to the comniand of the ex-pedition, Martin de Iniguez, lived until July 11, 1527, when he, too, died. The last commander, Hernando de 1::t Torre, succeeded" in bringing the flent to one of the Moluccas Is lands, but no better luck awaited him there. He and his companions fell into the hands of the Portuguese. Of the original 5roup that started on the venture, only a few lived to tell the story of this. ill-fated expe-

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-48dition. One of them was Andres de Urdaneta. He and the other :survivors returned to Spain in 1536. An important source of information on the Loaisa expedition is the account written by Andres de Urdaneta.. This was published in Spain shortly upon Urdaneta's return from the East in 1536.1 In this account, Urdaneta m&de some interesting observations regarding the lands he visited in the East, thGir .natural productions, and the customs and peculiarities o.f their inhabitants. 'l'he .following are por tions of his observations on Mindanao and the Moluccas: Arriving at Bendanao (l\fd.ndanao), we anchored at th.e port of' Bizaya. 2 Later on we :v-mnt ashore in a sir..all ho.at to trade with the inhabitants of the place. 'The latter h.ad swine and hens, but' they would not .sell any of these to u.s. These neople are well dressed. Thev wear cotton and silk clothes and satins from ,Cnina. In this is land of Bendanao there is much gold.. They offered to sell to us a quantity of' this metal. Here we l -It bears the title "Relacion del Viaje de la Arma da del Comendador Ga d,e Loaisa a la.s Islas de la Espe,ce-ceria It was published in Valladolid, Feb. 28, 1537. The document is folli-id in Goleccion de Doc. Ina&tLtos dnl Real Archivo de Ind.l.e.s, vol. 5, Madrid, 1666. 2 The identity o:f this port is not rnowJ1. The expedition touched at. various places on the eastern coast of Mindanao but thf'.re is no port at pre3ent unoer that name anyt-"1here in Eastern Mindanao. Urdaneta, however, state,o that "forty leagues from there {the port o.f Eizaya) we came t,o another island which is called Talao u Urdaneta was referring here to Talaud, and island south of l\!iJnciianao. On the basis of this ref'crenc e, it can be said that the J)ort of Bizaya must have b.e,en located somewhere on the south eastern coast of W.d.ndanao.

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-49-got an Indian whom we brought to Maluco. The latter told us that every year two junks from China came to the place to buy gold and pearls of which there is an abundc1nce. Cinnamon also abound in the western part of the island The island of Maluco which produce qloves are Tidore, Ter:renate,. l,Iotil, lV"mquian, and Bcichan In this five islands eleven thousand six hundred quintales more or less of cloves are raised every year If it should please Your Majesty to order the establishment of trade with f,'Ialuco, to the end that all the cloves, nutmegs, and mace gathered in those islands could be brought to Espana, then of necessity a,11 those who wish to buy these articles will have to go to wherever Your Majesty commands that the tr~ffic in these articles be made. For Your Majesty should know that nowhere else in the known world 8re cloves, nutmegs, and mace produced. Therefore, to Your Majesty those islands of Maluco and Banda should bo of great interest for from spic os alone they bring an income of more than 600,000 ducados a year 2. The Saavedra Expedition Two other expeditions were despatcbed to the East subsequent to the departu.re of Loaisa: the Sebastian Cabot expedition, dispatched from Seville, Spain, on April 13, 1526, and the Saavedra expedition, whieh was launched from Mexico, on October 31, 1527. The Cabot exp edition coD.sisting of four ships and 250 men .failed to ruach its destination. After spending three years exploring the eastern coast of South America in a futile attempt to discover a shorter route to the East, fi3hting hostile Indians, and searching

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-50-for gold, it returned to Spain, arrj_vj_ng there j_n August, 1530 I ThG Saavedra expedition was prepared by Hernando Cortes, Viceroy of Mexico, in compliance with an order from Charles I, It.was the first Spanish venture to the East to be launched from the New \Jorld. Placed under the command of Alvaro cle Saavedra, cousin 0' Cortes, the expedition set out to accomplish four objectives: (1) to rescue Juan Serrano and other Spaniards who had been loft irt Cebu in 1521; (2) to look for the Trinidad, one of the vessels in the Magellan expe dition; (3) to find out what befall th8 Cabot expedition; and ( 4} to follow up the Loa is a expedition and render to it whatever assistance it 9eeded. Saavedra brought with him a letter from Hernan Cortes, Viceroy of Nueva Eapafia, for delivery to the King of Cebu. In that letter, Cortes expressed, ir1 the na;ne and on behalf of the King of Spain, hj_s regrets for Mavella.n' s actuations in Cebu. "The King grieved, n Cortes wrote, 11at having a captain who departed from tho royal commands and i11struc tions that ho c arriE'd, E'Dpecially in his havi1~ s t;irred up war or discord with you and yours. 11 Cortes also requeoted the release of Spaniards held captives/ by the Kinr; of Cebu. 11This Emperor our lord, Ii he vnote, "will be rnuch pleased if you will deliver to this capt,::in (Saavedra) any of the

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-51Spaniards who are still alive in your prison. If you wish a ransom for it, he shall give it you at your pleasure and to your satisfaction. 111 With three ships and 110 men the 3aa~odra expedition I sailed from the port of Zaguatanejo, Mexico Like the Loaisa expedition befor:a it, it met with misfortune and dis-aster on theway. Somewhere in the @id-Pacific, two of Saavedra's vessels were wrecked. With only one vessel with him, Saavedra succeeded in reaching Mindbnao, but he was unable to go to Cebu as he had planned to do in fulfiJ.lment of one of the objectives of his expedition. His lone vos-sol was swept by strong winds to 'Ticlore, one of t,ho Moluccas islands. pedition. Here he met the remna.nt,'3 of the Loaisa ex After staying for about two months in Tidor.(:), Saavedra prepared to go back to Mexico. He was not d.3s ... tined, however, to see Mexico again. He ~ied at sea, Octo ber 9, 1529.2 _____ ___ 1 .. The full te.xt of the letter is in B. & R.~ Vol. 2, p. 39, ff. 2 -An important source of informntion on the Saavedra expedition is the account written b;r Vivencio de Napoles entitled "Relacion Hecha:J por Vivencio de Nnpoles, del Vinj e que Hizo la armada que Hernan Cortes Envio en Bu.sc:1 de las _Islas de la Especeria, 11 It i~3 found in Martin Fe1~nandoz de 11Jnvarr2t e' s Col ecc ion de los v;i.aj_Q_s y d.~Q.f.ubrimiontos_(;J_gQ hicieron ~or r~iar los espafiol es deseu: mes del sip:lo. XV., voJ 5, Madrid, 1 37.

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-523. The Treaty of Zaragoza Spain's venture in the East with the Magellan expedition g~ve rise to a dispute between Sp,::lin and Portugal over the ownership of thE1 Moluccas ond other isLn1cJs in the East, Sp~in claimed thot those lands were within the Spanish side of the line of demarcation as fixed by the Treaty of Torde-sillas. Portugal on the othor hand, rnuint:;ainecl that tho lands in question rightly' belonged to her by reason of prior discovery and occupation. Two conferences were held in 152t,.. to sGttle the controversy, -one at Victoria, Spain, in February 1524, and another at Badajoz, Ap:cil 11 to May 31, 152li-~ 1fo satis -fc1ctory result c2.rne out of them. In,1529, the two nations finally were able to reach an agreement. By this time, Spain was no longer in a mood. to make :further attempts at colonisation in the .East. She had incurred heavy expenses in fit ting out the Loaisn, Cabot, and Saav-edra expeditions and up to that tim0, no favorable report had been received from o.ny of them. Under the circumstances, Spain was in-clined to @.gree to relinqui:Jh wh::i.tcver rj_,~;1t:J she claimed in the East especially if in so doinz she could obtain n ,... I lar~e sum of money from Portugal. The Treaty of Zaragoza, conl uded April 22, 15 ;29, reprt::s ent cd a v\li thdi-awal on the part of Spain, at least for the t irne boi:r,_3, from further

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-5;-colonial ventures in the East. Important provisions of the Treaty are the following :1 Inasmuch as there existed a doubt between the said Emperor c:md King of Castilla, otc., and the said King of Portugal, etc., concerning the ownership, possession, and rights, or possession or quRsi posses,sion, navigation, and trade of Maluquo and other islancis and seas, which each one of the said lords, the emperor and king of Ur:s ti.lla and theKing of Portugal declaret, ns his, both by virtue of the treaties mad.e by the most exalted, powerful, and Catholic sovereigns, Don Fernando and Dona Isabel, I'1;lers of Castil]_a, grandparents of the said emperor and the King, Don Joam the Second of Portugal (may they rest in glory} about the demarcation of the Ocean Sea and by virtue of other rights and privile1es -which each one of the said emperor and monarchs asserts to belong and pertain to said islands, seas, and lands belonging to him of which he is in possession; the said emperor and monarchs have covenanted and agreed as to the said doubts and disputes in the follcwinp; form and ,nanner: First, the said grand. cha:nc ollor, the bishop of Osma and th(~ commcmder-in-c:1ief of C&latrava, attorneys of the said empe~or and sovereign of Castilla declared that they, in his nai:1e, and by virtue of their said po111;er of attorney woulcl sell and in fact did sell from this dD_y and. for all time, to the said King of Portugal, for hLn and all the successors to the crown of his kingdoms, all rights, action, dominion, 01-mership, o.nd possession o::."' quasi possession, and .s.11 rights of nnvigation, traffic, and tr2de in any ri12nnor what soever; that th0 said 8mp2ror and king of Castilla declares that he holds and could holJ howsoever and j_n whatsoever manner in the said .iB luquo, tne islcrnc.s, places, lands, and seas, as will be declared hereafter; this, with the Jecla--------1 -B. & R., vol, 1. The treaty w3s ratifi(Jd by King Charles I of Spain the day following the signing of the Treaty. King John III ratified it later on June 20, 1530.

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-54-rations, limitations, conditions, and clauses contained and stated hereunder for the sum of three hundred and fifty thousand ducats of :old,2 paid in the current money, of gold or silver, ec18h duc at being valued in Castilla at three i11mclred nnd seventy-five maravcdis .3 Th.0 ,suid Kin': of Portugal will rive tmd. p,:ly this amou11t to the sc1id empcr?r and King of Castilla, r-:.nd to r, he pors,:ms whom his Majesty may appoint, iL t!1e followin;; nwnnar: one hundred and fifty tho1rnand ducat:J to be paid at Lixbona, within tL.e :f:.rst :ifteen or t,:wnty days after this contrnct, confirmed by the cciid emperor and king of Castilla, shall have arrived at the f T b v F c1 ty o ....,1::-~oa, or w:1erev9:.;_~ tno sa1.a. .\.:i..ng 01 ortug.11 may be; t~iirty tLousanci ducats '~o be paid in Castilla twent.v thousand at VaJ_hadolid and ten thousand at SeviJ.12, by the twent:.eth day o:r:: the month of Ma:" of this present year; s evcnty thous-and. ducats to j e paid in Castill,'.J. at the May fair of Medin1 dol C::impo oJ' this same year, et 1::,110 tarms of the po.yrnents of s,J.id fair; and the hund:ced thousand ducats remainin~ 2t tig October fair at the said l::,own of I,fodina de2.. Carroo of tld.s s-:'une year, at the t 3rr.'iS of the) pay:::nei1t of the SF1.Lle -all to be paid over and :1bove the rate of exchange The afon~scid stile is n:ad8 t:y th,~ said emperor and king of Cnstillr~ to the said King of Portugal on condition that, at 11vhc'. t eve:'.'.' t imr.3 the snid emperor and King of 8astilla or his succc~ssors, s1:10uJ.d wish to ruturn, and should retu:cn, all o.f the ,a.1.:ld three hundrGd and fifty tnousanj duc1tr., wit,)-wut any shortage to the said King of Portugal or his successors, the El.Sid sale becomes null. and void ,'Ute! each ona of the said sovereigns shall enjoy the right and authority which lie no;,J holds &anJ c1aim.J to :10::'..d, both as regards the right of p-o::;ress:icn '.)I' cm3.:-;,:'_ r:;os,ses sion, and as recards the proprietorsh::.p' howsoevm and in whatever manner t h0: b':;lons c0 hic11, 2.s if th. t t -l 1s concl'.'ac ,-Jere no mci.uo, 11-ir_, J .. n -c.nc m.1.nrer in which they first held possossion nnd cJ.aL11eC. to hold it, and this contract. sha1.l Ccl11SG no p1ejudicG or innovation. 2 A "ducatn \ms a gold coin worth, in former times, about $2.2C79, or about ?4.57 Philip~ine 8urrency. 3 Maravedi \vaE a di)anish co:pper coiu int:coduced by Ferdinand and Isabella. It was wol'th nomin?.lly 1/34 real.

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-55It.!12: It is covenanted and agreed by the snid attorneys, in the names of their said constituents, that, in order to ascertain what islands, places, lands, sens, and their rights and jurisdiction, are sold, henceforth .and forever, by the said em1.Jeror and Eing of Castille, by this contract under the aforesaid (jondition, to the said King of Portugal, a line must be detorminod from pole to pole, that is to say, from north to south, by a semicircle oxtendine northeast bv east ninetoon degrees from Maluquo, to which number of degrees corrt~spond 0.l1:1.ost seventeen degrees on the equinoctial, amounting to two hundred and ninety-seven and one-half leagu0s east of the islands of Muluquo, allowing seventeen and one-half leaguos to an equinoctial degree. In this northeast by east meridian and direction are situated the islands of Las Velas and of Santo Thome, through which the said line and semicircle passes. Since these islands are situated and ere distant from :Maluquo tho said distance, more or less, the deputies determine and agree that the said line be drawn at the said two hundred and ninety-seven and one-half J_e2.gue.s to the east, the equiv,alont of the nineteen degrees northeE,st by east. from the scdd islands of' I,1aluquo, as a.L~"'o1~esa1. d r;,he 3,,; d der,utJ """ d<:iCl 'll'8' +-h1t in ., t .J. Ll-.: .t;.:\.,) ._. ,,_. .. ~. :._, Cl order to ascorta:i.n where t.hs ssid lino should be drawn, two charts of tlie sqrne tenor be n1c1dc, conformable to the cha.rt iP the Indic1 Hou~-e of Trade at Sevilha, and by which the fleets, vassals and subjects of the said emperor and king of Castilla navigate. Within thirty days from thf~ date of this contract two persons shall be a9;)ointed by each side to examine the a.foresaid ch,,1rt and n:ako the two copies aforesaid conformable to it. In them the said line shall bG drawn in ti1e manner aforesaid; and they shall b o signed h:T the said sovereigns, and sealod with their sea~s, so that each one will keep his own chart; ani the said line shall remain fixGd henccfo~th at the ooint and place so designated. This chart shall also designate the spot in which the said vassals of the emperor and king of Castilla shall situate and locate l\:Jaluquo, which durinc; the time of this contract slwll be regarded as situatGd in such place, although in truth it is situated mo:r,e or less distance enstward from the place that is de-

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signated in the said charts. The seventeen degrees eastward shall be drawn from the point where Mnluquo is situateu in said charts, For the good of this contract the s:1id Kine; of Portugal must have said chart, and in case the aforesaid be not found in the House of Trade of Sevilha, the said persons appointed by the said sovereigns shall make said charts within one month, signed and sealed as aforesaid. Furthermore navi2:ation charts sh:111 be made by them, in which the said line shall b,:3 drawn in the manner aforesaid, so that henceforth the snid vassals, natives, and s11bjects of the said emperor and king of Castilla shall navigate by them; and so that the navigators of eitrFir part shall be certain of the location of the sc1id line and of the aforesaid distanc~ of thetwo hundred and ninety s even and one-half leagues between the said line and Maluquo. Item: It is covenanted and agreed, that, in all the islands, lands, and seas within the said line, the vessels and people of the said emperor and king of Castilla or of b-is subjP.cts, vassals or natives of his kingdom, or any others (ali:,hough this latter be not his subjects, vassals, or na tives of his. kingdoms) shall not, with or without his command, consent, favor, and a:i.d, enter, na vigate, barter, traffic, or t&ke on board anything whatsoever thc~t ma;rbe in said isl,-=tnds, lo.rids or seas. Whosoever shall henceforth violate any of the aforesaid provisions, or who shall be fo;rn.d within said line, shall be seized by any captain, captains, or people of the said King of Portugal and shall be tried, chastised and punisi.iecl by the said captains, as privateers and violators of the peace. Should they not be found inside of said line by the sEdd captains or people! of the said King of Portugal D nd should come to any port, land, or seigniory whatsoeve:t~ of the S-'iirl. emperor and king of CastilJ.a, the saj_d em9eror and king of Castilla, by his justices in that place, shall b"i obliged and bound to take and hold them. In the meantime the warrants and exarninatio11s prov ing their gu:Ll t in each of the above-said things, shall b (: sent by the so.id King of For"tu,:--~ci.l, or by his justices, and they shall be puujshed and chastised exactly as evil-doers and ~iolators of the peace and faith.

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-57Jtem: It is covenanted and agreed by said deputies t~at tho said emperor and king of Castilla shall not, personnll.y or through an agent, send the natives of his kingdoms, his vassals, subjects, or aliens (and althol:tr'h these latter be not natives of his kingdoms, or his VDE,sals or subjects), t,o the said islands, lands, and seas within said line, nor shall be consent nor give them aid or favor or permit thf~m to go th1:Jre, contrary to th0 form and de termination of this contract. Rother he shnll bo obliged to, forbid, suppress, and prevent it as much as possible. Item: It is covorwntod thut the said 0mp,9ror and ki.n2: o.f Castilla command letters and instruc tions to be given inUil!:3diateJ.y to his Gaptain:::: and subjects who are in thcj said islands that thuy do no more trading henceforth and return nt once, pro vided that they be allowed to bring f rcely wln:te'ler goods they shall have already bartered, traded, und taken on board. ~ Item: It was covena~ted and agreed by the said deputies in the names of their said--conE:tituents that the t roatiet3 ne?:otiat ed b r:/.~wCEm tl!8 said C,1tho l ic sovereigns, Don fornando and Dona Ysabel and the King of Jonrn the Second of :?ortugal in regard to the demarcation of the Ocean G,:::a s1.1a::i.1 rernnin valid .c:1.nd binding nin toto11 .snd in every partiGu:1.ar, no is therein contained end declared, excepting those things which are othervds e covenanted and agreed upon in this co:1tract. In case the said emperor and king of Castilla returns the sum ~hich accordin,cz: to this corri:iract i.s to be e:ivon in tr:'J manner aforesaid, thus canceJ.ing the--~,nle, the S'licJ t:roa ties negotiated b etw00n th<~ tia id Celt l1t)l :Le .'3ovun~ie:ns Don F'ornando and Don::i. Ysa'Jol and the :--;aj_d K:Lne: Dorn Joam the Socond of Purtufal, sha::'..J. re,.in_j_n in full fore e and power, Ei.S if this contr,,' et ',J0.1e not nndo; and the s::i.id conDtit11or1ts shc:::11 be o:):LJ.gcd to cor:1ply wtt.h it in every re6pe..;t, as is churcin stated.

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-58-4, The Villalobos Expedition The return of Urdaneta to Spain in 1536 and the publication a year later of a report of his experiences in the East served to draw public attention once rrore to tl1e lands and peoples of the Far Enst. For one. t ~1ing, it reawakened Charles I's interest in Spanish colonial entorprise in that I part of the world. Shortly after Urdaneta's return, Charles I gave ordors to the Viceroy of Nueva Espafla, Antonio de Mendoza, to despatch a new exr.edition to the East, The treaty of Zaracoza, which had assigned all lands lying west of a line 297-1/2 lnagues east of tlrn :Moluccas to Portugal, was still in existence. Apparently, King Charles I, in ratifying the treaty, did so with some mental rossrvations. It would seem that he did not consider the treaty as having at all u.xtinc;u.:i.shed Spain's rights to the lnnds discovered by Magr:~11an and formally taken possession of by the Spaniards for the Xing of Spain. In compliance with the King' :3 orders, a floet of six ships, ce1rryi.ng three hundred men, sail 0d fr-0111 l\!avidad, Mexico on Novemb13r 1, 1542, In command of thf~ e::.q,edit:Lon was Ruy Lopaz de Villalobos, brot]11:)r-in-law of Viceroy ( f

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-59-1 Mendoza. The voyage a9ross the Pacific was a pleasant ono, On the way the Spaniards discovered Palau and several other islands of the Carolinas Archipelago. On February 2, 1543, the fleet reached the eastern coast of Mindanao. At Sarangani, Villalobos started to build a colony, putting his men to plant food crops. Villalobos' men, however, did not find tilling the soil much to their likinr;, saying that they hnd come "not to plant, but to make conquests, t1 The colony experienced many hardships. Food was scarcu and Villalobos was forced t.o send out ships to ncighbod.ng islands in search of provisions. Of the hard.ships endured by Villalobos' mon at S,-:irangani, Fray Geronimo Santisteban gave a vivid account in a letter he wrote to the Viceroy of Spain in February, 1547. Among other thingf:, Fray Sat.isteben wrote:2 If I should try to write to your 1ordship in detail of the l1unier, need, hardships, disoase ar1d +11~-' d"'a-tlc 'l-,"+ 1-".) auF'"",---.I~"'a' r:,i Q"'l';,r:,n,,n I ... u v .... l.1J.!ov ./'1,._, 1o-.! .L.i.t; t,:; n,J u-.~ .J.C:-l:-[:J~ ) would fill a boo!;: In that island we found a J.ittlo rice .snd tingo, n few hens and hogs, and three deer, Tldr; w;:rn eaten in a few dE:ys, toge ther with what remained of the sldp foou, A nurn-~ ber of cocon-palms were discovered; ~nd because hunger ca,nnot s u.:c'i'er delay, the buds wldch are the-'? shoots of the palms were eaten. There were some l The command of the expedj_tion was first offered to Pedro de Alvarado. Upon the latter's death, Andres de Urdaneta was asked to t.a lrn command. Urdm1E~tn declined the off e1', whereupon Villalobos was chosen. 2 -B, &. R.Vol. 2, P 65.

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-60-figs and other fruits. Finally we ate all the dogs, cats and rats we could find, besides horrid grubs and unknown plants, which all together caused the deaths, and rauch of the prevnlent disease. And especially they ate large ni1mbers of a certain large variety of gray lizard, which emits considerable glow; very few who ate them are living. Land crabs also were eaten which caused same to go mad for a day after pnrtaking of them, especially if they had eaten the vitals. At the end of seven months, the hunger that had caused us to go to Sarrngan withdrew us thence. After about eight months in Sarangani, Villalobos, despite his instructions to the contrnry, decided to go to the Moluccas. He reached Tidore April 24, 1544, Here he and his men fell into the hands of the Portuguese. Villalobos was put aboard a Portuguese vessel to be returned to Spain. In Amboina he contractGd illness f:com wl1ich he died (1546). He was assisted in his dying moments by Francis Xavior, a ,Jesuit missionary, the future St. Francis Xavier, "Apostle of the Indies 11 Xavier was in the Moluccas at that time engaged in Apostolic work. Although the Villalobos expedition like its predeces-5ors failed in its mission, it had one notable accomplish-ment to its credit: it_ guve to the Philippines a. new name, Felipinas, from [elipe_, the name of Charlec I's son and heir to the Spanish throne. FeJJ.:.]_i1l.fil?_ was originally applied to some islands in the Leyte-S~mar regJon, but in its modified form E,ilipi, it was later :;:;iven as a per-

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-61nianent name ta the entire archipelago .3 5. The Legazpi Expedition The failure of the ViJ.lalobos expedition had guit.e a sobering oflect upon CtarJ.es I's colonial ambitions. It dampened his ardor and enthusiusrn for the extension of Spain's colonial crnp:i.ro in the En st. Up to the year of his abdic,qtion (1558), no new colonir:11 V(Jnture wns under-taken, It remained for his son and successor, Philip II, aftor whom the PhiliDpin911 had been named, to bring to n realization his cherisLE:d clr(,am and ambition the fo1mding of a rermlmc:nt Sp,mish colony in the Far East, Three yGars aftor his acc(~.ssion as King of Spain (1556), Philip II took tb0 inj_tia1 steps towards the eventual ful fillwent of th0 Spanish dreRm of empire in the East. In September 1559, he wrote) a lettr:~r to the Viceroy of Mexico, Luis de IJoJ.asco, inst!~uct:Lng h:im to prepare a new expcdi-tion to tho E3st. Velasco was ordorod to despatch two 3 ':'here arc two important sources or information ori the Villalobos Gxpedition. One is a lotte:)r written by Fray Geronimo do Sant.j_stobnn datec. lobruary 22, 154-7, to the viceroy o.f New ~Jpain, Snntist:ilx:m 1;,-Jf.H"l in the expedition of Villalobos. The other 1s Garcia Duscal~nte Alvarado's Relac::;_on dcJ__y_L,.)~~dG Ruy_g.91nQ.&.J..~ic) de VDlalop_Q._, Lisboa, l .o de at~o~,1-.0, 154-8 ;r Those accounts aro found in the Co 1 e c flQ.Q d c Do c 1lllifllG_QJl In.2 .. cJH~ Q.Q.,

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-62-ships "for the discovery of the Western islands toward the Moluccas.rr In another letter written at the sawe timEi, the King invited. Andres de Urdaneta to join the proposed expedition. Urdaneta was at that time living in an Agustinian con-vent in Mexico. He had entered the r'E')ligious life not long after he returned to Spain fr~m the ill-fated Loo.isa cxpedition. Now well advanced in years, ho expected to spend the rest of his life in retirement in the simple and poace ful surroundings of the Agustinian community in Mexico. But his reputation as a cosmographor o.nd as a navigator had not been forgotten. The King was awRre that the services of a man of Urdaneta's knowledge, ability and experience were greatly needed to inJure the success of the proposed exp edit ion. The King's let tor must have touched a responsive chord in UrdanetE,' s hoart. Despj_t e the handicaps of age and thG inconvenience of having -'..~o go out again into the world at the sacrifice of the peact~ and quiet of community life, hJ accepted the 11oyal invitation, :placing him~;elf entirely at tho service of His l.1..jesty. It may be presumed that he found in the King:' s offer a nc,J opportunity, not onJy to serve his King and his country, but God Him.self. For hG was aware of the fact that an importc:mt objective of the

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""PJ .. t .: ;'..rr 'j j'. ,, -j ., entqrpripe 1-ia;:, .t.h~;~_xtens:i9r1 of ,:t_he .,Christian faith to ,_./ '"" .,:; I ,.~-,_i. _;l_ :. : :.~; -~;:_;,, -.r, .", :/:;;).'' l !~ (,'. the inhabitants of the Ind~es. Five y~ars we;r,e. spent, in prepa;ring for the pew ven-.. ,.. : -' _; .. -,.~, } r ; ..., .' C : : '. -, .-: ; ture. In November, 1561+, the fleet that was to carry the exP,edi tionary ,;forc.e was ready .to sail. .. ; !. '; : I ; '-~ I Instructio!ls. had been drawn up and a commander had been chosen. On Father Urdaneta' s recommer1dation,, Mit:,uel Lopez de Legazpi was appointed commander-in-chief of the expedition. Father Urda net a himfrn1f was made chief pilot of the fleet, cho.rged with t:he important mission of bringing the expedition safely to its intended destination. No better men could have been chosen to lead the expedition than Father Urdaneta and tegazpi. Both performed the tasks assigned. to them efficiently ani1 well. Father Urdaneta piloted the fleet, ,with great skill and succeeded where his predec~ssors had failed. Moreover, in compliance with royal_. instrui::t10ns, he charted a safe rout0 for vessels to follow in crossing--thG Pacific on. their way back to' Espana f1"0,m the Philippinos. Legazpi, like Father Urdancta, was quite advanced in years when he received the appoint1118nt to lead the new exp~dition to tho East. A native of Zumarraga, Guipuzcoa,

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-64-Spain,he had left Spain as a young man to find fame and fortune in the New World. He was not quite successful in his quest of material wealth, but in his actuations as a humble employee in the Ayuntnmientq o~ Mexico.he ac quired a reputation for honesty, patience, tact-, and loyalty to duty.4 His known qualities and virtues made him fully deserving of the important post to which he was appointed. Chivalrous, courageous, upright, steadfast in his loyalty and devotion to God and Country, Legazpi was a worthy representative of the best type of Spanish character of his age, an age which produced Miguel Cervantes de Saavedra, Ignatius Loyola and Saint Teresa of Avila. In his dealings with the Filipinos, he invariably dis-played a spirit of good will and conciliation. He sought to sec'ure his obj actives without undue resort to threats, display of force, or unnecessary sacrifice of human lives. To him belongs mucl'l ~_he crodit for the establishment on firm and permanent foundations of Sp,anish rule in the Philippines, On September 1, 1564; the Audiencia of Nueva Espana gave the neceGsary instructions to c;uide Legazpi in the expedition. Among oth~r things, L6gazpi wa~ instructed 4 -For nearly thirty years he served as scrivener (escribano) of the ayuntamiento of the city of Mexico.

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-65-to proceed with the fleet 11in search of and to discover the Western Islands .situat0d toword the Malucos, but you shall not in any way or manner enter the island of the said Malucos, but you shall enter other :islc1nds con-.tiguous to thGm, as for instance the Filipinas, and others outside the said treaty, [Zaragozg_7 Emd within his majes ty's demarcation, and which are reported olso to contain spice.11 Two nfonths lator, thn flt~et car:cying the expe dition sailed from the port of Navidnd, The story of -~ho Legazpi 0xpodition is told by Le gazpi himself in a letter which he wrote from Cebu in 1565. The letter in port read 1 as follows: I wrote to your excellency from Puerto de la Navidad giving as full an account as possible up to that port. Now I shall d0 the same, for I consider it a debt justly du~, and I shail always consid'3r it so whenever the opportunity i'.)rcsents itself. I am enjoying good hoclth, thanks be to our Lord; and the same can be snid of the whole canp, a thing which ought not to b 13 looked upon as of little importance. :May our Lord grant to your _excellency the good he::ilth that I wL,h. On Tuesday, November 21, _'three hours before dawn, I set s:d.l with tno fleot th1i::. 1,vas at. Puerto de Navidad. For five days the fleet sail E:d. southwcst, but on the sixth w
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-66-might go from that point to the Felipinas. A week after we hhd taken this course, we awoke one morning and missed the vatache "Snn Lucas," with Captain Don Alonso de Arellano in command. Thero had been no stormy weather to make it lose sight of us; nor could it have been Don Alonso' s fault, for he wa.s a gallant man, as ho showed. It is believed that it was due to the malice or intent of the pilot. And as he had already been informed nbout-the expedition that we were mak ing, and the course we were to sail, and as he was fully instructed o.s to what he must do in case he should lose sight of us (as actually happened), and whither he must proceed to await us, we expected all the time that we would find the vessel in some of these islands. But ~p to this time we have heard nothing of it, which gives me not a little uneasiness. After the fleet had sailed for fifty days in the same course between nine and ten degrees, a degree more or less, we reached land, which proved to b c an island in habited by poor and naked fishermen. This island was about four leagues in circurnference.t and had a population of about two hundred men. That same day we sailed between two other small islands, which were uninhabited and surrounded by many reefs, which proved very troublesome to uo for five or six days. At the end of that time we decided that the fleet should continue its course along the thirteenth degree of latitude; so that we might strike a better land of the Filipinas, which the pilots were finding already, and should not strike Vindanao. 1:l e followed our course in this latitude, and on Monday, January 21, we came in sight of land, which after ... ward proved to be one of the Ladrones Islands, called Gua. we directed our bows to that island, but we were no more than two leagues from it when fifty or sixty praus under sail surroun"ed the fleet. These Qrq,us-wore furnish':ld with la.teen sails of palm mats and were as light as the wind; this is a kind of boat that sails with remarkable speed, either with the wind or at random. In ecch cm1oe were from six to eight Indians, al togothGr naked, covering not even the privy parts, which men are wont to cover. They laughed aloud, and each of them made signs

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-67-inviting us to his own town {for they were from different villages) and promising to give us food there, At break of day we coasted the island and th0 next morning we cast anchor in a very good port, The day had scarcely begun when a great number of those prRus appeared about us, There were so m~ny of them, who came to trade with us, that some of our men who counted them affirm that there were more than four or five hundred of them around the ships. All that they had to sell us were articl~s of food, namely, potatoes, rice, yams, cocoa-nuts, sugar-cane; excelle11-t bananas, and several other kinds of fruit. They also brought ging-er, which grows in this island in so great quantity that it is a thing to wonder over; and they do not till or cultivate, but it comes up and grows of itself in the open fields, just as any other herb, The natives shouted at us, each one inv~ting us to buy of him This iGland is called Ladrones, which according to the disposition of the inhabitants, is the most appr-opriate name that could have been given it. Eleven days c).fter reaching this island, we set sail following our course in the aforesaid latitude. After sailing eleven days more with good weather we finally came in sight of Filipi nas, where we finished our voyage, According to the experiments and opinions of the pilots, we covered more than two thousand leagues from Puerto de la Navidad to this island, although I have heard that they were deceived as to the distance. On the afternoon of the same day in which we came to this land, we cast anchor in a beautiful bar, called Cibabao, and there we remained seven or eight days. Meanwhile we sent two boats, one south and the other north (for this island is located north and south) to see whether they could find some good port or river. One of them returned minus a gentl cman of my company, called Francesco Gomez, and with the report that, for ten leagues north, they had found neither port nor rivor. The gentleman was killed by some Indinns, a.ft Gr he disembarked to make bl,oodfriendship with them, a ceremony that is considered inviolable. This is observed in this manner: on.::i from ench party mu~t draw two or three

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-68drops of blood from his arm or breast and mix them, in the same cup? with water or wine. Then the mixture must be divided equally between two cups, and neither person may depart until both cups are alike drained. While this man was about to bleed himself, one of the natives pierced his breast ,from o,ne side with a lance ..... Leaving this bay, we sailed south until we reached the end of the island, where the land turns west. Just south of this island are other islands between which this island there is a straight channel running west. The fleet passed through this channel, and on the second day from our departure from Cibabao, after having sailed no8rly thirty lea~ues, we reached a port of Tandaya island. In this port a small river empties itself into the sea through an estuary. Some of our boats sailed up this river and anchored at the town of Cangiungo, The natives received them neither with peace nor war; but they gave our men food and drink, When they were about to eat, an Indian came to them, who spoke a few words in the Castilian tonp:ue, saying "Comamosvr (let us eat"), "bebamo srr { :riot us drink"}, and answering "sf' ( "yes;1}, when questioned by Anton Batista Billalobos (Villalobos)~ and "Captain Calabaea." It seems that he had traded with the people of the .fleet of Billa_lobos, according to what was gathered from him. And because he said this, this native vexed the ruler of the village, and never eume back. The next day I wished to -go to the same village, and found the nativeG hostile. They made signs that we should not dis embark, pulled grass, struck trees with their cutlasses, and threateningly mocked us, seeing that in this caso cajolery could not suffice, we withdrew in order not to disturb then; but .s.s we departed, they began to shower sticks and stones nfter us, and I was obliged to order the soldiers to fire their arouebuses at them; and thoy never appeared again. This town has a population of twenty or thirty Indinns. On arri vins at that port, I despatched Captain do Goiti with a boat and a frigate, well

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-69-supplied with men and provisions, to discover somo port along the coast. On the way ho was to examine thoroue;hly the town of Tandc1.ya, which was not very far from where we wers, and other towns of the island of Abbuyo. Dec0ived by the ap-pearance of the coast, he sjiled on past the coast for fifteen len2;ues, without seeine; any-thing. Finally he reached a lar~o bay on which was situated a large town containing mc3.ny families; the peoplo hnd many swine and hens, with .J.bundcmce of rice cind potatoes. He returned to the fleet with this news, which gqve us not a little content, for all were lorn;ing for land-products. The fle~t left this port, and in the afternoonof the next day we rCJcichod the abovementioned bay, where we anchored in front of the large town of Cavalian. One thing in especial is to be noted ---namely, that wherever w~ went, the people entertained us with fine words, and even promised to furnish us provisions; but afterward they would desert their houses. Up to the present, this fear has not been in any way lessened. When we asked the people of this village for friendship and food, they offered us all the friendship we desired, but no food whatever. 'heir attitude seemed to me to be ouito the contrary of what had been told me by fhose who had gone there; for they had said that, in this village of Cavalian, which is located on the island of Buyo, Spaniards were received anctwere well treated. Now they did not wish to see us, and on the ni1~ht of our arrival, we were made thoroughly aware o.f this; for they embarked with their wives, children, and property, and wont aNay, The next day, a chief called Canatuan, the son of I\ie.late2 who is the principal chief of the town, came to us; but I detained him in the ship, until provisions should b
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-70-they went, and, we made a fine festival,. killi1;g for meat on that same day about forty-five swine, with which we enjoyed a merry carnival ---as payment for which articles of barter were given to the chief whom I had with me. rrhe lutter sent us ashore with an Indian, to give those articles to the owners of the swine. This chief, Canutuan, by signs and as best he could, informed me of the na,:1es of the isJ.ands, of their rulers and people of importance, and their number. He alsopromised to take us to the island of Mancagua,3 v!hich was eight lcaguos from this island. We set sail with the Indian,and when we reached :r.iiacagua r sent him three others, who went him to their village in a canoei after giving them some clothes. He 1-rns quite wJe 1 satisfied? according to his own words, and became our friend. This Macagua, although small, was once a thickly populated island. The Castilians who anchored there were wont to be kindly received.. i'Jow the island is greatly changed from former days, being quite depopulated --for it contains less than twenty In dians; and these few who are left, are so hostile to Castilians, that they did not even wish to see or hear us. From this island we went to another, called Canuguinen~4 Here we met with the sane treatment. As the natives saw our ships along the coast, they hastenecl to betake thernsel ves to the mountains. Their fear of the Castilians was so great, that they would not wait for us to give any explanation. From this islrind the fleet directed its, course towards Butuan, a provinco of the islo.nd of Vindanao; but the tides and cont r3.ry winds drove us upon the coast of an island called Bohol. Here we cast ancrior, and 1.-vithin a small bay of this island we made some necessary repairs to the i'lagsh:1,p. One 3 Apparontly the same ,:ls the Massaua of earlier documents. Ibid. 4 Inthe relation cited above, note 92, the name of this island is spelled (p. 277) Camiguinin. Ioid.

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-71morning the alm:iranta.5 sit_:hted a junk at some distance away. Thinking it to be one of the smaller :2,ralls., the master-of-camp despatched against it a small boat with six soldiers, after which he came to the flagship to inform me of what he had done~ Seeing thG.t he had not sent men enou.~h, I despatched another small ooat with all the men it could hold; and the maste1" ... of-cnmp himself with instructions how he was to procee~, reached the boat and junk, which Wre exchangircg shots,. The junk seeing that the boat contC\ined so few men, defied thera, When the second bo:1t arrived it found sor:1e of the r.1en wounded, and that the junk had ;many and well-r:1ade arrows and lan~es 1 with a cul verin and some muskets~ The junk defied the second boat also. Shouting out in Castilian, "a bordol a bordol" (boardt boardI") They grappled it, and on boarding it, one of our soldiers was killed by a lance-thrust in the throat. 'I'hose aboard the junl: numb2rod forty-five soldiers. Fourteen or fifteen of them jumped intO o. canoe whicb. thGy car::::'ied on ti1eir poop deck, and fled. Eigh or ten of t:1e others were captured alive, and the remainder wore :dlled, I have been assured that they fought w::11 and bravely in their defense, as was quite 2pp3.r0nt; for besides the man they kilJ.ed, ~~hey nl so wou~ded more than twenty others of our soldiers. In the junk were found many white and colored blankets, some do.masks, almaizales6 of sill...: and cotton, and some figured silk; also iron, tin, sulphur, porcelain, some go:Ld, and rnany other things. Tbe junk ':vas tal:en to the fla.g,3hip. Its crew were Burnei l'roros. Thtdr property was returned to thera, .3nd v,hat appeared, in our reciconine;, its equivalent in arti cles of barter was riven to them, because their capture was not induced by greed. My chief intent is not to go privateerinf, out to make treaties and to procure frhmcts, of which I o:rn in great need. The Burneans were nuch pleased and satiDfied with 5 ThJsecond ship of the fleet, "San Pnblo.n The "San Pedro" or flagship wo.s spoken of as the ca_pt!~.{l~ Ibi_
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-72-this liberality displayed toward them, thus showing how fickle they were. On the same dav that the boats wept to the junk, I despatched the patach. "San Joan" with orders to go to Butuan and sail along its coast, and to find out in what part of this island the cinnamon is gathered, for it grows there. They were also to look for a suitable port end shore where a settlement could be made. While the patache went pn this mis-sion, I kept the boat of the Burne3ns and the pilot. This latter was a man of experience, and versed in different dialects; and he informed me of much regarding this region that I wished to know. A1aong other tnings he told me, that if the Indians of this isl2nd avoided this fleet so much, I should not be surprised, because they had great fear 0 the name of C3.stilla. He s,;id that while 11Je were amon3 these islands no Indian would speak to us; and that the cause for this was that about two years ago, some what. more or less, some Portuguese from Ii!aluco visited these islands with eight large 12.rnus and many natives of 1'1aluco. Wherever they went. they asked for peace and friendship, saying that they 1:1ere Castilians, and vns3als of the king of Cetstilla; then when the nntives felt quite secure in their friendship, they assaulted and robbed them, killing and capturing all thnt they could. For this reason the isl 'J.nd of Macau:ua was depopulated, and scarcely any inh:1bit2nts remo.ined there. A:-1d in this island of Bohol, among the killed and captured were more than a thousand persons. Therefore the natives refused to seQ us and hid themselves as in fact was the case. Although, on my part, I did my best, to gain their confidence, giving them to understand that the Portw~uese belong to a different nation and are subjects of n different king tl:an we, they did not trust ri1e; nor, was this sufficient, for they say that we have the same appearanc0, that we wear the samd kind of clothing, and carry the same wea pons. In this island of Bohol live two chiefs, one called Cicatuna and the other Cigala, who through the Bornean's going inland to call them, came to the fleet. Fror.1 these chiefs I heard the same

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.,.'ljthing that I had 'ueen told by the Burnei pilot and his companions, in regard to the great robberies that the Portur;ueso coff,mitted hereabout, in order to set the natives against us -so that, on our coming, we should find no friends. This fell out asthey ~ished, because, ali;;hour;h Cicatuna and Cigala r:1ade friendship with me, 1;Je could put no confidence in ther.i; ncr would they sell us anything, but only made promises. While in this island, I despatched a frigate to reconnoiter the coast of certain islands that could be seen from this island. The chief oilot and Joan d8 Aguirre accompanied it, and it was su.pplied with sufficient food, men, and provisionr3. Corning to the entrance between two islands, thoy were caught by the tide and drifted to the other entrance of the channel; and in 6rder to return, they sailed around the island. On this island they saw a t6wn where the Moro pilot declared that ho was known, and that he was on friendly terms with its inhabitants; but undar pretense of friendship, the nativGs treacherously killed him with a lance-thrusto The space of one week had been .ziven to then, but it took much longer; for the return could be accomplished only by ::;ailing aro1.md the island which was one hundred and fifty leagues in circumference. Whe~1 the pa tac~~ returned from Butuan, it reported that t:1e3' had seen the king, and that two Moro junks of the large and rich island of Luzon were anchored in the river 11J.-.tich flows near the town. The Moros sold our men a large quantity of wa::::.~ When the men of Luzon saw our tostonos they were very much pleased 1vith them, and they save nearly twenty marks/ of gold, v-thich they had there in that island, giving for six toston._ of silver one of gold; and they s&id' that they had more gold, if our rnen would give them more to St<211...., and that in exchD.n&;e fo3: the latter they ~ould give them ten or tw0lve quin tals of gold which tl1ey had there in { hat islo.nd. Whilo in the bay of the island of Bohol, I was very anxious about the frigate, sine o it vJas to be gone but one week; while twenty-one days had passed, and it was now ho re to be seen. Meanv-1hile a nrau which I had despatched with two soldiers and the

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-74chiefs Cicatuna and Cigala to the island of Cubu to endeavor to ascertain some news concerning it1 had returned, bringing no news whatever of its where-abouts. On Holy Saturday, three hours before daybreak, while we were thus plunged in great anxiety and grief, f ee.rin[:; that our companion~ r:.1j_ght have. been lost, captured, or killed, the srJ.out r1the frigate1 frigatet" w2s heard in our .fleet. Turning my glance, I beheld it entering the bay. Only the Burnei pilot was missing; the others looked well 3nd strong, although they had su:t'fered from hunger. On arriving, they informed us that the island which they ho.d coasted had a circuit of one ~rnndred and fifty leigues, and that on teir return they had 7 passed between it and the opposite coast of Cubu. They reported that this island of Cu.bu was densely populated, containing many large villa.rfes, and among them were many pebple inhabiting the coast, and in~ land many cultivat,)d districts. The above-mentioned soldiers who "tJent to Cibu in the prau with Cicatuna and Cigal11 said that the same thing was to be obs~rved on the other coast, and that the port of the town of Cibu admitted of anchorage, and was excellent. I decic~ed to take the fleet to the.t island a pl~n I carried out, with the intention 6f requesting peace and friendship from the riatives, and of buying provisions from them at a reasonable cost. Should they refuse ~11 this I decided to n~ke war upon them -a step which I considered justifiable in the case of these people; for it was in that same port and town that Magellanes and his i'1eet were well received* King Sarriparra and nearly all the natives were baptized, and admitted to our holy faith and evangelical teaching, volunta:cily offering themselves as his majesty's vassals. Mae;allanes and more than thirty of his companions were afterwards killed while fi.zhting in behalf of thi,s island against the people of-}Jiatan, a t hiclcJ.y populated island situated near this ona. Afterward the two islands made peace privately between themselves, and the inhabitants of the toi,"Jn of Cibu 1.~illed many of the Spaniards, of the same fleet, and drove the remaining fei:J away from their land, Hence we see that all this is sufficient occasion for any course 7 -Apparently ref erring to the island of Negros.

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-75-whatever. In accordance with this last opinion the fleet left the port of Bohol and we reached the port of Cibu on Friday, April 27, 1565. vfo had scarcely arrived when an Indian tame to the flagship in a canoe, who said that Tupas, the ruler of the island, was in the town, and that he was goir~ to come to the fleet to see me. A little later there came from the village, an Indian, an interpreter of the Malay languag0, who said, on oehalf of Tupas, that the latter was getting n:ady to come to see me, that he would come on that very day, and that he wouJ.d bring ten of the prin~ipnl chiefs of that is land. I waited for ther;1 that whole day; but ns I saw that the poopl8 were niuch occupied in removing their possessions from their houses and carrying them to the Llountain, Gnd that during all this day and until noon of the next, Tupas, the son of Sari para, who killed the men of Magallanes, did not come, I sent a boat with father Fray Andres de Hurdanata and the master-of-camp, in order that, in thoir presence, the government notary, w~th Hieronimo Pacheco, interpre"cer of the Malay tongue ( which is spoken by many of the natives of this land), might request the natives, as vassals of the king of Castilla, to receive us peaceably. They were to assure the people that I did not come to do them any harm, but on the contrary to show them ovcry favor, and to cultivate their friendship. Three times this announceme .. 1t was ma de to them, w i t11 all the signs and kind words possible to win their friendship. But at length --seeing that all our good intentions viere of no avail, and that all the natives had put on their wooden corsclets and rope armo.,_ and had armed themselves with their lances, shields, small cutlasses, and arrows; and that many plumes and varicolored headdresses were 1,1aving; and that help of men had. come in prau. from the outside, so that their number must be alrr;ost two thousand warriors; and considering that now was the time for us to make a settlement and effect a colony, and that the present port and location were exactly suited to our needs~ and that it was useless for us to wait any longer; and seeing that there v1as no hope for peace, and that they did not wish it, although we

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-76-had offered it the master-of-camp said to the natives throup:h an interpreter: "Since you do not desire our friendship, and will not receive us peacefully, but are anxious for war, wait until we have landed; and look to it that you act as men, and defend yourselves from us, and guard your houses." The Indians ans1:ered boldly: 11Be it col Come ont We await vou here." And thereupon they broke out into loud.cries, coverin~ themselves with their -shields and "'.:ira.ndishinr: their J.ances. 'fhen they returned to the place whence they had set out, hurling their lances by divisions of threes at the boat, and retJ.rnin::~ c3.fain to their' station, going and coming as in a f3me of cafias.8 Our men got ready and left the ships in boats; and as the boats left the shipG for the shore, in accordance with the order given them, some shots were fired from the ships upon the rnul titude of Prc!l!_~ anchored near a promon-~ory, as 1,rnJ.l as at the landsmen upon shore, and upon the town. But, al r,hough they had showed so great a desire for war, when they heard the artillery and saw its effects, they abandoned their village without w.g_i_ting for 'oattJ.e, and fled through the large, beautiful, and fertilG open fields that are to be seen in this region. Accord-in~ly we rerr1:1ined in the villare, vJhich hc.1.cl oeen lef-i.~ totallywithout provisions by the na~;ives. We pursued the enemy, but they are the li~htest and swiftest runners whom I have ever seen. Hhen we entered the village, all the food had already been taken away. However, I believe t:i1at there will be no lack of food. In exchanqe for our hardshins this is a good prospect, allhough there is no.hope of food except th~ough our swords~ The land is thickly populated., and so fertile tbat fonr days after we too'.:: the villa_,1e the Castilian seods had already SprOU"CGd, T.Je have Seen SOlne li,_:;;t:,]_e gold here, on the ::z2.r1iients worn bv the natives. -:.Je are at the ,fAte a~-ic.l in the vicinity of the 111ost fortunate countries of the world, and the most remote; it is three hunc.rec.1 lea2:1.leS or thereaboul:.s farther t:1c.m gre?-_t c~1ina, Jti.rneJ:, Java, La-:J.zon, Sumatra, ~aluco, Halaca, Patan, jian, Lequios, Japan, and 8 .An equestrian exercise with reed spears. Ibid.

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-77-other rich arid large provinces. I hope that, through God's protection, there will be in these lands no slight result for his service and the increase of the royal crown, if this land is set-tled by Spaniards, as I beli~ve it will be, From this village of Cu'ou, I have despatched the ship with the fat her prior ( Urdaneta) and my grandson, Phel ip e de Za11zedo, with a long relatiun of the things which I boldly write here to your e~cellency. They wiL'._ inforL1 his majesty at length, as persons who have been eyewitnesses of all, especially of what has taken place here, the state of t:ie new settlement, and the arrangements ma de for every-thing. It reraa ins to be said that, sine e this fleet was despatched by the most illustrious viceroy, my master, of 'blessed memory, and further, chiefly because of beinr~ an enterprise ti10.t every gentleman should all the more favor, inasuuch as it pertains naturally to your excellency, as the heir of the g:!_ory resulting from this expec.ition ---your excellency should favor it in such a manner that we may feel here the touch.of your most illustrious hand, ;.:md so tr.at aid should be sent as promptly as the necessity of our conc:it:I.on demands. Fo:c we shall have war not only witn ths natives of this and other neighboring isle.nds of the Philj_ppinas (which is of the lesser import), bu.t --a thing of greater consequence --we shall have to wage war with many different nations and islands, who will aid these people, and will sida against us. On seeing us settled in this island the Port"J.f_!;uese will not b~ pleased, nor will tho Eoros and other powerful and well-armed people. It mi:;ht happen the.t, if aid is delayed and is not .::;e:1t by you to us with e.11 promptitud13, the delay will prove a sufficient obstacle, so that no rosul'.j 1;Jill fol-low from the work that we have a cconp1is~wc.. I beg his maj estv to send us some aid v' it.11 the uromptne'ss, which rightly should not be 2-u::::s +;hem in that city of Espa:2ia, where his majesty rc.sid2s. And because it is worth knowing, and so tha~ your exw cellency may underatand that God, our Lord, has waited in this same place, and that he will be served, and that pending the beginning of the extension of his holv faith and mast glorious name, he has accomplished most miraculous 'things in this western region, your excellency, should know

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-78that on the day when we entered this village, one of the soldiers went into a large and well--buil t house of an Indian, where he found an image of the child Jesus (vvhose most holy name I pray may be universally worshiped). This was kept in its cradle, all gilded, just as it was brought from Espafia; and only the little cross which is gnerally placed upon the &;lobe in his hand was lacking. This image was 1Jell kept in that house, and many flowers were found before it, no one knows for what object of purpose. The soldier bowed before it with all reverence and wonder, and brought the image to the place where the other soldiers were; I pray the holy name of this image which we have found here, to help us and to grant us victory, in order that these lost people who are ignorant of the precious and rich treasure which was in their possession, may come to a knmvledge of him.

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-79-CHAPTER FOUR EARLY FILIPINO CIVILIZATION The Filipinos whoriJ the Spaniards encountered in the Philippines were the direct descendants of the Malay immigrants who came to the Philippines from South and Southeast Asia in successive waves of migration centuries before the arr.i val of the I,!JaKellan expedition. In their new homes, the Philippine :Ula.lays set up their own forms of political and social organization, of which the unit and pat-tern was the balan~a-: or ~np;ay to use the Spanish transcription. Of the estimated population of 500,000 then occupying the Philippines, a considerable number were living in single parf.lngay._ consisting of from JO to 100 far,1ilies and ruled by datos or Il1cl.1?inoos. The rest were living in larger political units, larce con~mnities or confederacies of ba:i:_cgia:ay_s_, under _D;1.iahs, l).aris or sultans. The rulers governed their respective b~_r_~ngay. or confederacies of ba_r.2,_IlE..Y. in accordar1C e ,dth established laws, customs and traditions. The people carried on trade among themselves and with their 01ie:ntal 111:,izhbors. They had systems of writing, consisting of syllabaries. They had their own

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-80religious beliefs and practices,as well as their DWn stan dards of morality and their own sense of values. For the study of early Filipino civilization, the writings of four well-known authorities will be used -Antonio de Morga, Miruel de Loarca, Juan de Plasencia and Francisco Colin. Antonio de Morga was a high official in the Spanish government in the Philippines. He was a member of the royal Audiencia in Manila. At one time he served as acting governor of the Philippines, 1595-1596. He had during his residence in the Philippines (1595-1603) good opportunities for observing conditions in the Philippines and the ways of life of the Filipino people. The work which he wrote, under the title nsucesos de las Islas Filipinas11 (Events in the Philippine Islands), is a narration of events in the Philippines from the first discoveries by Europeans in the East until his own title. It was published in He::::ico in 1609. Of particular interest to the student of early Filipino civilization is the eighth Ghapter of the Sue~, for this chapter contains Morga 1 s observations on various aspects of Filipino life. The following are portions of the eighth chapter

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-81of l'forga' s Sue eso s: 1 Geography of the Philippines The islands of the eastern Ocean Sea, adjacent to farther Asia, belonging to the crown of Espana, are generally called, by those who navigate thither by way of the demarcation of Castilla and Castilla' s seas and lands of America, "the Western Islands;" for from the time that one leaves Espana, he sails in the course of the sun from east to west, until he reaches them. For the same reason they are called "Eastern Islands" by those i'lho sail from west to east by way of Portuguese India, each of them circumscribing the world by voyaging in opposite directions, until they meet at these islands, which are numerous and of varying size; they are properly called Filipinas, and are subject to the crown of Castilla. They lie within the tropic of Cancer, and extend from twenty-four degrees north latitude to the equinoctial line, which cuts the islands of Moluco.2 There are many others on the other side of the line, in the tropic of Capricorn, which extend for twelve degrees in south latitude. The ancients affirEted that each and all of t~--iem were desert and uninhabitable, but now experience has demonstratec~ t:1at they deceived themselves; for good clirna,tes, many people, and food and other things necessary for human life are found there, besides many mines or rich metals, with precious gems and pearls, and animals and plants, which nature has not stinted. It is impossible to number all ~he islands -counting larger and smaller -of this vast archi-------1 B. & R., vol. 16, PP 69-133. _The full text in English of Morga' s ..1.J9J2_s_Qs de las Is_la~ _lilip~nae, is in v0lumes 15 and 16 of the Pl1iliDPine Is-1..lli!,s.,. Blair and Robertson have included in the:Lr edition the notes made by Rizal in his own edition of Morga (Paris, 1890), as well as those ta~en from Stanley's translation of korga (Hakluyt Sec. ed., London, H~68.) 1 2 The present lirdts of the P~1ilippine Archipelago are as follows: 116 l~O' and 126 34' east longitude, and 4 40' and 21 10' north latitude.

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-82p elago. Those comprised in the name and government of Filipinas, number about forty large islands, besides other smal;J_er ones, all consecutive. The chief est and best known are Luzon, Mindor6, Tendaya f3 Capul, Burias, Masbate, l'iarinduque, Leiti, Camar, Ybabao, Sebu, Panay, Bohol, Catenduanes, Calarnianes, Mindanao, and others of less re~own. The first island conquered and colonized by the Spaniards was Sebu, From.there the conquest was started and continued in all the neighborin'.; islands. Those islands are inhabited by people, natives of the same islands, called Vicayas; or by another name, Pintados --for the more prominent of the men, from their youth, tattoo their whole bodies, by pricking them wherever they ~re marked and then throwing certain black powders over the bleeding surface, the figures becoming indelible. But, as t}1e chief seat of the r;overnrnen-t, and the principal Spanish settlement, was moved to the isl,~nd. of Luzon --the largest island, .and that one nearest and opposite to Great China and Jauon --I shall treat of it first; for mucl:l that will be said. of it is similar 3 -It is very difficult now to determine exactly which is this island of Tenday1:i, c,JlJ.ed Isla Filipina. for some years. AccordinJ to Father Urdaneta's relations, this island was far to the east of the group, past the meridian of lVIaluco. Mercator locates it in Panay, and Colin in Leyte, between Abuyog and Cabalian --contrary to the opinj_on of others, who locate it in Ibabao, or south of Samar, But according to other documents of that per~od, there is no island by that name, but a chief called Tendaya, lord of a village situated in that district; and, a~ tho Spaniards did not understand the Indians well as that time, Llany contradictions thus arose in the !'elations of that period. We see that, in Legaspi' s expedition, whiJ.e the Spanicu'ds talked of islands, the Indians talked of a man, etc. After looking for Tendaya for ten days they had to cortimrn without finding it "and we passed on without seeing Tend.aya or Abuyo". It appears, nevertheless, that the Spaniards continued to give this name to the southwestern part of Samar, calling the southeastern part Ibabao or Zibabao and the northern part of the same island Samar.---Rizal.

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-8Jin the others, to each of whose particulars and distinctive details I shs.11 pass in due time. This island of Luzon extends lengthwise, from the point and head where one enters the Filipinas Islands (by the channel of Capul, which lies in thirteen and one-half degrees north latitude) to the other point in the province of Cagayan, called Cape Bojeadqr (and located opposite China, in twenty degrees), more than two hundred leguas. In so~e parts its width is @ore constricted than in others, especially in the middle of the island, 0.1here it is so narrow thnt it is less than thirty lefuas from sea to sea, or from one coast to the other, The whole island is more than four hundred leguas in circumference Inhabitants of the Philippines The people inhabiting the province of Camarines and almost as far as the provinces of Manila, in this great island of Luzon, both along the coast and in the interior, are natives of this island, They are of medium hei-;ht, with a complexion lilrn stewed quinces; and both men and women are well-featured. Xhey have very black hair, and thin beards; and are very clever at anything that they undertake, keen and passionate and of great resolution. All live from their labor and gains ::._n tl1e 1ie_Ld, L'.t1eir fistlin,~, ana trade, going f:.:,om isJ.crnd to island by sea, and from province to p~ovince by land. The natives oi the other provinces of this island as far as Cagayan are of the same nature and disposition, except that it has been learned by tra"".' dition that those of ~anila and its vicinity were not natives of this ]_and, but came thither in the past and colonized it; and that they are i~lay natives, and colilG from other islands and remote prov inces .4, .. -------4 The ancient traditions point to Sumatra as the ancestral home of the Filipinos. These traditions were completely lost, together with the mythology and the genea-

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-84The province of Cagayan is inhabited by ,.,natives of the sari1e complexion as the others or the island, although they are better built, and more va-1 ia.nt and warl :.Llrn than the others. They wear their hair long and l:tan,ine: down the back. They have been in revolt and rebellion twice eince the first time when they were pacified; and there has been plenty to do, on different occasions, in subduing them and repacifying them. The apparel and clotting of those natives of Luzon before the entrance of the Spaniards into the country were r:;:enerally, for the men, certain short collarless garments of ~ng:a.q, sewed togethe~ in the front, and with short sleeves, and reaching slightly below the waist; some were blue and others black, while the chiefs :C1ad some red ones, called: chinanas.5 They also wore a strip of colored cloth wrapped about the waist, and passed between the legs, so that it covered the privy parts, reaching half-way down the thigh; these are called b?-h..-.9Q..S. They sso with legs bare, feet unshed, and the head uncovered, wrapping a narrow cloth, called potong just below it, with which they bind the forehead and temples. About their necks they wear gold necklaces, wrought like spun wax, anc~ 11ith links in our fashion, some larger than others. On their arms they wear armlets of wrou_;ht gold, vfhich they called calombi.ga., and which are very large and made in differont patterns. Some wear strings of logies referred to ~Y the old ci~roniclers, thanks to the zeal with which the rnissionaries destroyed everythi:n.g that reminded the Filipinos of their former pagan culture,., Rizal. 5 -Chinanas. ".Je do not know for certain the origin of this word. To us it rfoes not appear t:J be derived from China. I.f we are perPi:Ltted to of.fer a guess, we would say that it is derived from tinina (from tina) which in Tagalog means colored dress a!1d th3t-;--through an error in phonetical tran5cription, the word was transformed into chinina. The chiefs were in the h3iJit of wearing red-colore-d dr~sses, made, according to Colin, fi~on-i 11fine Indian gauzen. This partiality towards the red color, which' we find among the i ancient Romans, still exists among the pagan tribes of Min-~ i danao.--Rizal. 'I,

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-85precious stones --cornelians and agates; and other blue and white stones, which they esteem highly. They wear around the legs some strings of theso stones, and certain cords_, covered with black pitch in many fol~ings, as garters. In a province called Zamb&les, they wear the head shaved from the middle forward, On the skull tney have a hugh lock of loose hair.6 'I'he women throughout tl1is island wear small ja. ckets ( sayuelos) with sleeves of the same kinds of cloth and of all colors, called .Y..129. They wear no shifts, but certain white cotton garments which are wrapped about the waist and fall to the feet, while otber dyed clothes are wrapped about the body, 1 ike kirtl es, and are very graceful. The principal women have crimson ones, and some of silk, while others are woven with gold1 and adorned with fringe and 9ther ornnments. They wear many .::old necklaces about the neck, caJ.umbigas on the wrists, large earrings of wrought gold in the ears, and rin8;s of gold and precious stones. The black hair is done up in a very gracefbl knot on the head. Since the Spaniards came to the country many Indians do not wear bahaw1es, but wide drawers of the same cloth and materials, and hats on their heads. The chiefs W8ar braids of wrought gold containing ruany designs, while many of them wear shoes. The chief women also wear ~eautiful shoes, many of them havins shoes or velvet adorned with gold, and white garments like petticoats. Men and won:.en, and especially the chief peo -ple, are very clean and neat in their persons and clothing, and of pleasing address and grace. They dress their hair caTefully, and regard it as being more ornamental when it is very black, They wash it with vrnter in which has been boiled the bark of a tree called .2:.orz:o. They anoint it with aljon-joli oil, preparecr~iith musk, and other perfumes. All are very careful of their teeth, which from D. very early age they file and render even, with --------6 -This manner of headdress and the long robe of the Visayans have an analogy with Japanese coiffure and kimono.Ri:ml.

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-86stones and iron. They dye them a black color, which is lasting, and which preserves their teeth until they are very old, although it is ugly to look at. Both men and women, especially the chief, walk slowly and sedately when upon their visits, and when going through the streets and to the temples; and are accompani(~d by many slaves, both male and female, with parasols of silk which they carry to protect them from the sun and rain, The women walk ahead and their female servants and slavc~s follow them; behind these walk their husbands, fathers, or brothers, with their man-servants and slaves. Their ordinary food is rice pounded in wooden mortars, and cooked --thi.s is called moriso1_J3_t.s1, and is the ordinary bread of the whole country -boiled fish (which is very abundant), the flesh of swine, deer, and wild buffaloes (which they call carabaos). They also eat boiled camotes (which are sweet potatoes), beans, .921il_ite,2., and other vegetables; all kinds of bananas, guavas, pineapples, custard ] i .c, d l app __ es, many varie ::.ies o.L orang cs, an o-c.1er varie-ties o.f fruits 8.nd herbs, with which the country teems. 'i'heir drin~c is a wine made from the tops of cocoa and nipa palm, of which there is a great abundance. They are grown and tended like vineyards, although without so ruuch toil and labor. Drawing off the tl!,_ba, they distil it, using for alembics their own little furnaces and utensils, to a greater or less strength, and it becones brandy. This is drunk throug:h the islands. It is a wine of the clarity of water, but strong and dry. If it be used with moderation, it acts as a medicine for the stomach, and is a protection against humors and all sorts of rheuir,s. I'Iixed with Spanish wine, it makes a mild liouor, and one very palatable and healthful. Ships and Boats Their ships and boats are of many kinds; for on the rivers Jnd creeks inland they use certain

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-87very large canoes, ea.eh made from one log, and others fitted with benches, and made from planks, and built up on keels, They have vireys and barangays, \,vhich are certain quick and light vessels that lie low in the water, put together with little wooden nails. These are as slender at the stern as at the oo\J, and they can hold a number of rowers on both sides, who propel their vessels with b_cce:y_e_ or paddles, and with z..:,ciones on the outside of the vessel; and they tiue tlwir rowing to the accompaniment of some who sing in their language refrains by which they understand whether to hasten or re-tard their rowing. A:Jove the rowers is a ulatform or gangway, built of bamboo, upon which the~ fightingmen stand, in order not to interfere with the rowing of the oarsmen. In accordance with the capacity of the vessels is the number of men on these gangways. From that place they manage the sail, which is square and made of linen, and hoisted. on a support or yard made of two thick bamboos, which serves as a mast, When the vessel ts large, it also has a foresail of the same form. Both yards, with their tackle, can be lowered upon the gangway when the weather is rough. The helmsman are stationed in the stern to steer. It carries another bmnboo framework on the gan
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-88generally drag them ashore every nigh~, at the mouths of rivers and creeks, among which they always navigate without r~oing into the open sea or leaving the shore. All the natives can row and manage these boats. Some are so long that they can carry one hundred rowers on a side and thirty soldiers above to fight. 'rhe boats commonly used are barangays and vireys, which c2rry a less crew and fighting force. Now they put many of them together with iron nails instead of the wooden pegs and the joints in ihe planks, while the helms and bows have beaks like Castilian boats Natural Resources All these islands are, in many districts, rich in placers and mines of gold, a metal which the natives dig and ~ork. However, since the advent of the Spaniards in the land, the natives proceed more slowly in this, and content themselves with what they already possess in jewels and gold ingots, handed down from antiouity and inherited from their ancestors. 7 ':iihis is considerable, for he must be poor and vvretched who has no gold chains, calornbigas (bracelets), and earrings. Some placers and mines are worked at Paraceli in the province of Camarines, where there is a good gold mi;rnd with copper. This commidity is also .traded in the YJ.ocos, .for at the rear of this prov-ince, which borders the seacoast, are certain lofty and rug~ed mountains which extend as far as Cagayan. --~--~--7 -The Indians upon seeing that their wealth aroused the rapacity of the encomenderos and soldiers, abandoned the working of the mines, and the friar historians state that, to free them from their vexations, they urged the Indians to proceed in that manner. However, Colin states that, from reliable sources, tho Islands produced in his time 100,000 ~esos 1-vorth of gold a year, after eight years of neglect and abandonment. -According to a private manuscript, the first tribute from the provinces of Ilocos and Pangasinan alone amounted to 109,500 pesos. An encomendero in 1587 sent to Manila in the gnlleon Santa Ana, which Cavendish later captured,3000 tons of gold.--Rizal.

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-89On the slopes of those mountains, in the interior, live many natives, as yet unsubdued, and among whom no incursion has been made, wno are called Ygolotes. These natives possess rich mines, many of gold e.nd silver mixed. They are wont to dig from them only the amo1.,mt necessary for their want,s. 'l'hey descend to certain places to trade this ~old (without completing its refining or prepc:1ration), with the Ylocos; there they exchan':f) it for rice, swine, cara-baos, cloth and other things they need. The Ylocos complete its refining and preparation, and by their m.adium it is distributed throughout the coun1:,ry. Although an effort has been ma-tie with these Ygolotes to discover their mines, and how they work them, and their method of working the metal, nothing definite has becm learned, for the Ygolotes fear that the Spaniards will co to seek them for their gold, ~nd say that they ~eep the gold bet-ter in the earth tnan in their houses. There are .also many e;old mines and placers in the other isl.:,:110.s, especially among the Pintados, on the Botuan River in Mindanao, and in Sebu, where a mine of 3old is worked, called Taribon. If the industry and efforts of the Spaniards were to be converted into the working of the gold, ns much would be obtained from any one of these islands as from those provinces which produce the most in the world. But since thev attend to other means of gain rather than to this, as will be told in due time, they do not pay the proper attention to this matter. In some of these islands pearl oysters are found, especially in the Cala~ianes, where some have been obtained that are large and exceedingly clear and lustrous.' Neither i; t~is means of pro-fit utilized. In all parts 1 seed pea~~'1f:: are found in the ordinary oysters, and tre:c0 ere oysters as large as a buckler. From the (shells of the) latter ~the natives rnanufactur,~ beautiful ar-ticles. There are also very lar~e sea turtles in all the islands. Their shells are utilized by the natives, nnd sold as an article of commerce to the Chinese and Portuguese, and other nations who go after them and este8m them highly, because of the beautiful things ma.de from them.

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-90-On the coasts of any of these islands are found many small white snail shells, called siguei. The natives gather them and sell them by measure to the Siamese, Cambodians, Pantanes, and other peoples of the mainland. It serves there as money, and those nations trade with it, as they do with cacaobeans, in Nueva Espana. Carabao horns are used as merchandise in trading with China; and deerskins and dye-wood with Japon. The nati7es make use of eerything in trading with those nat,j_ons and derive much profit there fron:. In this island of Luzon, especially in the provinces of.Manila, Panpanga,. Partgasinan, and nocos, ce:ctain eart:1enware jars ( tibores) are found among the natives. They are very old, of a brownish color, and not handsorue. Some are of medium size, and others are smaller, and they have certain marks and stamps. The natives are unable to give any expla nation of where o~ when they got them, for now they are not brought to the islands or made there. The Japanese see~ them and esteem them, for they have found that the root of a plant calJ_ed l1c1 (tea) -which is drunk hot, as a great refres1.1ment and medicine, among the kings and lords of Japon -is pre-served and keeps only in these tibo~s. These are so highly valued throughout Japon, that they are regarded as the most ~recious jewels of their closets and hou.s ehold furniture. A tibor is North a great sue, and the Japanese adorn them outside with fine gold beautifully chased, aEd keep them :Ln brocade cases. Some tibors are valued and sold for two thousand taes of eleven reals to the tae-, or for less, according to the qualit:r of the tii)Or. It makes no difference if they are crac:~ed or c:1ipped, for that does not hinder them :'rom holding the tea. The natives of these islands sell tbs~ co the Japanese for tho best price pos~i~le, and oeek them carefully for this pro.f.'it. Lfowevei,, :'ff\'! are found now,. because of the assictuity witn whicb. the natives have applied themselves to that search.8 8 -Dr. Jagor in n~s faoous work Reisen in den Philip E.:i!lg (Berlin, 1873}, discusses in chap:z,;rXV-these-Jars, describing some of t:;hem, giving very curious and inte;r-esting

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-91-Cotton is raised abundantly throu.:hout the islands. It is spun and sold in the ckein to the Chinese and other nations, who come to get it. Cloth of different patterns is also woven frorn it, and the natives also trade that. Other clothes, called medrinaques, are woven ~rem the banana leaf. The islands of H&buyt:mes consist of many small 1 d l .-.r, + C" h is an s ..,_ying o:i:1 c.'1e up:?er coas., o:i. t .e province of Cagayai1. T~wy arc inhabited by natives, whose chief industry consists in going to Cagayan in their tapaques, with swtne, fowls, and other food, and ebony spears, :L'or cxch.am~e. The islands are not ass iEr...ed as oncomieno.ns, nor is any tribute collected from them. 'l'hcre are no Spaniards among the-,m, as those natives arc of less understanc.ing and less ci-vilized (than the others).. Accordingly no Christians have been made arrong them, and they have no justices. Other islar..ds, called the Catenduanes, lie off the other head of thG island of Luzo~, oppositG the province of Camal'ines, in fourteen degrees of north latitude, near the strait of Espiritu Santo. They are islands de.nsely populated with natives of good disposition, who are all assigned to Spaniards. They posess instruction and churches, and have an alcalde mayor who ad.rnin:l.sters justice to them. IV'i.Ost o.f -::.hem cultivate the soil, but some are ~n_ga.::;ed ir: gold washing, and in trading between various islands, and with the mainland of Luzon, very near those islands. ,. det.::iils about their history, form, and. val uo, some of which are highly priced, like those of the Sultan of Brunei who turned down an offer of 100,000.dollars for one of them. Dr~ Jagor himsolf, while in the Philippines, was able to get one, .found in an excavi.:l.tion r.:ad in Li:;mana~1, Camarines Sur, in 1$51, together wit~ oth3r prehistoric artifacts belonging to the bronze a6es, as evidenced by the knives n~de from this metal, and the absence of articles of iron, ate. It is a pity that these objects were not better studied. Studying these precious jars from Cambodia? Siam, Cochi:r;icbina, Philippine:,s and other ncighboring is lands, and det0~rmining th2 time of thoir manufacture in the remot0 past, and their form, structure, seals, and inscriptions, we would perhaps find a clue to the problem of the common cultural ori1~in of th0se nations .--Rizal

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-92-The Pintados (Bisayans) South of this district, lie the islands of Bi-cayas, or as tlky c1re also called, Pintados. They arc many in numb or, i~hickly populated '\idth natives ThosG of most renown nrc0 Leito, Yoabao, Cama1" (Samar), Bohol, island of Negros, Sebu, Panay Cuyo, and the Calamianes. All the nativos of ttese islands, both. r,1on and vJoniun, are wclJ .. -feat.ure;d, of a good dir.-;position, mid of better nature,. and more noble in their actions than the inhabitants of the islands of Luzon and its vicinity. 'rhey cliff er from them in their hair, which tho men wear cut in a cue, like th1J ancient stylo in Espafia. Their bodies are tattoed with many designs, but the face is not touphed. They woar l&rge aar rir1gs of vold and ivc:,ry i11 their ears, and bracelets of tho s~me; cortain scarfs wrnpp0d round the head, very showy, which r0semble turbcms, and kriot-ted very gracefully and e:;dged with u;old. Thoy\ wear also a loose collarless j3.cket t;ith tight sleeves, whose skirts roach half way down trw l01I These gri.rments are fastenod in front and arc rno.de of rne drinaque and colorcd silks. They trnar no shirts or draw0rs, but bahaques (i,0,, br0uch-cloutD) of many wroppin3s, which cover their privy partc, when thoy remove thuir r.e1::irts 2nd jackets. 'I'ho women ar(3 good-lool
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-93-ments. It produces considerable quantities of rice, palm-wino, and all manner of provisions. It has flourishing and wealthy settlements, on what is called the river of Panay. The chief one is Oton, which has a bar and port for ealley and ships, shipyards for buildir:.c; large slli:os, and a great amount of timber fo11 their construction. There are many natives, vJho aro n:asters of all l:inds of shipbuildings. Near this isla11d lies an islet eight leguas in circumfernnce, which is densely po-pulated by natives who are all carpenters. 11hey are excellent workrnen, and prcJ.ctice no other trade or occupation; and, without a single tree of any size on this whole islet, they practice this art with great ability. From there all the islands are f\l..tmishud. vl/ith wor!nirnn for carpentry. The island is called that of the Cagayanes. After the island of Sebu follow immediately the isl::.md of Mindanao, 3.n island of' more than threo hundred leguas :.i.n circumferance, and Jolo, which is small. Lower down is the island of Borneo, a very large island, more than five hundred le,i:;u.-:i.s in circumference. All of t:b.ese isl-'lnds are denf:.wly populated, al though that of Borneo is not subdued. Nc::i-thur is that of :fv'T.J.ndan2.o in entirety, but only thra river of Botuan, Dapitan, and the Province and coast of Car:1.go.n. Below this island (Mindanao), bc)fore reaching that of Born~o, lie the islands of the Calamianes. They are very numQrous, Dnd consist of isl2nds of various sizes, which are densely inhabit.:)d, with na tives; they havo some supp1y of provisio21s and engage in cnrta.in kinds of husbandry. However the most usual occupation is that of their navigations from island to island in pursuit of thei.r trading and ex change, and their fisheries; while tlmse who live nearest the isl2.nd of Borr:eo are wont to go on pir::i. tical raids and pillage the natives in other islands. Systems of Writing The lan:;u,2.ge of all the Pintados and Bicayas is ono and the same, by which they understand one another when talkj_n;;, 'or whEm writing with the letters

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-91+and characters of their own which they possess. These resemble those of the Arabs. The comrr.on man-ner of writinr,: c1.r;1onri: the natives is on leaves of trees, nnd on -bamboo bark. Throughout the islands the bamboo is abundant; it has huge and misshapen joints, and lower part i~ a very thick and solid tree. The law:ua?:c of Luzon ond those islands in its vicinity differ; ~idely from that of the Bicayas, The language of the is1,:md of Luzon j_s not uniform, for the Cagayans lE,ve ono language and the Ylocos an-other, The Zc11:1b2l c:s have their own particular language, while the Parnpango1J also have one different frorn the others. The inhabitants of the province of :Manila, the Tagals, heve their own lunguage, which is very rich and copious. By moans of it one can express elegantly 1.Jh:i.chever he wishes, .and in many modes and nianners. It is 1not difficult, either to learn or to pronounce, The natives throughout the islands can write excellently with certain characters, almost like the Greek or Arabic. These chnracters are fifteen in all.. Three are vowels, which are used as our five. The consonnnts number twelve, and each and all of them combine with certain dotG-or corrmms, c1.nd so signify whatever one wishes to write, as fluently and easily as is done with our Spanish alphabet. The method of writing was on bamboo, but is now on paper, cornmencins; the 1 ines at the ri,i;ht and running to the left, in the Arabic fashion,9 Almost all the natives, both men and women, write in this lan9 -The quesT,ion of tl:ie direction followed by the ancient Filipinos in their writin~s has given riso to varied opinions nnd theorie:::i among scholars. Chirino, San Antonio, Zuniga and Le Seutil sa::, thot it was vE.1rtical, from the top to the bottom. Colin, Esguerra and Mo.rche believe that it was vertical but in the opposite direction, from the bottom upwards. PC::ldro I/fr:ircilla and. Sinibaldo de Mas, on the other hand, assert thBt it was horizontal, from left to right, Dr. Ri znl in his edition o.f Morga' s Sue eso s sets forth his view on the same subjoct as follows:

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-95-guage, There are very few who do not write it excellently and correctly. This lane;uage of the province of Manila, (i.e., the Tagal extends throughout the province of Camarines, and other islands not contiguous to Luzon. "What would seem the logical deduction is th~t they wrote in both ways, vertically and horizontally; vertically in the primitive epoch when they had to write on pieces of bamboo and palm leaves as this was the easier way, and horizontally when the use of paper became general. At any rate, the form of the characters was such that it could be written in these different directions. n ( Quoted by Villamar in his k{Ll,ntigua .E2critara Filip in?.,, p 39, Manila, 1922), Dr, T, H. Pardo de Tcrve:ra in his Contribuc ion para el ill!,udio de los antiguos ulfabetos fj_lipinos (Lozana, 1884), after swnrnari zin~ th0 opinions of the various authorities, stated his own view as follows: In view of the opinions cited, it appeo.rs cert.nin that the Filipino system of writing passed through three stages of devolopment: 1st. The anci.ent Filipinos wrote their language in their own characters, and that the 4irection in which these characters were written was olso their own. 2nd, These languages, without giving up their characters, abandoned the old direction and adopted a new one from the Spaniards. Jrd. The characte:cs, in turn, were abandoned and the Latin alphabet was adopted. This conclusion which,at first siJht, appears logical and certain is nevertheless far from the truth. The first and the third only should be o.ccepted for the second stage never took place e:::cept in the imae;ination. Dr. Tavera then went on to state that the languages in :Malaysia whose alphabets were similar to the ancient Fi-1:Lpino nlphabets were written in a horizontal direction,

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-96There is but little difference in that spoken in the various dist:ric:.:.s, except that it is spoken more elegantly in some provinces than in others H o u s e s The houses and dwellings of all these natives are univer,sallv set upon stc:lkes and arigu... (i,e., columns) high above the ground, Their rooms are small and the roofs low. They are built and tiJ.ed with wood and bamboos, and covered and roofed 'ivith nipa-palm leavGs. Each house is separate, and is not built adjoining another. In the lower part are enclosures made by stakes and bamboos, 1;,1her e their fowls and cattlos aro rea~ed, and the rice pounded and cleaned. One ascends into the houses by means of ladders that co.n be drawn up, which are made from two barnboQs, Above are their open batalo.nes (gale ries) used for hou.s ehold duties; the par,:mts and ( o.:rown) children 1 iv c to eether, Th.ere is little aJornment and finery in he houses, which are calla~ b.handin, ---------from left to the ri;~ht, a direction common to all thB sys-tems of writing of 1Iindu orie;in, and that it was probable that this was the primit:i.ve a11d only way in which the Filipinos wrote their characters. Justice Ignacio Villamar in a pamphlet wh:i.ch he wrote under the title La Aqt_i.z.J}, Escritura E,ilipina, {JVIanila, 1922), arrived nt the same conclusion that was reached by Dr. Ta~era. Justice Villamar used as a basis for his study several ancient Filipino raanuscripts1 particularly an old Philippine edition of the Belarmino, which presented texts of the Christian doctrine in the old Filipino characters. His basic conclusion after a careful study of these documents was stat,ed by him in these words: from what appears in the Belarr(lin_Q. and the documents and signatures herd.n r oproduced, all dating prior to the year 1636, we venture to conclude that the ancient FiliI?inos wrote in a horizontal directiQn, fror1( left to right, Just as we do now.

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-97Besides these hou.::;e~,, which are those of the common people anc"'. t,'.-tose of less importance, there are the chiefs' houses. They are built upon trees and thick aricues, with many rooms nnd cot~orts. They a r(-'.l -well const:cuct ed of timber and ::1lanl~s, and are stronr: und la r/e. They are :furnishGd and supplied with al1 that is necess,117, and are muc11 finer and more sub stnntial th,:m tb.ci other;c:. They arc roof eel, ~1owever, <1s .:::ire the otlF:rs, w:Lth tl1e palm-leaves culled nipa. Those keep o~t the woter and the .sum mo:ce than do .shinc1;J.es or tilos, althouzh the dan~or from fires is greater. The natives do not inhabit the lower part of their houses, bec~:use they raise their fowls and cattle there, and bocauf-3G of the damp and heat of the earth, an.:l the H9_ny r.:.its, 1:Jhich are enormous and destructive toth in the houses and sowed fields; and because, as their houses are eonerally built on sea shore, or on i~Le 1xrnks of rivers and creeks, the waters baths the lower parts, and the latter are consequently left open. G o Y e r n m e n t There V\lc:Pe no !-,~inr.i:21 or lords throuri:hout tb.ese islands 1~ho r~_.lJ.ect over Ehcm ~rn in the mariner of our kingdoms and proviuces; but in every islund and in each province cf it, many chiGfs were recognized by th,3 natives thcmsel vE:s. Some -vrnr 2 more powerful than others, t:110 et-lcrl ont=1 had his follo-uers and sub jocts, by districts and fnmilies; and those obeyed and respectc~d the chirif. SJmc c:.1icis had friend ship and co1i1munication w::i.tb others, Dlld. ut~ ti;-.1e .s wars and quarr8ls. /" Tl ., --~-: ~--,1 t. ".., l l y,Jc1-l-_ it.ere 1n-1ose p.1. .LPC..1...po.:,.,_1 J.c.~ anl .o,. ,.,1,_, .:_Js vi hcrited in the malo lino and by succeEsion of fnther a11d son c:1r.d their dPsc<:1ndunts. I:f these ,1crc lclck-ine, thon their brothers and collateral relatives succeeded. Their duty was to rule and govern their subjects and foJ.lm-1ers, c:md t.o assist thertr in their interests .smd nece:Js5.ties. What tte chiefs re-ceived froL: c:wir f'ollm-Jers was to be held by them in great veneration und rospect; and they werG served 1,., d tl 11. in t1:e1r wars ;-~nc, voya7,eo, 311 J.n -c1r cJ._ ing, sow-

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-98-ing, fishing, and the buildin~ of their houses. To these duties the natives attended very proli1ptly, whenever summoned by their chief. They olso pnid the chie.fi:., tribute ( which they call eel b~i:,.,), in var1rin'.?: quantities in t.he crops that ti.-i:ey gathered. TheJde~cendants of'such chiefs, and their rel~tives, evAn though they did not inherit the lordship, were held in t1e same respect and consideration. Such WE!re all regardec~ ::s nobles, and as persons exempt from the services r8ndered by the others, or the plebians, who were called tima_r:uas. The same right of nobility and chieftainship was preser7ed for the women, just ns for the men. \'Jhen any of these chiefs ',vas mol'e couY.'a,<:<:eous than others in war c.nd upon othAr occasions,-such a one enjoyed nIDre fol lowers and men; 3nd the others werG under his leadership, even if they w0re chiefs. These latter re~ tained to theE1scl vcs the lordsl1ip nnd po.rticular government of their own following, which is called barangai amon,-,; them, They had datos and other spe cial leaders (mandadores) who attended to the in tercs-ts of thobarangay. When soue natives had suits or disputes with others over matters of property and int crest, or over personal injuries and wrongs received, thoy appointed old ;non of the same district, to try them, t~e parties boing present. If they had to present proofs, they 1:irou~:-it th2ir witnesses t~1ere, and the case was inmeJiately judged accordi1 to what was found, et ccord.ir:g to the usag ,c:;s of tho ir ancestors on like occasions; and that sentence was observed and executed without any further oiJj ect:l.on or delay. The nat i vcs' laws tl:irou;~hout the isJ.ands were made in the same rnmmer, and tlioy .:ollo,:wd the traditions and customs of their ancestors, without anything bein~ written. Some provinces had different customs than others in some respects, However, they agreed in @ost, and in all the islands generally the same usages were followed,1O 19 T~is fundnDe}~Rl a~r8ement of laws, and this ~eneral uniformity, prove ~Dot tne mutual rolutions of the islands were widesproad, anc1 the bonds of friendship more fre quent than were wars and quarrels. There may-have existed

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-99Social CJ.asses There ar,2 thr2e conditions of persoJ.1s aniong ,the nativus of tl1E.~s0 :Lslancls, and into which tlieir government is divideJ; the chiofs, of whom we have alrGady troate,~; "t,he ti:1mr;uas, who are equ:..valent to plebeians; and slaves, those of Loth chiefs and ti rnaguc1 s. The slaves vrnre of .sever.11 classes. ;Soi11G were for all kinds1 of wor~-: and sJ.avc:1ry, lil:e those which we ourselves l-iol d. E.>uc h nre c;illed gg_uig_uil5J.:S; they served inside the house, as did like~ise the children born of thou, There are others who live in their own housos with their families, outside the house of their lord; and come, at the se~son, to aid him in his sowings and harvests, among his roAers when he embarks, in the construction of his house when it is being built, and to serve in his hou.SE) when there are guests of distinction. These .::,.re '.Jound to come to their lord's house whenever be suLn:1.011:':1 them, and to serve i~ t.hese oifices without any pay er stipend. Thes<:i slaves are co.l.led pamamahays, Rnd :.:,heir cL.ildren and descendanto are slaves of the saMe cl2ss. From these slavesQpgg~JJ)._irE~. and Q.J:SlI.!][:l-iay'?. -.::ir~~ issue, some of whom are w11ole slaves, som,J of :iiom CLr2 Lalf slaves, ~nd still others one-fourth slavos, It happens thus: if either the father or the mother was freo, and they had an only child, he was half free and half slo.ve. If tiwy had more than one ch.ild, ~hey were divided as follows: the first follows the condition of the .f,q:thcr, freG or slave; the s1cicond that of the rnothor. If thero were a::1 odd numb er of childr,3n, the last was :-1,1lf f rce ~:i.nd half slave. ':Chose 'iJho descended from these, if c~ildren of a free Mo~her or father, were only one<'ourth slaves, becau:3o of ~-1eini; children of a free father or mother and of a halfslave, These half slaves or one-fourth slaves, whether sagn~i1.:i::t'..2. or !:!,_qlM\~~-h_,,CQ, se;_-vcd thei.r mo.stGrs during every other rIDon; and iD this respect so is such condition slavery. a confoderation, since we know from tho first Spaniards that tl1e chief of r,:aniln was cornmonder-in-chief of' the sultan of Borneo. In addi t :Lon, docum811ts of the twelfth century that exist testify the same t}dng. ---Rizal.

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-100In the snme way, it may happen in divisions between heirs that n slave will fall to several, and serves each one for the time that is due him, When the slave is not wholly slave, but half or fourth, he has the right, because of that part that is free, to compel his ma.ster to emancipate him for a just price. This price is appraised and resuldted for persons accordin~ to the quality of their slavery, whether it be sE1p:uigu:i.lir or no.mamahr1.y, half slave or quarter slave. But, if he is wholiy slave? the mast rn~ cannot :J e compc3ll ed to ransom or emancipate him for any price. ; The usual price) of et sag'..liguilir slave among the native~ is, at most? grme~ally ten tD.os of good gold, or eighty pesos; if he is namamahay, half of that sum. The others are in tho same proportion, taking into consideration the person and his age. l\T 1, d b b t' 1~0 ixe -eginning can e assignea as ne origin of these kinds of slavery nmong these natives, bec~use all the slaves are natives of the islands, and not strangers. It is thought that they were made in their wars and quarrels. Thu most certain knowledge is that the most powerful made the others slave and seized then for slir:ht cause or occasion, and many times for loans [ind w:1urious con-tracts which were current nmong them. The interest, capitc=:l, nnd debt, increa:3ed so much 1,1ith delay that the borrowers become slaves. Consequently all these slaveries have violent and unj:.1st 'o3gin nings; and rno3t of the suits among the n:.1tives cire over these, and they occupy the judges in th2 ex terior court with them, and their confes~ors in that of conscience. These slaves11 comprise the greatest wealth and capital of the natives of these islands, for they 11 The condition of slaves wns not always a melan-choly one. Argensola says that they ate at the same table vvith their masters, a.ncl married into their familie:=;. The histories fail to record the assassination for motives of v~ngeance of any master or chief by the natives, n::1 they do 01 encomenderos. After the conquest the evil deepened. The Spaniards made slaves vdthout these p1etexts, ,imd with-

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-101are very useful to them and necessary for the cultivation of their property. Thei are sold, traded, and exchanged alilonz thorn, jm,t ns any other n:ercantil e article, f:corn ono villagu to another, from one province to another, nnd likewise from one islanJ to another. Therefore, and to avoid so many suits as would occur if theso slaveries were oxanined, and their ori~in and source ascertained, they are preserved and held :u:; tl1eJ were formerly Marriage Customs The rnarrL:i.ces of these natives, commonly and generally were, and are: Chlefs with women chiefJ; ti maguas wi~h those of that rank; and sluves with those of their own class. But sometimes theti8 classes intermarry with one another. They considered one woman, w~om t~~Y marr.ied! as. t~_e l~riti~r1c:1te _:Jife '.9.n~ t}'ie 12 rnJ.stref::~ of the house i and t,he was styled _y_11.,:i..:iBO..i,1, 'l'hose whom they kept besidos her they considered as frienda. The children of the first were regarded as legitimate and whole heirs of thoir parents; the children of the others woro not so rogard0d, and were le.ft_ something by assignment, but they did not in herit. The dowry 111as furnishf:;c.1 by the man, :-; "
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-102cnts_13 The solemnity of the marriage consisted in nothin12: more than the agreement between the parents and relatives of the contracting parties' the payment of the dowry agreed upon to the father of the bride, and the assembling at the wife~ s pare1:its' house of all the relatives, to eat and drink unt1.l they would fall d01rm. At night the man tool: the wo-man to his house and into his power, and there she remained. These rinrriay,es were annuled and dissolved for slight cause, with tlie exam~nation .an~ juds;ment of the relatives of both parties, ano. 0I the old men, who acted as mediators in tho aff~irs. At such a time the man took tho dO\~ry {which they call vigadicaya), unless it happened that they separated through the husband's fault; for then it .vas not returned to him, and the wife's p.J.rents kept it. 'l'he property that they had acquj_red together was divided into halves, and each one disposed of his own. If one made any profits in which the other clid not have a share or participa-t.G, he acquired it for himself alone. 13 -This continued the union between parents and children, which "'1as a 1,Jiser arrangement than what is found in many parts of Europe where cases ars known of sons neg lecting their parents once they have obtained their inheritance and of pGrents not allowing their sons to marry so as not to lose control of their resources We say that thi.s arran.&>:ement continued the union nnd ncit ::,he affection whichis tal:en for grantectEUia'.-which in many cases amounted to veneration. While. the f'c::thor or the mother was living, the home continued to exist even if all the children were already married and lived indepen-dently. Naturally, the daughter did not have to bring any dowry. The qualities of the Filipino wom2in, a per-son who was a help rather than a burden to the husb:i.nd, would reject such a practice which is nec,~ssary to .::1 Euro pean who generally is 3.n additional char:::;e, or burden upon the man Is budget In the Phil ipi) ines, the W')l11an docs not go out to fish for, but to ch'.3ofrn, a husb:mtl.. And the husbsnd does not take on the heuvv burden 01, the zoke of matrimony, but a companion who is to help and to introduce. economy in the disord0red life ocf the young man. --Rizal~

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-103Status of Children -Inheritance The India1w were adopted onE-:i by another, in presonce of the rel,JtivtJS, Tho adopted. }Je1son gD.ve and uelivorcd all his D ctunl possessions to chc one who adopted hin1. Thereupon he romained in his housG and care, and hQC 3 right to inherit with the other children. Adulteries were not punishable corpo!'c1lly, If the adulterer paid t,he aggrieved party the amount adjudged by the old F:en 11nd o.greed upon by them, then the injury was pardoned, and the husband wus appeased and retained his honor, He would still live with his vdfr:.: .'.H1c_ there would be no further talk o.bout the matter, In inheritonces all the lepitimate children inherited eoually from their parenis whatever property they had acquired. If there were any mov~ble or landed propert; v-1~1ich they had received fror:i their parents, such went to the nearest rela.tives and the collateral side o; that stock, if there were no legi-tim:.ttE:: children by an ynasaba. This was the case either with or without a will. In the act of drawing a will, there was no further ceremony than to have written it or to have stated it orally before acquaintances, If any chief was lord of a barangai, then in that caso, the eldest sons of any ynasaba succooded him, If he died, the second son succeeded. If there wero no sons, then, the dnughters succeeded in the same order. If there were no lu2_:itimate cmcces sors, the succession went to the nearest relative be longing to the lin,2a2_;e and relationship of the chief who had been the lact possessor of it. It a.ny native who had sLwe wo1nen :11a(e concu bines of any of them, and such slave woman had children, those children were free, DS was the sL.J.ve. But if she had no children, she remained a slave. These children, by a slave woman, 3nd those borne by a mar1ied wo1iic1n, were re'Ia:t'ded nE; i1lezitimo.te, and did not succeed to the inheritnnce with the other children, neither W8re the parents obliged

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-104-to leave them anythi~~. Even if they were the sons of chiefs, they aid not succeed to the nobility or chieftainship of the parents, nor to their privileges,, but they remained and were reckoned as plebeians and in the number and rank of the other timaguas. Trading Methods and Practices The contracts and negotiations of these natives were generally illegal, each one paying attention to how he cJ1ight b otter his own business and in terest. Loans with interest Wt'.!re very common and much practiced, and the interests incurred was excessive, The debt dou.bl ed and. increased all the time while payment was delayed, until it stripped the debtor of all hi[3 pos s essionfj, .::end he cmd his chil dron when all their property wao gone, became slaves. Their customary method of trading W3S by bartering one thing for/ another, such as food, cloth, cattle, fowls, lands, houses, fields, slr:tves, fishinggrounds, and palm-trees (both nipa and wild), Sometimes a price intervened, wh:i.ch was paid in gold, as agreed upon, or in metal bells brought from Cl;1ina. These bells they regard as precious jewels; they resemble large pan:3 c1nd are very sonorous. They play upon these at their feasts, and carry them to the WE1r in their boatfl instead of druns ':3.ncl other instruments. There are often dGlays and terms for cer tnin pc,.yments, and bondsmen wbo int,ervene bind themselves, but always with very usurious and excessive profits and interests, C r i rn e s Crimos were puni::,hcd by request of the aggrieved parties, Especially were thefts punished with great er severity, the robbers being enslaved or sometimes put to death, Tlrn s:1111e wa3 true of insul tine; words, especially whe:n spo>ei1 to chiefs. They had among themsolves many expressions and words which they re garded as the h:L ;hest insult, when said to men and

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-105women. These were-pardoned less willingly and with greater difficulty than was personal violence, such as woundint and assaulting, Religious Beliefs and Practices In m~tters of reliJion, the natives proceeded more barbarouGly and with greater blindness than in all the rest, For besides being pagans, without any knowled~e of the true God, thBy neither strove to discover Hin by way of reason, nor had any fixed belief, TLe devil usually deceived them with a thousand errors and blindness. He appebred to them in var:Lous horriblG and frightful forms, and as fierce animals, so that they feared him and trembled before him, They generally worshipped him, and made images of him in the said forms. These were kept in caves and private houses, where they offered th0m perfumes and odors, and food and fruit, calling them gnitos. Others worshipped the sun and the moon1 and made feasts and drunken revels at the conjunction of these bodies. Some worshipped a yellow-colored bird that dwells in their woods, called batal., They generally worship and adore th~ crocodile when they see them, by kneeline; down and cJ.as:ping t1wir hands, because of the harm that they received from those reptiles; they believe that by so doing the crocodiles will becoLle appeased and leave them. Their oaths, execrations, and promises are all as above mentioned, namely: fl]lftay bt~Y.illl eat thee, if thou dost not speak trv.th, or fulfill v,1hat thou hast promised, 11 and similDr things.

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-106Miguel de Loarca was one of the soldiers who came with Legaspi to the Philippines. As a reward for the services he rendered to the Spanish Crown in the pacification and conquest of the Philippines he was given an Gncornienda in Panay. He wrote in 1582 ah account .of the Philippines and its people under the title, Ji,elacion de las Islas FiliIt tells, in the words of Loarca himself, of ilall the islands and people::; reduced to the obedience of his royal Jviaj esty. and of the form of e;ov0rnment among both the Spaniards and the natives. And of some customs of the Indians and Moros of these islands ,11 Of the rnarriai:::;e customs of the ancient t.a::iayans, Loarca gives the follo,,iin;?; interDstinr; account:1 MARRIAGE OF 'rHE CHIEFS. -When any man wishes to marry, he, since the man always asks the woman, calls in certain tima~uas who are resDected in the village. (This is w~at the chiefs d;, For thore appear to be three ran:~s of men in these islands namely, chiefs, tit~guas, who are freemen, and slaves -each cl~ss having different marriage customs.) The chi~fs, then, I say, send as ~a-between some of their t:Lrnncuas, to negotiate the murrj_age. One of these rnen tc.Los the youn13 man's lance from his .father, and Hhen hL-j reaches the house of' the girl's father he thrust the spear into the staircase of the house; and while he holds the lance thus, 1 B R., Vol, V, p. 155, Doth the original in Spanish and the English trcmslation of the Helucio,n are given in this volume.

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-107thGy invok8 their cods and ancestors, roauostinG them t.o be propitious to this marriage. If the mc1rria:;e take.s place, tho lnnce belong~~ to the go-between, 0r it is redeemed, After the marrio.__;r; is agreed upon that is to say, a.ft()r fixin0; dw amount of the dowry which the husband pays to the wife (which among the chiefs of these islands iG genernlly the sum of one hundred taes, in folrt, slaves, and jewels, &nd is equivalent to one hundred pesos) -they go to brine the bride from the housEi of hE;r onrenti:. One of thE~ Indians tak~"3 her on his sho;J.lders; and on arrivinv at the foot of the stairway to the bridotroom's -l"(J" uc: e C J:1 e a f'-f'e,ct c co yi D' s C, '1 nd C._, ;re, t .hn i. C' h,.:, \-1 i l] ,J. J i-.J ..L U'-.) ,:., u, U.1. UUJO J. <;tv hJJ.J.'v ~- not enter. When many entreaties have proved use less, the father-in-law comes out and promisos to 1 ,.. h 11 s J give nc,r a s ave J.I s ,a wi. go u~J. ne :,;1ouncs the staircase, for the slave; but when u~e reaches the top of the stairway and looks into her father-in .. law' s housr:) and sees the people &ssern;:.;l ed -within, she again pret0nds to be bashful, and th0 f&therin-law mus~ give her another slave, Aftor she has entered, the same thing takes place; ahd he must f:: ive her a ,jewel to mak<-: her sit dmm, :.mother to mako her begin to eat, and another before Ghe will drink, While the b8trothed pair an:: drinting_ to-gether jD old man rises, and in a loud voice calls all to silence, as he wishes to speak. He says: 17So-and-so marries so-and-so, but on the condition that if the rnun shou.ld throuci dissolute conduct f~il to HUpport his wife, she will leave him, and shall not be obli:~;uc~ to retm,n anything of the dowry that he has 0::i.ven her; nrcd she shall have froedom and permission to marry another m, And therE.:for8, should the womari betray her husband, ho can take away tho dowry thu.t he 2;c1Ve her, leave :her, c:1.nd marry another woman. D c all of you witnesses for me to this cornpnc-t,. 11 When the old man hns ended his speech, they t~ke a dish filled with clean, uncooked rice, and an old woman comes and joins the hands of the pair, and lays them upon the rice. Then, holdin3 their hands thus joined, she throws the rice over a~l those who are present at the ban quet. Then tho old woman give;=:, a loud shout, and all answer her with a similar shout; and the murriage contrc1ct or ceremony is completed-. Up to this

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-108time, her parents do not al1ow the yo1:1-ng co1:1ple to eat or sleep to~ether; but by performing this ceremony they deliver her up as his wife. But if, after the marringc contrc:c'i:; has been negotiated by a third party, the man who s eaks marriage should repent the bargain and see!: to marry another woman, he loses ,.. h the earnest-money th.1t b.e has given, oven 1.r he as had no int ere ours e with 'the former; b0ccmse wben they commence ne0:otiations for the marria,o:e they begin to give the dowry. If a man say in conversation, or at a drunken fea::,t, nr wish to marry so-and-so., d:aughter of so-an
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-109-dishes, and there is no other ceremony, Half of the children born to this couple will belong to the master of the female slave, and the other half will belong to the master of the male slav3. 1.ivhen the time comes when their children are able to work for their masters, the parents are made tumaranpootrns, as we have said; bcJCc:use when a male slave of ~one chief married the female slave of another chief they immediately receive a house for their own use, and go out to work for their masters. If a free man marries a female slave, or vice versa, half of the children are slave~. Thus, if there are two children, on~ is free and the other a slave,'as the par ents may choose. The following is an account by the same author of l the religious beliefs of the ancient Bisayans:BELIEF REGARDING THE DEAD.-If those who die from dis~ase are young, the Pintados say that the mangalos, who are goblins, are eating their bowels, wherefore they die; for these people do not know that the corruption of humors causes diseases. They say of those who die in old Gge that thE1 wind comes and snatches away their souls. And of. those who die in old age that the wind comes and snatches ~way their souls. And o:f those who dj_e thus the Arayas (which is a certain alliance of villages~, they say, go to a very high mountain in the Island of Panay, called IV:k1yas. The soul[, of the Yligueynes, who comprise the people of Cubu, Bohol, and Bantay, go with the god called Sisiburarn:rn, to a very high mountain in the island of Burney, THE GOD 3IDAPA.-They say that there is in the sky another god, called Sidapa. This good possesses a very ta,11 tree on mount Mayas. There he meas1 Ibid, The best-known work on Filinino methology is F'erdincJ.nd Blumentritt' s, D;Lcc~91-1:-u,"iQ m:i,tolozi,cp de. Fi~ipin.f!.~ This is tGproduccd ,:in:...Retana1s !!;:chivg,dei B1bl1Q. filo F'il~pino vol, 2,

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-110-ures the lives of all the n0w-born, and places a mark on the tree; when the person's stature equals this mark, he dies immediately. BELIEF CONCF:~{NING THE DESTINATION OF SOULS. -It is believed that at death all soulo go directly to the infernal reJions; but that, by means of the maganitos, which are the sacrifices and offerings made to the god Pandague in sight of the mount of Mayas, they are redeemed from S-irnuran und Sie;uina rugan, gods of the lower regions. It is said that, when the Yligueyr:-es die, the god Maguayen carries them to Inferno, When he has carried them thithe:c in his barangay, Sumpoy, an other godl sallies forth, takes them away, and leads them to Sisiburnnen, the god before mentioned, who keeps them all. Good or bad alike, he takes them all on equal terms, when they go to Inferno. But the poor, who have no one to offer sacrifices for them, i'em::dn forever, in the inferno, and the god of those regions eats them, or koeps them fareve~ in prise~. From this it will bo seen how little their being good or bad avails tbem, and how much. reason they have to ~ate poverty. BAYLANAS.-The natives of these islands have neither time nor place set apart for the offering of prayers and sacrifices to their gods. It is only in cAse of sickness, and in times of seed-uowing or of war, that sacrifices are offered, Th0se sacri fices are c.s.lled bayJ_c'.'LJl<;JS, c1.nd the priest em.Jes, or the men who perform this office, are also called baylanes, The priestesses dress vdry gaily with garlands on their heads, and are resplend8nt with gold. They bring to the place of sacrifice some pitarrillas (a kind of earthen jar) full of ricewine, besides a livG hog r:.nd a quantity of prepared food, Thon tho priestess chants her songs and invo~ces the demon, who appears to her all :'i;listening j_n gold, Then he ent01s hf)r body and hurls her to the ground, foaming at the mouth as one possessed. In this state she doclares whether the sick person is to recover or not. In rego.rd to other matters, she foretells the future. All this takes placo to the sound of bells and kettle-drums, 'I'hen she rises and taking a spear, she pierces the heart of the hog. I

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-111-They dress it and prepo.re a dish for the demons. Upon an altar erected there, they place the dreased hog, rice, bananns, wine, ~nd all the other articles of food that they have brought. All this is done in behalf of sic~ persons, or to redeem those who are confined in the infernal regions. When they go to war or on a plu.ndering expodition, they offer prayers .to Varangao who is the rainbow, and to their gods, Ynaguirdd and Mocc1nduc. For the redornption of souls detained in the inferno above mentioned, they invoke also their ancestors, 2nd the dead, claiming to see them and receive answers to their questions, BELIEF CONCERi'HNG THE WORLD. :rhe Go.,2.. Mo.c.Q.P.. t.fill. They believe that the world has no end, They say that Maco.ptan dwells highest in the sky. They consider him a bad god, because h~ sends disoase and death among them, seying that because :1e has not eaten anything of this world, or dr1.mk any pi tarrillas, he does not love them, and so kills them, THE GOD LALAHON.It is said that the divinity Lalahon dwells in a volcano in Negros icland, when she hurls fire. The volcano is about five leagues from the town of Arevalo. They invoke L3lahon for their harvest; w:1er1 she does not choose to grant good harvest she sends ~he locusts to des troy and consume the crops. This Lalahon is a wo man. BURIALS.-These natives bury their dead in certain wooden coffins, in their own houses. They bury ~ith the dead, ~old, cloth, and other valuable objects saying that if they depart ri.ch thuy wj_lJ. be well received in the other wor] .. d, but coldly if they go poor, HOW THEY GUARD THE DEAD. when anyone dies, the people light many fires near his house; and ;:i.t night armed men go to act as sentinels about his coffin, for fear that the sorcerers (who are in this country also) may come and touch the coffin, for then the coffin would imruedi:1tely bErst open and a great stench issue from tho corpse, which could not any longer remain in the coffin. For this reason I they keep watch for several nights.

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-112-LARAO OF THE DEAD. 'THAT IS, MOURNING. One of tho obse.""Vences wl1ich is carried out with most rigor is that called larao This rulo requires that ,~,hen a chief dies c.11 mi..:.st mourn him, and. must observe the followin~ restrictions: No one shall quarrel with any other durin,FJ' th() tim3 of mourn.in~, and especially at the time of the burial~ Spears must be carried point, clowrr>1urd, and da,srers be car ried in the belt hilt rover::.'luci, l'Jo gala or colored dress shall be worn d:irin,c,: thc1t time, ':L'he1"0 must be no singing on board a 6ar~ngay ~hen returning to the village, but strict silence is maintained. They make an enclosure around tho house of the dead man; and. if anyone, great ,Jr small, pa,ss 12s by and transgresses this bound, he chall be ounishoti. In order that all men may know of a cl..,ief T s death and no ono feign ignoranc:f3, one of the timac:uas tiho is held in hot10r goes through trw v:U.lag8 Dnd mo.kes announcerner1t of the rnou:::ri:Li1g. He who trc.msgresses the law must -pay the pe~al~y, without fail. If he who does ":,hj_~, w:r.ori.g bu e.. s::i.ave -one of tho3e who serve 1ivitnout the o.we::..2.ino.: 2nd has !lot the means to pay, his owner pays fo; him; ~ut ~he lattor takes the slave ~o his own housa: tha~ he may servo him, and makes him an ayoey. They say that these rulos were left to them by :Jublubar: and Panas. To some, especially to the relisious, it has seemed us if they were too rigorous for these peopJ.e; b1.1t they were general amonc:: chiefs, t imaguas, and slaves. In the sumo a:::count, E.l@.iori_.de las IslJ.~_E]J iPJ..!Hlll., Loarca makes the follov:ing observations of the religion, government and laws of the Tagalogs:l THE GOD BATALA,According to tho religion formerly observed by these Moros, 2 thay worshippod 1 ]--. 171 1 ,:1-r-.;.;.!2,Q,.' pp. --.0 7. 2 Loarcu. here is referri.ng to the inhabitants of Manila and neighboring towns and villcJ..'!es where lfohammedan beliefs and practices had been introduced.

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~113-a deity callod among them Batala, which properly means "God.11 They s2ic1 thut they adored this 3atala bec~use he was the Lord of all, and had created human beings and vill.agcs. 'l'hey_ said that this Batala had ma.ny agents under hirn, whoi~ he sent to this world to prdduca, in behalf of m3n, what is yielded here. 'f.'hesG bein?c;s were called a:1:Lt.J and 't 1 cl 1 f''"'' C, f eacn an i 0 na a specici o:.. 1 ice. Jrno o t11em were for the fields, ~nd some for thase who journoy by sea; some for those vvl10 went to '\!>Jar, .1nd sour~ fo:c diseases. Each 2nito was therefore named for his office; there was, f~r inst&nce, the Qnito of the fields, and the Qnito.of the rain. To these ani-tos the people offered sac~ifices, when they desired anything -to each ono accorcang to his office. The mode of sacrifice was like that of the Pintados. They summoned a cataJ.011.an, which is the same as the vaylan among the Fin"ca6.os, that is, a prieot. He offered the saciifice, requesti~g from the anito whatever the people desirad him to ask, and heaping up great qua:1tities of rice, meat and fish. His invo-cations last8d until the derion entered his tody, when the cataloncm f,3ll. into a sr.-Joon, foardng at the mouth. TJ.1e Ind:Lrns sang, d.ran~f .snrl f e2 steel until the catalonan camo to himself, and told them the answer that the c.niJ.:.o J:-wd ;2:iven to him. If the sa crifice was in behalf of a-sick person, they offered many golden chains and ornaments, saying that they were paying a ransom for the sisk person's health. This invosation of the anito continued as long as the sickness lasted. When the natives were asked why the sacrifices were made to th3 anit;o, and not to Batala, they answered that Batala was a groat Lord, and no one could spea~c to him. He lived in the sky; but the anito, who was of such a nature that he came down here to talk with men, wus to the Batala as a minister, and interceded for them. In some places, and e.special ly in the mountain district:~3, when tht3 fatlinl', mother, or other relative dios, the peopJ.e unit~ in making a small wooden idol, and rresarve it. Ac cordingly there is a houso ,1hich cont.,1ins one hun-dred of those idols. These im.3.g:es also a:ce called ,fillitos, for-the:,, say that When people die, they [';O to serve the Batala. 'l'here.fore they make sacrifices

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-114-to these anitos, offering them food, wine, and gold ornaments; and request them to be int0rcessors for them before the }3atala, whom they regard as God. GOVERNlviEi.\JT OF' T:i-iE MOROS -Among the Moros there is precisely the same lack of government as among the Pinta dos. 1rhey had chiefs in thei~ .... rGs pective districts, whom the people ob8J(3d;_ tHey punish9d crimirrnls, c.nd J.nid down the lavrn t11~t must be observed. In the villag0s, where they had ten or twelve chiefs, one only --the richest of them -was he whom all obeyed. They greatly esteem an ancient J.ineafc, which is therefore a great advantage to him wha desires to be a lord, When lawswere to be enacted for governing the commonwealth, th:J e;reatest chief,whom all th,c! rest obeyod, assembled in his own house all the other chiefs of the village; and when they had corne, he ma de n spr:;ecli, declaring that, to correct the many criminal. acts which were being committed, it w.:t:3 necessary that ttey impose penalties and enact ordinances, so that the:rn evils might be remedied and that all might live in peace. This policy was not in vogue among the Pin"t,ad.os, because no one of them was willing to recognize an-other as his superior. Then the other chiefs re-plied that this seemed good to them; and that, since he was the greatest chief of all, he might do whatever appeared to him just, and they would approve it. Accordingly, t ho.t chief made sueh regu-lations as he de0med necessary; for these ~-'Toros possses tte art of writing, which no other natives of the islands have. 'rhe other chiefs npproved what he ordained. Immediately c&me a public crier, whom they call umalaho_.illl, who io properly a rnc17or-d'.)mo, or steward; he took a bell end went th:.r:'ou,q::1 the village, announcing in each district the re~:ulations which had been mude. The people re?lied that they would obey. Thus the umalahocan went. from villa{:e to village, through the whole distri c't of th:i.s ci1ief; and from that time on he who incurred tte penalties of law was taken to the chief, who sent0nced him accordingly. If the ponalty be death, and th~ con demned men say that ho prefers to be a slave, he is pardoned, and becomes & slave. All the othor chiefs are ~lso judges, eac:.-1 in his own d.ist:cict; but when any in~ortant case arises the head chief calls all

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-115-the others together, in ordor to decide it, an~ the affah is sc:ittled by tl10 vote of o.11. The ch:iefs are accustor..1ed to impose the taxes; but therf:) is no fixed amount for thes_e, save what the proper judge decrees shall be paid. MJ'.RRIAGES. The so l\lioros followed in their marriages the same customs ns those of t:ne Pin-t:.u.dos} in giving the dowry. Thus, if.' the man should, contrary to the woman's desire, breuk his pled~o and nnro1l t:be rnc:trria~e, he would los{::1 tho dO'lr1ry, c:nd she would retain it, free from him. Likewise, if the wife left the husband she was obliged to return h~m tho dowry. If _she committed adultery and the l1usband therefore left her, she returnej him double the amount of the dm,Jry. If the wife lef"i:, the husb&nd in order to marry [1nother, the s3cond husband. was obliged to repay to 'chcJ first hurJband the dowry which the latter had given +,o the woman, and to pny a fine, more or less such an amount as the judge should or-der him to givo. If the :nu::band we::.."13 a ch::.ef, a.nd caught his w:1.fe in the ac-:i of committing adultE,ry, h h d t l .. .t.. t 1 1 d t1 CJ t-h e a ,,1e rizh'., o pur:isn ner w::..tL oo J.1, an _,_ u adul tcrer also, arid could slay t:1ern with iin~Junity. If h8 killed one and the o~hcr escaped, the::e ir'JO'.lld be open war between tlle. t,1110 families until tho ot;her adulterer died. If both escaped, thGy wust pay for their lives with a certain w ei::;h:, of 0;old. If -thoy were thiefs, the penalty was one bunrt~ed tacs,fifty for the woman and fifty for the udul~or8r. This done, they were pardoned, and remained friends. If they were tin~guas, they incurred a :ighter penalty. 'I'HIEVES. -There was 2rnon~ tho nati V8S a law concerning thisvos. It was a p~tty theft if t~a amount were less than four taes i tha!::, :i.s, t1'Jeff~Y pesos); but if more than that suM1 it was n ser~ous offense. He who comr;litted the former mu34 ~ return the 0'0ld "rld thc,n o-,"'en+-,r1ce.J at f-'"E' Wl'1 ] OP ,_1'n t.--; C.:-'. J I.) ,K c. ):;. '' ~> J L, J.1 :,, -'-..r.. l! J,"" judge, to pay a fine in money. If it wer1.) the p;re'1t-cr thoft, invo1. vt:r ... g an amount of fou:r ta es or upv!nrd, he incurred the penalty of slavery. But ii the goods stolon amounted to a cati (catty) of p:old, the pe nalty was doatl'1, or tlle ern:,JavC;rnont of the culprit and his children and all those of his housohold. It was also a law th~t for the first theft the penalty was a fine in money, for the sGcond, sl.qv~~ry;

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-116-for further offenses, it was death, Or, if pjr-. doned, as described above he was made a slave, with his wife and children, fhis punishment did not apply to the son who proved ~hat he was outside the house -whether he d1velt in a .house of' his own or lived with relatives on an indeponden~ footing; and therefore he was freo. Only those who lived in the house of the? delinouent wero J.iaiJlo to punishment, because they all were suspected of kno,JJ.cdp;o of tiiG theft. Thero was also a law that anyone who spoke aisrespGctfully of a chief, or uttercC abusive langua~e to him, W3S liable to death. If he could redeem his life, a fino of fifteen ta0s of gold wns imposed. If he did not have the moans to pay and rolatives did not contribute to ransom him, and the dolinguent begged for mercy, saying that them h0 would become a slave, his life was spared, and he became the sl~vo of the injured purty, Fo~ this reason the penalty of a fine was available for him who possessed wenlth. If the quarrel were between persons o~ equ~l ran~; the chief~ settled the matter according to justice &nd tlwir laws, and t;he li1
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-117fj_xed time had elapsed, during which he mic_;ht use the money that was lent to him; and besides, he divided with the lender the profit that he made, in acknowledgmont, of the favor that he had received. It was a law that if he who borrowed the money became insolvent, anJ had n0t means to pay his debt, he w:Js considered a slc1ve thcre_+>or, together with the children born during his slavery; those already horn v11ore free, It was a l.A.VJ amor:g these people, when two men formed a ~ucJ.ness partnership in which each placod the same amount of :110,1ey, th2t if one o.f tham went to trnffic v
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-118Juan de Plo.sencia, a Franciscan friar, came to the Philippines in 1577. He wB.s one of a small group of Fran-ciscan priests that arrived that year, the first of their Order to come to tho Philippines. Father Plasencia had, among his natural endowments, an aptitude for learning new languages~ Having been assigned as a missionary to the province of Laguna, ho quickly acquired a mastery of the Tagalog language. Within a short time after his arrival, he couJ.d speak fluently and eloquently in tl:at lang'!..tage. During the governorship of Santiago de Vera (1584 to 1590), Father Plasencia wus commissioned to prepere an authoritative report on Filipino customary law. In pursuance of his commission, Father Plasencia '\lffot. G e.n account of the customs of the Tagalogs, under the title "Las Costumbres diJ los Tagaloe 11 To obtain the informRtion that he wanted, he interviewed several of the old men in tho province, all known to him for their intelligence and for their knowledge of thoir customs and usagas. Fnther Plasencia1s"Las Costurnbres do los Tagalos" was submitted to Governor r.,e Vera in 1589. Copies thereof wero furnished to alcc.tldes mayores for their information and guidance in the settlement of disputes an~ng the Filipinos.

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-119-For many years, controversies arising among the Filipinos conccrnin_r:i; such matters as the status of slave,s, successions, inheritances, adoptions, wills and other matters of civil nature were decided by the alcaldes rrayores in accordance with Filipino notions and ideals of justice such as described nnd explained in Father Plasencia's 11Las Cos-tumbres de los Tagalo s. n It is for this ruason that the account has been called, 11the first civil code of the Philippines." l Father Plasencia's account reads as follows: DATOS AND BAHANGAYES.-This peopl.o always had chiefs, called by them datos2, who governed them and wero captains in their ~ars, and ~horn they obeyed und reverenced. The subject who comnitted any offense against then, or spoke but H wo~d3 to their wives 0nd children, was severely punished. 1 B.&. R,, volume?, pp. 173-184. 'l1he footnotes accomprmyine: this account w0re 111/i".'ittrm by Dr. T. II. Pnrdo de T::i.vora for the edition ~hich he made of Plasencia's work. 1'he Taver.J odtion wqs publit.:hed in Madrid :L:r:1 ~~8?2, under the title L~!.. Costumbror; do los T,.ag:3.los en iJlF)ll'as sog:,.:un. el P. Plas:;ncia. 2 Nowadays this expression is not used in Tag::i.log. Among the Mo.lays datu or datu_k originally moant grnndfnt.her, head of a farnilf, v,1hicli was none other than the members of a barangay. In Mindanao and
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.. 120These chiefs ruled over but few people; some times as many as hundred houses, sometimes oven less t:b1m thirty. This tribal gathering is c~lled in Tagalog a barang:ax. It was inferred that the reason for giving themselves this name arose from the fact (as they classed, by their l.anguageJ, among the TfJal.ay nations} that (Jhen they came to this land, the head of the barangay4 which is a boat, thus called, became a data. And so, even at the present day, it is ascertained that tis harangay in its origin was a family of parents and children, relations and slaves. There were of many of these barangays in each town, or, at least., on a~count of wars, they did not settle far from one another. They were not, however, subj e,ct to one another, except in friendship, and relationship. The chiefs, in their various wars, helped one another with their respective baran.gays .5 SOCIAL CLASSES .;. In addition to the chiefs, whc correspond to ou.r knights, there were three castes; ncbles, commoners, and slaves.. The nobles were the free-born whom they call maharlica .6 They clid not pay tax or tribute to the dato, but must ac-company him in war., at their own .expense. The chief 4 The r~al Tagalog word is Balaga:y:. 5 They we~e smal:t. conf.ederaci(.--s whi.ch in some pla.., ces, were governed by a chief who bore: the title _of Rad.ia or Lad.Ja, during the Hindu pe1:iod, and that of Sultan, when Islanism appeared in these Is.lands. At time the title of H,a:r~ was used, which reveals high pride, and u11.do1.l!!btedly a Hindu origin, of th0 chief who bore this :title. H:ari, in Sanskrit, signifies Brahma, th0 Sun, Vichnou. The sovereigns. o.f tne Javanese Kingdom of lV.Iadjapahit bore, among others, the title of "descendant of the race of Hari." 6 Maha.rlica a,omes from the Sanskrit rnahardhika, and signifies, "who enjoys liberty.n Calli.ng them 11freed. menu is improper-, because they were never slaves, although there are some freedmen -who properly were f-;uch: they were free men who depended on nebody except the dato, in so far as their obligations to him were in accordance with the ugali, which defiped the rights of ,each person in the barangay

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-121-offered them befor~hand a feast, and afterward they divided the spoils. Moreover, when the dJ.to went upon the water those whom he summoned rowed for him. lf he tuilt a house, they helped h1m, Etnd had to be fed for it. The same was true v1lwn t,he whole barangay went to clear up his lands for tillage. The lands which they inhabited vver2 dividc)d among the whole bdrangay, especially the irrigate~ ,ortion und thus each one ~new his own. No one belonging to anther baran~ay would cultivate them unless after purchase or inheritance. LANDS.The lands on tho tinguos,7 or mountain ridges are not divided, but owned in con~on by the barangay. Consequently, at the time of the rice harvest, any indi viducil or any particular baran3ay, al though he may have come from some o+:,her village, if he commcnco~:1 to clear any 1and may so,._,v it, and no one can compel him to abandon it. There are some villages (as, for example, P:i.la de la Laguna), in which the.se nobles or ma.harl:i.cas, paid annually to the data a hundred gantas of rice. The reeson of this was that, at th~ time of their settle~ent there, another chief occupied tiw la.nds, which the nevl ch:i.e;f, upon his arrival, bou::;ht wit b. his own e;old; and therefore the members of his barangay paid him for thG arable land, and he divided it, arnong those whom he -------7 -Tingi is an old Tagalog word which does not mean anything nowadays, but which wa::;; use(l in t.he days of th8 conquest to signify mountain. Fro::n thL, circumsto.ncG the mountain people were called. tingianes (pronounced. tinguia nes), a term which later was ap~liod orly to a certain class of non-Christians inhabiting the mountains of northc:!rr ... Luzon. flThe tin.r:i::ues extend from the rnounto ins of :3u.n. Por.;lo via Nacarlan-.~ up to CiJ.laylayan, where stoud the old capital of Tayabas, and from there begins the range of mountains of Cabinti up to Vilingviling, which is the summit of M".:.i.bitac. (Santos.Vocabulorio_j'ag_Ql.Q .[, Manil:1, 1794, in tl::le preface.) The whole lake of Bai is surrounded by vct~J steep mountains, which thoso people call tingui::Js in thG 11a,salog lant?:;uage.n {San Antonio, Q]::Qpi.cas, etc., I, II, p, 471.)

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-122-saw fit to rewarct.8 But now, since the adv0nt of the Spaniard, it is not so dividud. FISHERIES.-Tho chiofs i~ com8 villages had also fisheries, with establiah8d li~its, and secti0ns of the riv8rs for markets. At these no 0ne could fish, or trade in thG markets, without poy~ng for the privilege, unless he bolongc1d to the chief's barn.ngay or village, COMivfONERS ,-The comrnoners9 arc cal:l.od ali.J?Jllg namamah..Y, They ar0 married, and s e:rvc: c hc:Lr m~J.S :ter, whether he be a dato cir not, with half of their cultivated lands, as was agreed upon in the be~inning. Thc:y accompanied h1m wnenever he vrnnt beyond the island, and rowed for him, TheJ live in their own houses, and are lords of their property and gold. Their children inherit it, and enjoy their property and iands, The children, then, enjoy tho roLk of I 8 -It is to bo observed, there we~e threo kinds of [ property: that which belongs to each inhabitant of the ba-, rangay; that of the ba.ranc,;2.y i11 common, that of the chief I acquired by him by purcnase from a.not her chief or baro.ngay, In Sumatra, the right of propcirty is acquired 'Jy orir.;inal occupatio11: proprietorship in ~-and may bs tranuforred thru inheritance, as it can not be sold,. All the :)coples of [ the lVJalay race were governed and sot1e aru cve:i.1 today, by an t2.!3.I, which literally signifies custo.rri, .1s:1.ge, 'rhe 1 laws,wnich are unwritten, wertJ preserved :1.n traditions handed down from father to son, and gener~Jly ~he older peo-I pJ.e, being more practical, and whose exp,Jd.c:nc;e en].bled them to understand their own customs, were the ones that 1 decided their suits, When they pronouncr:id t}:10ir cJ.r:;cisious, thoy did not say, 11 Thus seith the 2.mJ, 11 but, 11 :-:n:ch is the custom, !I which inc 'ragalo:; is ill1E.-~:1J.j:. 9 -This term is very exact: the aJ .. ipin[; namamahay were perfectly comparable to the cowm.one:t2 of ~ip;:dn, 'fi1-0 Tagalog alipin rlcnot es, nevorthGl Gss, a slave, but, it j_n UB ed here with the term nam3mahay, which means 11whrJ has a house,11 or 11who is in his houso, 11 v-1hich g iVeEJ one to u.ndrn."c;tanJ tbat they were consider::.d as 11of the hour3c11 tl.1at is, as mornbers of the family. These persons could becorn0 a maharlica by paying a certain alilount to th8ir masters, a circumsi-:,ance which gave rise to the appelation of freed men of which we spoke elsewhere.

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-123-their fathers, anct they cannot be made .sla'res. ( SE!_ g_ui12:uilfr) nor can either parent3 or children be sold. If they should fall by inheritance into the hands of a son of their master who was voing ta dwell in another village, t:1rq could not be tal:en from their own village and carried with him, but thej would remain in their native village, doing service there and cultivating the sowed lands. SLAVES Tho slaves are called .QJiD:i_:;11,g sJ~ gui guilir,10. They serve their master in his house and on his cultivated J.ands, and mE1 y be sold. Tlw master grants ther,1, should he see fit, and providing that he has profited through their industry, a portion of their harvests, so that they may work faithfully~ For these reasons, servants wto nro born in the house of their master are rareJ.y, if ever, sold. That is the lost of captives in war, and of those brought up in the harvest fields. SLAVES BY REASON OF DEBT. Those to whom a debt was owed transferred the debt to ano~hor, thereby thems el vos making u prof j_ t, und r,,duc in;j; tLe wretched debtors to a slavery which was ~ot their natural lot.l~ If any person among those who were 10 .,.. It, would not bo so car.y +;o ~ive tho ety:nology of the term sagu:l.guilir (better sagigilir J did we not 1mder stand the meaning of namamahay. G~ilir or, with more orto graphic propriety gilir, means 11house doo::.11 in 'J.'agaJ_og, and gicilir is a compound which mGans, door-hea.d; hence aliping: 1 f'. -'I ],. 1 ],.. -.J.. t tt. sag1g1 1r s1Jn1 ieu t11e s_.ave W110 naa no rign~ o ~ive wi 11in doors, and who, as momber of tho Jo-.,,rnst grade of the so cial scale, ho.d. no right in thEl house of his r,12.ste1~ nay more than a door-head has. Hu is not ~,,orthy to live in it, and ordinarily he lives in the lowe3t pa~t of the house, with the animals J.nd. t}1e imp.laments of labor, of fi:-Jhing, etc. etc. 11 -This detestabJ.E:! custom 1.,ms crJiilrron anong :J.11 iJialays. I c ., d. l d .,_, n ,:Jumatre, w non a man r ies -w,10 is u1 .ei::)'i; co Go c.n.o 1,J:1er, 11J.s children render services, that is, they inherit the obligations of thei~ fathor. Those who are slaves by debt have the privilege of changinc masters if aoneone or a relative pciid the debt for them. In this c3se they went to serve this person as a guarantee and to pay off the irrterestc of the amount paid, which they repaid, when they were able to do so, in order to regain their liberty.

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-124made slaves (. .. J?U~.c:uiJ_ir) through ,vn.r, by the :.:.ro.de 0f go}_usfo.l.tl1, or oth8.cNise happoned co possess any gold be/ond tho sum that he had to give hj_s master, he r,:m,somed himsoJf, becoming tl1us a npmamaho.y, or whclt. \i\18 call. a commoner. The tJrice of this ransom was never less than five tacls,12 and from that upwards; and if he ~ave ten or moro1 ta. el ,'.3, as they might ngree, he b eca.me wholly free. An amuoing corc-;Jnr)n-y accompanied this c1-wtom, Afte:r' having divided all the trinkets which the slnv~ posse;sed, if ha maintained a houso of his own, they divided even tha pots and jars, arid if an odd one of these remained, they broke it; and if a piece of cloth were left, they parted it in the middle, The difference between the _glio.i nr nariJ!@.h~ and the al -:D:!.ng s..Q.__gg_ip:ut_l~.t, should be noted; for, by a confuJion of the t~o terms, many have boen classed as slaves who really are not. The Indians seeing tnnt the c:-~lcaldeD-mnyor do not underotand th~s, have adoptod_t:~e custom of takin[2 awuy the ChlldI ... en of the a-l 1p-irrr n.r:irc:h"1r rr1a1'"ll"J" ~,.-,('., of J. ... !~ --~ ._ c.,~ J,~c_ .. ,t::!_~ .. ,.:ti. .,.... .A.C) _, them ~s +-n" riy '''O'l] c1 o-r tl-,e :o, J'r,-'.,,.,,., q<::i .,:,:r1J '.'! ir 9.'~ c:; ..; J vv .. .._ L ~';.;;...:.~'L:. uo ,..i.;;:..:a.:;;.;.c..~.c:.::::,._., .;.> servants in their hous0holds, w~~ch is ille~ul, anct if the al ipjJ:!E._J2f'Ine_mahq_y :'3hoeld appe.J. to ju.stic e, it io proved. U1nt ho is an fl: j_cinr as well <.~s his father anJ ruoth0r before him and no re~nrvation is m.ad.G as to wh0ther he ::.s :.11: .. -oinP:_pam:1rnal:ay or al ipir~g sa. _guiP.:uilir. H0 is at one c con::d.clered o.n a.7 .. il:J.:n, without further docl.1ration. In this W 1 l.....,_ YI -, :J J i oy .1e .,,eco,,:es a sa 1~tgu1~J.r, a.nu. is even so .a.. Consoquen:rJ.;-, the aJ.cc:tJ.des-r:1uyo:c f,hoJ.J.cl be irstruct ed to ascert2in, vJhen nnyorw askn for hi.s :1lJp:i_Q, to which class .he b elor;.g:s, [,.nd tc ha.V'J the nnswer put in the document thLlt thGy give ~im~ CHITIJ'RE'r\J 0-;, (:IT 'u1,c, T th 1 J .u -, ,.:.u .,Av ,._;,. .Ln cse t.circe c .asses, those who are rnalwrlicns on both the father's a,nd mother's side contim7et'o bo so forevr::ir; and if it --------12 -A tnel o.f gold was worth. at the time o.f the conquest, ten real es fu.e:ctes; M,1l1a1~ giv01.., to i 1:, the value of one hundred ten francs, It is oossiblc that this latter value was what the tael had :Lo whlr:!11 P. Plasencia refers.

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-125happens that they should become slaves, it is through marriage, as I. shall soon explain. If these maharlicas had children among their slaves, the children and their mothers becarue free; if cne of them had children by the slave-woman of another, she was compelled, vh0n pregnant, to give her master half of a gold tael, because o.f her risk of death, and for her inability to lc:bor durin,':~ the pregnancy. In such acase half of the child was free -namely, the half belonging to the father, who supplied the child, with food. If he did not do this, he showed that he did not recognize hifu as his child, in which case the litter was wholly a slave. If a free woman had children by a slD.ve, they were all free, provided he were not her husband. ~~RRIAGES OF FREEWlEN WITH SLAVES.-If two persor.s married, of :Phom one was a maharlica and the other a slave, whether namarnahay_ or sa e;ui.e:uiJ.ir, the children were divided; the first, whether male or female, belonged to the father; as did the third and fifth; the second, the fourth, and the sixth fell to the mother, and so on. In tnis manner, if the father were free, all those who belonged to him were free; if he were a slnve, all those who belonged to him were slaves; and the same applied to the mother. If there should not be more than one child he was hali free and hnlf slave. The only question here concerned the division, whether the child were male or fenwle. Those who become slaves fnll under the category of servitude -which was their parent's, either namarnahay or sa guiguilil..,. If there were an odd number of children, th.e odd one was haJ.f free und ho.lf sla.ve. I have not been able to ascer':.a.in with any certainty when or at what age the division of children was made, for each one suited himself in this respect. Of these two kinds of 3lnves the sa guiguilir could be sold, but not the namamahay and their children, nor could they be transferred. However, they could be transfErrod .from thG barangay by inheritance, provided they remained in the same village.13 13 -This confirms what we have said in connection with the confederacies which existed at the arrival of the Spaniards. 'fhe barang.Jys v.ere simply a family group, lar~e

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-126-The maharlicas could not, after marriage, move from one village to another, or from one barangay to another, without paying a certain fine in gold, as arraneed among them, This fine was larger or smaller according to the inclination of the different villages, runnine; from one to three taels and a banquet to the entire barangay, Failure to pt\Y the fine might result in c1 war betweoL the barangay which the person left and thu one which he ent~red. This applied equally to men and womec, excep~ that when one married a woman of another vj_llage, t:i1e children were afterwards divided equally between the two bar.s.ng,:iys. This .::tr-r.~mc;ement kept them obediont to the data, or chief, which is no longer the case-because, if the' dato is encrr:etic and cornr:iands what the reli gious fathers enjoiii him, they soon leave him and go to other villages and other d.atos, who endure and pro-tect them anci do not order them about. This is the kind of dato that the-:,;-r1ow prefer, not him who has the spirit of commanct,14 There is a great need of reform in this, for the chiefs are spiritless and fainthearted. INVESTIGATION OF SUITS,Investigations made and senteacus passed by ttrn dato must take place :i.n the presence bf those of his barangay. If any of the litigants felt himself aggrieved, an arbiter was unanimously named from another viJ.la:::;e or barangay, whether he were a data or not; slnco they had for this purpose some persons, known as :air and just men, whD were s:1id to give tru~.3 ,judgment according to their customs. If the controversy lay Uetween two chiefs, when they wished to avoid war, they also convoked judges to act as arbiters; they did the same if the disputEl.nts belonged to t,,-vo different ba rangays. In this ceremony they always had to drink, the plaintiff invitin~ the others. -------or small, 1r.Jith its sJ..aves of various rankr:-1. A number of ba-rangays .formed a villo.ge under the government of the Dato who was r.iost powerful i:n that community, using different titles; Cat, Ladya ( for Radja), Laka, Sul tan, etc. etc, 14 -Which goes to sho1,11 that, at all times and in all places, man of whatever race fled from tyranny.

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-127-LAWS GOV1~RNING CAPITAL PUNISHlV[ENT. They had laws by which they condernnec;_ t-:J death a man of J.ov1 birth who insulted the daughter or wife of a chief; likewise witches, and others of the sa~e class. They condemned no one to [JJ.aver-1, unless he merited the death-penalty. As for the witches, they killed theo, and their chiJ.dren &nd accomplices became slavos of the chief, nfte~ he had made somo recompense to the injured perr5on. All other off rctb r ,_., ,r. r enser; were punis.10 y .. ines in goJ.lcJ., w;1J.c.l.!., 1. not, paid with promptness, expo[rnd the culprit to serve, until the paymAnt should be madej the person a~grieved, to whom tho money was to be pfdd. This w~:.s do:'.1e in the follm-l)ing way: Half the cultivated lnnds and all their produce belonged to the master, The master provided ttie culprit with food and clothing, thuc en slaving tho culprit and his children until such t,j.r11e as he might ama;3s enough money to pay the f ir..e. If the father should by chance pay his debt, '.::ihe muster then claimed that he had fed and clothed his children, and should be paid thorefor, In this way he kept possession of the children if th8 payment could not be met, This last was usunlly the c~se, 0nd they remaineq slaves. If the culprit had c.,orr~c relative or fri8nd who paid for him, ho was obliged to r~n~er the latter half his sarvics until he was paid -not, however, sorvic p, within tho howJG as al:i.ping sa guiguilir, but living independently, as Etl:i.p:in t:.am1111a.hay. If tho creditor were not serve1 in this wise, the culprit he~ to pay the double of what was lent Lim. In this way sloves were rnnde by debt: ei~her sa gui3uilir, if tl1ey-scrvnd the mastc:r to whom tho jud:pnont applj_ed; or aliping namum<:thaJ, if tlwy sfirved the p0rson who lent them wherewith to pay. LOANS. -In v-1r:1at cone ~::rns J.oans, there we.s for merly, and is today, an excec;s of usur:;ir, whict i.s a rreat hindrance to baptism aG wolJ. as to confession; for it turns out in tho sam0 way as I lwve showed in the case of the one under jurlgment, who giv00 half of his cultivated landu and profits u:i.1til he po.ys the debt. 'l'he debtor 5.s conderm10d to a life of toil; and thus borrowars become slaves, and after the death of the father the children pay the debt. Not doing so, double the amount must be paid. This system should and can be reformed.

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-128INHERITANCE,As for inheritances, the legi timate children of a father and ~other inherited equally, except in case where tho father and mothor showed a slight partiality by such gifts as two or three gold taels, or perhaps a jewel, When the parents gave a dowry to any son, and, when in order t.o marry him to 0. c.hi8f' s daughter, the dowry was greater than ths sum ;;:ben the other sons, the excess was not count0d in the whole pro perty to be divided, But any other thin~ that should have beon ,given to any son, t:-"ou.gh it mi,a;ht be for some necessity, was taken into consideration at the tillie of the partition of the property, unloos the parents should declare that such a besto~al was made outside of the inheritance, If ono had had children by tv10 or more le:?;itin:ate wivGs, each child re8eived th0 inheritance and dowry of his mother, with its increase, and ~hot share of his fathor1s estate which fell to hir:r:. out of the whole, If a ~:an h1:.1d a child by one of his slaves, as well as legitimnto children, tho former hc:1.d no s!.bre in the 5.nheritc:nco; bu-:. tb.e legitimate children were bound to i'rc.,e the rr,other, d t 1 l + l ,.., t' an ogive n1rn somo~n1ng -a ~no~ or a s~ave, 11 ne father were a chief; or if, finally, c:-myti:-d.ny, eJ.se were !!iv:::m it wets "by the unani:::1ol;.s consei1'r, of all. If be;ides his le~i~imate children, he had 21s0 some sons by a free unmarried woman,l5 to w11orn a dm,;ry was given but was not consider8~ as a renl wife, all these 1AJere clc1;s.,sed as natural r~hi.ldren, ,:l1though the child ::,y the unmari"ied woman should l1D.ve been begot ten after Lis m&rriage. Such childrun diG not inherit equ2lly with the lcg~_timut0 c:h:i.lcJ.r0:;:J., but only th:) thh"d part. For example, if t;1(n-e /JGi.-C:: two children, the legitimate one h8d two parts, and the one of the _in_t12 ..~.:suil 6 one part. V/ben thero were no -------15 It must be rl:ir:.1embel"C!d t.hDt tJ10 ma:1arli:-::a.:; co11ld have concubi:1es who werG the frse vwmen, to whom this state ment refel's. 16 Inuasava, who was taken for a wife, that is concubine.

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-129-children by a legitimate wife, but only children by an unmarried. 1,,1oman, or inaa sava, thE la tte:r inherited all. If ho had a child by a slave woman, that child received his shart as above stated. If there were no lE)gitirnate or natural child,. or a child by an j.rnlc.l.cLYJ-l, whether there wets a_ son of a slave woman or not, -~be inheritnnce went only to the father or grandparents, btothGrs, or nearest rolo tives of thE.: doccaser,i, who gB. to the slavc-ch::iJ.d as above stated. CHILDREN BORN IN ADULTER~.... In the cuse of a child by n free married woman, born :1r.d.lo she 1:Ju.S married, j_f the husband pur.ish(:)d the adulterer this was considered a dowry; and the child entored. w:i th the others into partition in the ini1eritanc0, His share equa1ed the part left by th.s father, nothing more. If there were no other sons than he, the children and the nearest relatives ihherited egual ly with him. But if the adulterer were not punished by the husband of the '\r.JOman who had th8 child, the latter was not considered as his child, nor did he inherit anything. It should be no.tic J1l that the offendor wns not considered 6ishonored by th0 punishment inflicted, nor d:Ld the hu,sbDrcd : .. eave the woman. By the punishment, of the fat her t~ie child was fit.tingly made l8gitirriate. ADOPTED CHILDREN. Adopted children, of whom there aro many arnont:: them, inherit the double of what was paid for their adoption. For e:;~pn,plo if on13 gold ta8l. 1,va13 ~iven that he might be ac!opted when the firl3t father died, tho child wao givon ( in inheri tanr::cd two ta ;:;~U;. But if this cL.ild should die fj_:i:f:t, his cj:iild.r8n do nut inhe1;it from the second father, for the arrangement stops at that point. This is the danger to which his money i3 ex posed, as well as his b8:i.rig protectud as a chiJcL On this account this manner of ndoption common among them is considered lnwful. DOWRIES,Dowries c:ro given by thcJ wen to the women's parEmt;:;. If tl'1e latter a.cr3 liv::i.nf, they enjoy the use of it. At, their dea~~11, provi ded the dowry has not beon consumed, it ic divided

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-130-like the r0st of the e,state, equally arnong the children l:!XCePt in case the father t3hould cc:.re to bes tow s~mething ctdditional upon the do.ught::. c:r, If tLe vvife, at the time of her marr5.age, bas neither father, mother, nor grandparents, shs cnjoyc her dowry -which, in such o case, belongs to other rel:::i.t:Lve or child, It should be noticed t}1at unmarried women can own no propert;, in lnnd or dowry, fo~ thu rasult of all their labors accrues to their parents.17 In the casB of a divorce before the birth of children, if "'.:.he v:~fe left the husb.:md for t.he pur pose of marryin1:; another, all her dowry and an equal additional amount fell to tho husband; but if she left him, and did not marry an:Jth(3r? tho dowry was retur:nr:.)d, When i:,he husband left l:us vJife, ho Jost the ho.lf of the dcwry, an1 the other half was returned to him. If he oassesaed chi:dren at the time of his divorce, the-whole dowry and the fine went to the children, and was held for thcin by their grandparents or otl"ier responsibJ.e rGJ.atives. I have also seen another practice in tv:o villages. In one case, upon the d0uth of the wife who in a year's ti1nr:3 had borne no chi:ic~rc3n, th,) par ents returned one-half the do\'1/rJ to the h~1uband vJhose wife had died. In the other c.:.:.r:::o, upon t.hc1 dC;.1th of the husband, one-half the dovvry war, ret~.uned to the relatives of the husband. I have a,sc8..:'tf:.iined that.this is not; a ser.eral practice; for U),)On in17 -In Tagalog the dowry is cc:,11 ed bi6ay-kaya. No~ body has yet gi VEm the etymolof:/ of this word :.:.n a satisfac tory manner, .for k::ry-L{ just 1 Lrn t ingi, h.:1s no L1caninc now in Tago.log that might e:::plain the sense which was given to -~t. Kaya meant wenlth, fortune, meEming which kaya in l\.'ialay still proservos. So th:tt bigay ( to give) v.nited with kaya, explai:1ed clenrly vJhat vrnt~ to be given. 'I'he dowry was determined by tho v::i.1cnt,3 of t J:1'?. gi.rJ, according to their position and prcrcerwions. .vJorcov:Jr thoy took into account, in fixing the amount, the pnnhiri1ayat 11which llad to be paid to thu mothor of the ,:irl for the labors o.nd watchfuli1ess incident to the bring:Lnr.; up of the daughter, and the pasoso, which must be paid to the chichiva, or the nurse who has cared for her 11 $an Antonio Croni __ ca.:2., otc. 1, page 168.

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-131-quiry I learned that when this is done it is done thn.1 piety, and that all do not do it MARRIAGE CONTRACT. -In the mattr1r of marriage dowries which fathers bestow upon their sons when they are about to be married, anJ talf of which is 6iven :i.mmediatcly, oven whe~1 they are onJ.y cl1il dren, theY-'e i,s a great deal n,.of.'r:; corn~lcxii:,y. Tl1Gro is a fine stipulated in thG contract, tha~ he who violates it shall pay a certain sum which vuries according to the practice of the village und the affluence of the individual. ThG fine was heaviest if, upon the death oZ the paronts, tho son or daughter should be unwilling to marry becaur::;e it had been arran6ed by h:i.s or her parents. In this case the dowry which t,he :par~nts-had ruceived wa,s returr,.ed and nothing rnore. B'..lt if the parun.ts were living, they paid the fine, because it had been assumed that it had been their design to separate the children. The above is what I have been able to ascertain clearlv concerning the customs obs3rved amonrr. those r.a t:l. vss in all this Laguna and the tingues, and amor:g tl10 entire T.1gc1.lo r2cG. 'l'he old men say that a dato who c:id anytl1iLg contra ry to this would not be esteemed; and, in rolating tyrannies which they had con-:.mitted, some conc:.emn ed them and adjudged them wickGdi

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-132-Francisco Colin, a member of the Jesuit Order, ar-rived in the Philippines in June, 1626, He was a man of scholarly interests and attainments and endowed with cuperior talents. He was at first assigned to teach in ,. the Jesuit College of San Ignacio in I"'faniJ.a. Later, he was made rector of the Colegio Seminario de San Jose, For some time, too, he served as provincial of the Jesuits in the Philippines. He spent the last years of his life as a missionary in San Pedro Macati where he died May 16, 1660. As a historian, Father (!oJin is best kno1tm for his work, kabor Evangelica, a record of the missionnry activities of the Society of Jesus in the Philippines. Th0 work is a valuable source of information on the civ:.Uiz:1.tion, in its various phasos, of the pre-Spanish Philippiaes, as well as of the Philippinos of his own time_-In the pre-paration of this work, Father Colin mad3 extensive use of the work of a fellow Jesuit, Pedro Chirino, _w1~10 ca:ne to the Philippines in 1590. Father Chirino's work, R0laciog de las Islas Filipinas, like the L(tl:?_or Evjlngel:tcg,, is an account of the work of the Jssuits in the Philippines, It was published in Rome in 1604. The origi.nal edition of Labor Evanr:i:elicn. was pub-

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-133lished in 1663. The work was reprinted in 1900 under the editorship of Pablo Pastells, S.J. The Pastells edition is a notable work of scholarship and is a valuable contribution to the literature of Philippine history. from the copious notes made by the editor, it cont~ins numerous reprints of rare historical documents. Following are portions of Father Colin' s !,p.b9r Evc1.nl 1 g,:Ll..i! Physical Features and Characteristics of the Filipinos The ordinary stature of these Indians is me dium, but they are well built and good-looking, both rr.en and "i'Jomen. 'l'he~r complexion is yell :Jwish iJro-wn, like a boiled quince, and the beard is sligbt. The Tagulogs wear the hnir hanging to the shoulders; th2 Cagayans lbnger and hangin~ over the shoulders; the Ilocans shorter, and the Visayans still shorter, for they cut it round in the mariner of the old-time cues of Espana. The nation called Zambals wo:1r it shaved f~om the front hal1 of the haad, while on the skull they have a great shock of looso hair. The com1Jloxion of tho womon in all the islmlds differs little from that of the men, except amonr:; the Visnyans where some of tr1e womon are li:;ht-complexioned.. Al.l of the women 1:-rnc .. r !..:.ho ha:Lr tied up in a knot on top of the head with a tasteful ribbon. Both men and women, uni vorsall y, conc.::idor it e s~wntial that the hair should bEi vmy black and well carod for. For that purpose they use lotions mnde of certain treo-barks and oils, prepared 1:Jith mnsk and other perfmllf!S. Their gre,,-ite,st anxiety and 1 -B. b~ R., vol. l+O, pp. 60-~69. 'rhey form part of the 14th chapter of Labor Ev:J.n,cr cl icG_.

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-134-care was the mouth, and from infancy they polished e.nd filed the tc)eth so thnt they might be even and pretty. They coverod thorn with a coatin~ of black ink or varnish which aided in preserving them. Among tho influerrtial people, esp6cially tho women, it WclS the custom to set some of the teeth most skillfully with gold which could not fall out, nnd gave a beautiful appearance, Th0 men did not glory in their mustaches or beards, bnt quite the; contrcry; and consequently they pulled. th::.,rn out on purpose. And just as it is an amusement or custom of some of t P 'h us Jo gnaw our ~1nger-na1_s, ~.ey ge~ amusemen~ in pulling out the hairs of the beard with certain littlE: bits o.f cleft bamboo ( cnfiuelns hendid.as) or wit11 little shells j_n the form of' pincers. All the women, and in some places the men, adorn the ears with large rinzs or circlets of gold, for that purpose piercing them ut 2n early aee. Among the women the more thr) ear.s were stretched and opened, so much'greater lt!as -~h8 beauty. Some had two holes in ench enr for two kinds of earrings, some being larger than others. Clothing and Adornments The men adorned tho hGad with only Q_~nq_,1_ or long a.nd narro"vv thin cloth, with which they bound the forehead and tern~?les, and wi'lich they cnll .9.52,J:,ong. It was put on in dif?erent raodes, now in the r,Ioorish manner like a turban v1ithout a bonnet, and now twist ed and wrupped about ths; hoad like tl-it0 crown of a hat. Those who were esteemed as valiant let the elaborately worked ends of the cloth f~ll down upon their shoulders, and these were oo long that they reached tho le,'s~,. By the color of tho cloth thGy ,. l d .,,. 1 d 1 -,., l cnsp .. o.ye e1r ran:.<:, cd'1 it was t e oaog:e 01 t11<:!lr deeds and 8Xploits; and it was not allowed to any one to use the red notonr!'. until he h3.d at lenst killod one person. In ord8r to wear it embr'o:i.d.e:rod with c erta~1: bo:::,ders, v:hich were 1 iko a crown, they must have KJ.lled seven. The per:::.onal clothing of those men was a small garment or short loose jacket (charnar rcta) of fine linen which barel:7 reached tho waist. It had no collar r.md wc:1.s fittE'id formerly _with short fJleeves. Amon:; the chiefs thosrc) jackets 1,1ere of a scarlet color, Et11d vvcre rw1cle of f'ino Indian mus

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-135lin. For breeches they wore a richly colored clothed, which ,,.irrn p: enerall y edged with !~olc1, et bout the waist and brought up between tho legs, so that the J.egs wore decently covered to the middlo of the thigh; from there down feet and logs were bare. 'Jhc chic:)f a dornmcnts con,sistecl of orr..mnonts and jewel8 of gold and precious stones, They had various kind:.~ o.f nec::laces, and chc1::i.ns; brn.ccluts or wristlets, ulso of gold and ivory, on the arms a,s high .as the ulbovJ; whilc:J some h::u.l strings of corneliann, agat0s, and oth0r stones which aro highly esteemed r:.1mon1:i; thorn. On th,;; lcn;s, j_nsto&d of gurters, they wear sornc strinf s r)f th1:J same stones, ,n1d certain cordr3 of m:.u1y s~1rmds, dyed black, The fingers of the hand &re cover0d with n:any rings of gold and pr0c iou;::: st0nr-:.::;. ~f.1Le f :i.nal complement of\ the gala att:Lre WDS like our sas11, a fine bit of colored cloth crouted over the shoulder, the Gnds joined under th2 b.rm, which they affocted greatly. Instead of that tha Visa yans wore .s. robe (ma1'lotr1.) or jacket (pag1!QTQ) made without a collar and rea.ching quite dovm to the feet, and ombroidered in colors. The entire dress, in fine, was in the Moorish style, and was truly ricli :and cay; and oven today th!?Y c:1.f.fect. j_t. The dre3S of tliB women, bcsidG,S the small shirt wit:.h sleeves ,1lready mentioned, whJ.ch wa::. shorter for them, far thGir gala dress had littlo modesty, was a skirt GS wide at top as at bottom, which thoy gathered into folds at the waist, al lowing the folds all to drop to one side. ThiJ was long enough to cover them even to their feat, and v.ias g\:merally white. v,b.en they wunt outsido thG house thev wore for a cloak certai~ colored short cloaks, those of th(; principa.l wonw11 bcin::i; of crimson s E.k or other cloth;.1, ernbroiderud wit,h 71 d d 'l '' f'' rt,, go .. u an, ao.orrrn w.1t'1 ri,::n r1n5~0. DU., L;ueir principal gala attiru consistJd in jewels and ornaJ1ents o~ gold c:1t1d ston0s v1d:ii0,}1 thr3f vrnar in thGir e1:l:"'/J, and on ~he nock, thr, fingers of the hand 2nd the wrists of the arms. B\lt; no";J they havu beY.un to woai"' the 3,ittnish clot.h,Js a;1ct orn~ rnents, 11.amely, chains, n;3e1':.la1;0:::,, :3ki.rtcj,, shoe.s, and rnantiJ..las, or bl-cJ.ck veils. 1.1!-...8 LHTj wear hats, short jackc:>.ts (rQl?X1J2s,), breeches, c1nd sl"i? os. Cons0ou0nt]y the D ..... r,c,e,~1t drc,,,. of tlj(' IncJ'rnS 711 1, v:, t:.. J ,... .:: .l .. ,w .,.t u ..,,UiJ .. ... .J .. -,C.. ... .,_

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-136-these regions is now almost Snanish. Tattooing Besides the exterior clothing and dross some of these nations wore another inside dress, which could not be removed c::.ftsr it 1i\1.:H, once pu-1 ~ on. Thes0 are/ the ca.ttooings of tb,:: body so (:;:'c)a.tly practiced among the Visayans, whom we c~ll Pintados for that reason, For it 1A1c1s a custom among them, and was a mark of nobility and b nrJ(;:cy, to tattoo tho whole body from top to toe when they were of an age and strength sufficient to endure th3 tortures of the tattoing, 'IJIJh:i.ch was done (af ter being carefully designed by the artists, and in accordance with the proportion of the parts of the body and the sex) with instruments like brushe"' or cma] .1 t'\11 r.;' ,,.1-: t 1 .. ,1 ('0ry f l,,., "-' DO i 1--1+ S O .r., b "n1-u U,\ ,. 'V ,.:::'-' ... L .;.,.-_.. .. ....1...LJ.~ J.: .--V J. Cl,J.~ boo. Thu body v;,rn pric:.ced and rnarke:d with them until blood was drawn, Unon that a black nowder or soot made fron pitch, ;;hich novcr faded~, was r,ut on. The whole ~Jody wns not tattoed at one time, but it was done gradually, In olden times no tattooinQ was be~ufi until some brave dGed had been pcrforn1ed; ::cr1c('-:1fter t.hat' for each one o.f the parts of the body which was tattood even their chins and c1 bou-'.; the eyes t3o that they appeared to be masked. Children were not tattouct, and the ~orren ocly on one hand and part of the othor. 'l':he :aocanos in this island of [/Inrdln also ,00.ttoed ther1u0l V8S but not to the sr::me e:1:tent us the Visayans. The dress of both men ~nd womon among the Ilocanos is almost alike in that prov~nce. Thus far the dress. We shall rtow ~ay somewhat of the food and their customs in eating. Foods and Beverages Their usual sustenan~e is as stated above, rice, well hulled. and cleAned, ;_rn.d b,YLJ.ed orily with 1ater, which is Cc)lled n1ori2ouetn by tlrn s,aniardc, as if to cetll it 11f'ood of the !Jj.oore 11 The rncat :LG that of a small fish 111lt:i.eh :i.s ln.ckin
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-137rice and fish they use the herbs and many kinds of native potatoes, and fruits, by which they are sustained well enough. At their banquets they add venison, pork, or bfJef, which they like best v1hen it has begun to spoil, and to smell bad. Their manner of eating is, to be seated on the ground. Their to.bles are sn:all &nd low, round or square, and they have no table cloths or napkins; b1i.t thf; pla-+:-,es w:Lth tht=J food are placed on tho same tables. 'Ibey e&t in co1:1panies of four which is as many as can get around a sw~ll table. On the occasion of a wedding or a funeral, or similar feasts, the ~hole house will be filled with tables and guests. ~he food is placed all together on Various plates. The people do not shun all reach ing out to the s8me plate, or drinking from tho same cup. They relish salt, D.nd salty and acic1. foods. They have no botter cJ.a.irr-ty for the sick than vinegar and green or pickl0d fruits. Thay eat sparingly but drink often; one:l whou they are 5.nvited to a banquet, they are asked not to eat but to drink. They waste much time in both oatiYJ and drinking. When they have enough an.d are drunk, the tc1bles are taken awa1 and the house is clecred. If the banquet is tho occasion of a feast, they sing, play, and dance. They spend a day and a ni1)1t in this, amid great racket and cries, until thoy fall with weariness and sleep. But rarely do they become furious or even foolish; on the c~Jntrary, after they haVC:i ta}am wino they preserve due respect and discraet.bohavior. They only wax more cheerful, and converse better and say some witr,y things; and it is well known t:1at no one of them, when he leaves a banquet, althou.:?)1 it ~Ji:) at 1 f h f "+' h' any nour o. t_ G ni'.6r1t, ai s to go s-crE1J.Q:,L 'GO is own house. Ancd if he: has occa.sion to buy or sell, j ld .. ., 't and to exRc.ne and weiga go or e1iv0r ne does 1 with so great steadiness that the hand do,::1.s not tremble, nor does he make any E~rror :in tho weight. Th0 wine con'.monly used among ti1crn is either that made from palms, as it is throu~hout India, or from sugar-cane, which they call Q.'d.il~, 'l'he lat ter is made by e::tractin:; the sap :f:rorn tl10 cancis, and then ~ringing it to a boil over the fire, so that it becomes like red wine, although it does not taste so good. ':i.lic palm -,-Jine is made by extracting the sap or liquor from whlch the fruit was to ba formed. For as soon as the palm be?ins to send out

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-138-tbe ~~hort from the snd of the twig, and be.fore the flower is unfolded,. that flowor-stoc~ is cut, and a bit of bamboo is fastened to it and is tied to tho stalk or shoot. Since the sap naturally flows to that part, os inthe pruned vino, ~11 the sap that was to be converted into fruit, flows into that bamboo, and pasi:.;es tr1rough it to vess r1ls, where, somewhat sour and st8cped with bark of cettain trees which give it color, teat, and bite, they use it as a comraon drink and caJ.l it tuba., B1l't the real and proper palm-wine it) made from the same liquor before it turns sour, by distillin6 it in an almnbic in ovc.ms tbat they h8.ve prE~parGd for it. They give it a greater or less strengthi as they please; and they get a brandy as clear as water, althou~h it is not so hot (as our brandy) .2 It is of~ dry quality, and, when used with moderation, it is considered even outside Filipinas as healthful and medicinal for the stomach and a preventive of watery humors and colds. The Visayans also make a wine, called pafig2si, from rice. Tho method of making it ~s to place in the bottom of a jar or ordinary size (whi9h is gon erally of two or throe arrobas, ~ith them) a quantity of yeast m&de from rice flour and a certain plant. Atop of that tLey put GJ.ean :rice until th u jar j_s half fuJl. T11en wat(ff is add,)d to it, and, after it has s~ood for.a few days, it, is fermentod by the fo:cce of the )Tcest, and is converted in-to the s~rongest kind of wir:e, whic11 :Ls not liquid, but tLic:c lik3 .c:achar}. In order to drink it they po~r water into the jer. It is a cause for sur prise that even though wr1tcr b,3 pourud in a2;ain and again, the liquor is pure and liquid 1,,-1tne, nntil the strength vanishes and is lost, and then they lGave it for thu children. The method o:f drinking 2 -"Such is the wine from nipa called Tc1:ndq_Q,Y. The famous chemist (a Chinese mesti~oi Anacleto del Rosario, discover~d a process by which the disa~reeablc taste of this brandy disappears; anct it becomes e;ual to that of Spain in col or, smell, test e, and stren5th. 17 ( Father Pastells, in his edition of Colin, i,. p. 62, note 2.) B. & R.

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-139-it is with a tubo, which they insert clear to the bottom where thc yeast is. They use three or four of those tubes, according to the number of the persons who can find room around the vessel. They stuck as much as they wish, and then give place to others.3 Songs, Donces Musical Instruments The banqu0ts arc int orspersed with :.:;ing ing, in which ine or two sing and thu othBrs respond. 'I'he songs:+ are usually their old songs and fables, as i,s usual wit1-1 other natiuns. The dances of men and women are generally performGd to the sound of bells which arc made in their style like basins, large or small, of metal, and the sounds are brought out quickly and unint0rruptedly. For the dance is warlike and passionato, but it has steps and measured changes, and interposed ore some elevations that really enrapture and surprise. They gen erally hold in the hands a towel, or a spear and shield, 3nd wi~h one and the other they make their gestures in tiwo, which are full of meaning. At other times with the hands 0rnpty they make movsmcmts wr:ich correspond to the movem;mts of the f eot, now slow, now rapid. Now they attack and r0tiru; now they incite; now thoy pacify; now they come close; now they go away; all the grace and elegance, so much, in fact, that at times they have ~ot been judg2d urnvorthy to accompany emd sol,}mniz e our ChrL3tian fcasts,5 However, the children C;nd youths _____ __ 3 -Among the Igorot~ of Northern Luzon, this drink is widely used, bei:-1p; called by them binubuC::.an. 'I'he yeast used to ferment it is mad,:; o.f rice flour and thTL~ of a plant known, among the Ilocano s, as buca c:o.o. \. 4 11The:Lr most popular traditional songs are the Q.'b!,ll.cli,_mau, the C9_g;,12-1:::.cJ1l, the BaJj.tQQ, the '.Ja,l.orn:t, and the 1-'alinrl.ao. Some o.re only snng; in oth,:::rs, they ::3inr; and dance at the same time." (Pastolls, in hi13 Colin, i, p. 63, n9te I. B. L E.. 5 "The dance here rtescribed by the author is that which is calll:~d in Filipinas M_q_z:2-Mo.L.Q.l' (Pastolls, u~ supra, p. 63, Note J.) B. & n.

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-140now dance, play, and sing in our manner and so well that we cannot do it better. They had a Lind of guitar which was called Q.l:Y.tl, which had t1-w or more copper strings. Although its music is not very artistic or fine, it does not fail to be agreeable, specially to them. They play it with a quill, with great liveliness and skill, It is a f' act tha.t, by playing it alone, they carry on a conversation and make understood whatever they wish to say. All of these islanders are extremely fond of the water for bathing purposes, and as a consequence they try to settle on the shores of rivers or creeks, for the more they are in the water the better they like it. They bathe at all times, for plea~ure and cleanliness. When an infant is born, it is put into the river and bathed in cold water; and the mother, after having given birth, does not keep away from the water. The manner of bathing is, to stnnd with the body contracted and almost seated, with the water up to the throat. The most usual and general hour is at sunseti when the people leave work or return from the fie ct, and bathe for rest and coolness. Men and woman all swim like fish, and as if born and reared in the water. Each house has avessel of water at the door. Whenever any one goes up to the house, vJhether an inmate of it or not, he takes water frou that vessel to wash his feet, especially whEm it is muddy. That is done very easily; one foot is dried with the other, and the water falls down below, for the floor there is like a close grating, Speaking of the religious beliefs and practices of .I the Filipinos, Colin in the same ace.cunt, ~abC2._Evangeli.., l says: 1 Ibig., pp, 69-82 being portions of the 15th chap~ tet of the L~bor Evangelica.

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-141-It is not found that these nations had anything written a})out their religion or about their government, or of their old-time history. All that we have been able to learn has been handed down from father to son in tradition, and is preserved in their customs; and in some songs that they retain in their memory and repeat when they go on the sea, sung to the time of their rowing and in their merrymakings, feasts, and funerals, and even in tteir work, when many of them work together. In those songs are recounted the fabulous genealogies and vain deeds of their gods. Among their gods is one who is the chief and superior to all the others, whom the Tagalogs c&ll p~:!,_!?_gJa Mev~aEal,2 which signifies 11God" the "Creatorir or 01viakcr". The Visayans call him La..QQ, which denotes "antiquity". They adored (as did the Egyptians) animals and birds; and the sun and moon, as did the Assyrians. 2 -Pastells discusses the meaning of the word Bathala; he thinks that it is ascertained "bv resolving the word into its primary elements, ~%ta and Ala = 'Son God, or Son of God'. This is why the first missionaries did not deprive the natives of this name when they instructed th$m about the existence of God a~d the mysteries of the Trinity, the incarnation,. and redemption, as states an anonymous but very circumstantial relation written at Manila on April 20, 1572. This is more evident in tb e song which the Mand2yan baylans used in their sacrifices, when they chant the M;i.m_insad. The Iv'iandayas believe that Man.silatan is the fat her of Batla (~ being a prefix -which indicates paternity, being, or dominion), and the Busao who takes possession of the baylanas when they tremble, and of the Baganis when they become furious; it is a power which is derived from Mansilatan This interpretation of the word Bathala is confirmed by that word of the Visayans, Qiuata; we always find here the same idea signified in the wo~ds Diw~ and ~~tq, differing only in their transposition In closing, we may note that Dtwa in Malay, De'i: in Javanese; _u_n_qg, Makasar, and Day (akTT, Dev~ in M...aguindanao, and Qj_eba.!. in Bornean, signify 'the supreme God', or "Divinity," --B. & R.

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-142-They also attributed to the rainbow its kind of di-vinity. The Tagalogs worshiped a blue bird as large as a ~urtl e-dove, ~hich they called t ~g~;3-m_<;1-nt1g1,l~!;l, to which they attributed the name of .u2.coa1a., wnich, as above stated, was among them a n~rne for_divinity. They worshiped the crow, as the ancients did the god Pan or the goddess Ceres, ar_d called it IJiovlu-qa, sig-nifying "master of the earth~ 1 'I'h
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-143-than four thousand. They also adored private idols, 1Jbich each one inherited from his ancestors. The Visayans called them _gj.vata, and the Tagalogs@j.to, Of these idols some had jurisdiction over the m0untains and open country, and perr;1ission :tJas as.teed f rorn them to go thither. Others had jurisdiction over the sowed fields, and the fields were co!JlI11ended to them so that they might prove fruitful; and besides the sacrifices they placed articles of food in, the fields for the anij:,.9_.. to eat, in order to place tnem under greater obligations. There was an g_gitQ of the sea, to w horn they commended their fisheries and navigations; an anito of the house, whose favor they implored whenever an infant was born, and when it was suckled and the breast offered to it. They placed their ancestors, the invocation of whom was the first thing in all their work and dangers, among these anitos. In mer~ry of their ancestors they kept cer-tain very small and very badly made idols of stone, wood, gold, or ivory, called licpa or lgraV.,ll Among their gods they reckoned also all those who perished by the sword, or who were devoured by crocodiles, as well as those killed by lightning. They thought that t,he souls of such irmnediately ascended to the blest abode by means of the rainbow, called by them oalan2:ci9. Generally, whoever could succeed in it at~ributed divinity to his aged father at his death~ The aged themselves died in thnt pre sumptiwus del '1sion, and. during their s ic~mess and at their death gaided all their actions with what they imagined a divine g!'c1vity and manner. Consequent ly, they chose as the place for their grave sone as signed spot, like one old man who lived on the seacoast between Dulac and Abuyog, which is in the island of Leyte. He ordered hirnoelf placed there in his coffin (as was done) in a house standing alone and distant from the settlement, in order that he might be recognized as a god of navigators, who were to commend thernsel ves to him. Another had himself buried in certain lands in the mountains of Antipolo, and through reverence to hin. no one dared to cul tivate those lands (for t~ey feared ~hat he who should so would die), until an evc-1,ngelical minister removed that fear from them, and now they cultivate them

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-144without harm or fear. Thev mentioned the creation of the world, the beginning-of the human race, th8 flood, glory, p~nishment, and other invisible things, such as evil spirits and devils. They recognized the latter to be man's enemy, and her.ce feared them. By the beginning which they assigned to the world and the human race, will be soen the ~anity of their belief, and that it is all lies and fables. They say that the world began ~ith only the siy and water, between which was a kite. Tired of flying and not having any place whe1e it could alighs, the kite stirred up the water a[ainst the sky. The sky, 'in oruer to restrain the water and prevent it' from r,L)Lirtin to it, burdened it with islands; and also ordered tte kite to light and build i-ss nest on them, ancl leave them in peace. ?hey said that men had come from the stem of a large bamboo ( such as one sees in this 0-rient), w11ich had on~-Y two nod,.,1les. That bamboo, floating on tl:e vrnter, rns carried by the waves to the feet of the kite, which was on the seacoast. The kite, in anger at what hac, st:'.'"_lck its feet, opened tne bamboo by picking it with its beak, When it was openPd, out of one no~ule came ~an and from the other woman. Aft er varicus cl.if i':lcul ties because of the obstacle of consanguinity in the first degree, one of the gods nar:.:ely, the earth quake, a:ter consulting Witt the fish and bJ_rds, absolved them, and they married and had :-na.iiy chil dren, Fro1a those children ea.me the varioJ.s kinds and classes of people. For it happened that the pa.rr:mts, angered at h&ving so many ci'iildren idle and useless in the :O.ouse, .took counsel to:<;other; aftervJard the father one day gave wa:r to his, anger, and was desirous of punish!ng them with a stick which he had in his hand (a thing which they never do}. The children fled, so that some of them took refuge in the chambers and innerrr..ost parts of the house, from whor:1 they say ct:me the chiefs j oth'3rs escaped outside, and from them came the freemen, whom they call timauas; others fled. to the kitchen and lower parts -;and They are t,he slaves; others fled to various distant places, and they are the other nations.

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-145-It is not known whether there was any temple) in all these islands, or any place assigned in common for worship, or that the people ever assembled for public functions. In private they were wont to ha."e in their own houses (and not ou.tsJ.de them in any cavo or like place) so~2 ~inct of altars, on which tlwy :'.)leced tl1eir :,;.c.olr1j and before them a small brE,sier with burn:Ln~: a:ror:_at,ics. But a:i"chough they had no temples, they .d!icl not lack p:c:Lests or priestesses for ~he sacrifice, which each onG offered for his own purpose or nccess~ty. The Tagalogs ~alled those cursed ministers cat8lonan, and the Vi sayans L8ba~~n. Some were priestt ~y interitance and relatio:1sbip; oth3rs by the dexterity with which they cause,i_ them~3el ves to be ins-1:.ructed E..tnd substituted in the office of femo11s priests by gaining their goodwill. Others were deceived by the devil with his wonted w:.I.J.es, and made a pa.et l:Jith i1:-1.m to assist them, .nd to hold C'.)nverse with him through their idols or a:1j.tos; &nd he appeared to them in vnrious forms. The method of making the sacrifices hinged on the different purp-oses for -,vhich tl1t~Y were intended. I~ it ~ere for a feast of os~entation and vanity that was being ~ade to some chie~, they cc.lled it 11thc feast of the grc1t god.,;, T:ie method of celebrating it was nea~ tLe ~0use of th0 chief, in a J.ea~y bo;er which th~y er3c~ed especial ly fo:;:, that pur:JoSc"l, hung round abcut w:Lth iian1;ings .h f l ., 71,1 1 in ti._l.eJ_l' asJ.o:i.1, name.qr, tJrn JJ1oor:.;.sn, ,,,ric,'1 v.'ere lnf' de l rom odcis and ends of piec 3,s, of Y,iriica~rn:i says (Vol. III, p. 60): 11'fhe hea tfiets have/' no( ;eli~iou~) lai-J at all; th0y h:1ve neither temples nor idols, nor do they offer any sacrid.ces.--B. & R.

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-14-6to these people were used, thnt animal was the.one esteemed and was reverently consuMed. The chief p~trt of the feast was t,he drinking, accompanied, us ever, with much music and dancing. It r,~mains fo :c us to so E:)ak of the:Lr mortt:.ary cnstoms. As soon as t;.-1n r-ic>: person dL)S, they be[!in to bm,va:Ll him with sots :~Le: Gries not or.ly the ;2latives and ffiencis, but a!s0 those who have that ;J.S a trade and. hire thel't1selves 011t for that purpose. They put into thei.r so:r..g innumerab~_e bits of non Sf:mse in pr~1ise of the rloceas1::id. To the: sound of that Bad ruusic, they washed the body. They per fumed it wi~n storax, or benzoin, aEd other perfumes, obtain8d froril trce-re:,i.ns which are :found throu~nout thGse forest~;~ Havin::i: do:r.e that -t:,hey 3hrouaed the corp3e, wrappinp 'it-in a greater or less numbr::;r of cloths, according to the rank of the deceased. The most 1)o't1erfuJ. were a no:i_nt od and em b:::ln,ed according tc the manner of the Hobrmvs, with aromatic liqu0rs w].-dc preserve tho bouy from corruption, especially that lliade from the nloes wood, or as it is callP.d, ea_:;le-wood. That wood is much esteemed &nd Ere~tly used tnroughout thls Indiu e:;~tra Gar:_ge"."!1. The sap from tr.e ')lent c:'.lled "au.yo Twflich-is the fa:nous o'etril of Gll~ Inciiu) 1,1as nl~30 used forthat :r-urpose. A quantity of thQt sap was placed in the mouth so that it wouln react the interior. The grave of poor peopl9 w&s a hole in the ground under their own houses. Aft;~:r tha rich and po~0rful were bewailed for three day8, they W8re pl,qced ir1 a box or coffin of fa1cor:::uptible wood, the ~oJy ado~ned with rich jewels, 2nd w:th sh0cts of gold over tte mouth and eves. Tte box of cof ftn ""as c1ll of one pi0::cG, and was gc'!nera].ly d11f~ out of the trun~ of a larze tree, and the lid was so adjusted that no air could enter. Ey such moans some bodies have beeri found uncorrupted after the lapse of many years. These coffins were placed in one.:: of three r.ilacen, ,:;.ccording to thE: inc:.ina-t:,ion and co~nand of the deceasetj. That place was either in the upper part of tho house with the jewels, which a~e generally kept there; or in the lower part of it, raisec1 up from the i-;::..~ound; or in the r;round itself, in ~n open hole ~nich iG surroundod with a small railin's, wit11out covering the coffin over with e3rth. Near it they gGnerally placed anothef box

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-11+7filled with tlw best clothi.ng of the deconsed, cmd at suitable times v~rious kinds of food were vlaced on dishes for them, Beside the men were placed the weapons, and beside the women-their looms or other instrum~_mts of labor. If they were much beloved by those who,bew~iled them, they were not permitted to go alone. A good meal ~as given to some slave, male or f emal 8, and onr:.: of those rnost liked by the de ceased; and then he was killed, in order that he might accompany t:1e d ece&sed. Shortly ~JeforG the entrance of the faith into the is7.und of Bool, one of the chiefs of tl-,c:1t i:,land i:iad hir.;.self buriod in k d f 1 + L t' ] l a in o ooav, w11ic1j_ .,i10. n:.-:1t1ves ea_ oc.r&n.i::iay, surrounded o y 2 evr:n1ty sloves with orms, an1rnunition, and food just as he >;vas want to 0 o out upon his raids and ~obbcries whon in life; Dnd aa if he were to be as great a pirate in the other life as in this. Others buried their d9ad in the open country, and made firet3 for many days under the house, and set guards so that the deceased should not return to_ carr:;r away those 1'Jho had rf:;mained.. After the funeral the lamen~ations cea8od, although the 0ating and drunkenness did not. On the contrary, the latter continued for a gr0ater or less time, according to the rank of the aece~scd. The widow or widower ~nd the orphans, and other r8la~ivec ''/1,.,0 1' ,-y,E, v1no'"'t-ar"r='ect-:,..l by crri' ccf f',-.c.-i-0 ,1 as ..., U \::) V 1 l I. V l;.., ., .:.! ~) J -.!.. V l., (J. t; v C\ U V V -..:., 1:.l ..; .i:> .,, -i d ,. 1 -t ., 1 f,,, rq "7 "l' .,,.: '"'h "'nd S~.gn Q __ IT'.OUJ'.lL.ng, L,n aus a1.1.ec1 ... 0 ,_ l.J..8u 1, .L..~.:,.' u otbcr ,:-,ood p:,ti"1"' c1urin.cr tho0r, davc. na11c1-t but ve..1.. .. q J J. ~-; C-' U .,: U --b geta~le~, and those only sparingly, That manner of ~acting or nsnitence for the dead is ca:lcd sioa bv tl,.,:,'r-,aaal Qn'S 1'"0;1rnJ' 1' aY\'lonP' t 't1e T') ,--] 7'J'7~ '1 l1V J. c---i .. J..t v ..... le::.: l ,-.:!:;, .,. r'.t..;:.)c~ .. L.:..;"-' ..l...:, bJ_ack, i:-inci aritong the Visayans white, and in adcdtiion the Visc1yans shave the htiad and. eyebrovHJ. At tl1e death of a ~hief silence must regin in the village until the interdict was raised;. and that lasted a greater or less nur:1ber of dc1ys, accordi.np: to his r0nk. During that time no S()un.d or no~:_sc was to be heard anywhore, under pennlty of in:'.:'a.rr~y. In rogurd to this even the villa~es along tho river-bank placed 3 certain signal aloft, so that no one might sail by th3t side, or enter or leave tho village, under r~nalty of death. They deprived anyone who broke that silence of his life, with t~e greatest cruelty and violence. Those who were killed in war were celebrated in their lamentations and in

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-148their .funeral rites, and much time was spent in offering sacrifi.ces to or for them, accor.1panied with m3ny banquets, and drunken revsls, If the dGath had happened through violence-in war or pe,ce, by treason, or any other manner the mourning was not :aid aside nor tlrn iYJ.I, c;rcict l'aised until the children, brother~, or relatives1 killed crn 8gual nw:nber not only of -i.~hsir enemies and the murderers, but 3.lso of any s':.ran?;e persons who were not their frionds. Like hi~hway .. men and robbers they prowled on land and se3, anJ ~ent on tho hunt for men, killin~ as many a3 they could until their fury wa.s appeased. That barbarous kind of VGl".geance is called ~nlata a~d in token of it th8 neck was girt with a.strap which was worn until the number of persons prescribed had been killed. Then a great feast and banquet was nade, the interdict ~as ,raised, nnd at its proper time the mourning was removed. In all the above are clearly seen the traces of heathendom &nd of thos~ anci0nt rites and customs so celebrated and noised about by good aQthors~ by which many other nations, more civilized, were considered as famous and worthy of history. Of the systems of writing, languages 2nd civilities of the Filipinos, the same author makes the following ob. 1 servat1.ons: From the ::ihc..1pe, nwnber, and use of the char~cters and letters of tLis nation it ia auitc evident that they 2rc all taken from the l,foro Iv[e:l&ys and originuted from the Arabs. The vnvrnl J.E.itters are only three in number, but they S(:;I'.7e for five in their use; for the s0cond and third ~re indifferently 8, i, y, o, and u, according LLS is required by the meanin1 or sens8 of the word which is apoken or written, 1 I'g_iti, pp, 4fi"'."60, being; portions of the 13th chapter of Colin' s 1abor Evan.!cI.2.+Jcg.

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-149'rlH:1 consonants are thirteen in number, and serve (except at the beginning of the phrase or initial letter) as consonant and vowel; for the letter alone, without a dot above or below, is pronounced with 11A11, If a do~ be placed above, the consonant ~s pronouncE)d with 11 e" or "i". If the dot be placed below, it is pronounced with "o" or "un. Thus the "B" with tne dot above is pronoi__mceJ "bi11 or 11be", nnd with the ciot below, 11bo" or "bu". For example, in order to say 11camai1 (i.e., bed) the two 1 ett ers 11C II and "Iv'111 are sufficient without I a dot. If a dot be placed above the "C" it will be 11quema11 (i.e., 11f:l.:ce11,) If dots be placed below each, it will be 11 co mo 11 ( i e n as n ) The final consonants are supplied in all ex press ions. Thus in order to say 11 cnntara (i.e., 11to sing11}, one wr:Ltes 11catan, only a 11ca and n, 11T11 To say 11barba11 (beardn), two 1tB1 sn G.re f3U.:'ficiont. ':Jith all the supplements, ho who reads in that langu.:ige will, if hG be skilful, havo no trou ble in pronouncin: the words or phrases correctly bv substitutinr,: the letters that must oo ::::ubsti-t;1ted ,'.1ccording to the s0nse. But since that 21-ways occasions difficulty, those who k~ow our characters are studying how to write tht.dr O'\!D lanp'.uage in these. All of. them have now ado:rted our wny of writing, with tho lines from 1 e~'.:t to righ'.:.; for formerly they only wrote verticallJ cow~ and up, plac1'nr the 1.".,J.,s+ l J..~[11" t-o tr1'" 1 "'fI:, c1nrl ['11Iffil1"" the {:} J' -V -..,._, V '.J ..!-V ., ,.,. 0 o'chE:rs continu.ously to the right, just opposi~;e to the ChineSEi and tTapanese, who althougi:1 they write in vertical up and down J.inas, continue tte page from th,J rip;ht to the lf::ft. All tlw,t points to a great antiquity; for running the lirn-:l from the right to1 the left is in accordance with the present

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-150and general style of the Hebrews; und the style of runnin;-:i: the lines vertically fron: the top to the bottom7 is that of the o1dest nation of the Chinesei..vhich doubtless greatly resembles. the rnothod of the Hebrews, whose chnrc.cters have much resemblance to thej_rs. Those of the iforo Arabs resemble those of the Syrians, Diodorus Siculus, who wrote iq-the time of the Ntperor Caesar Au1rustus, in making mention of an island which luy in our middle re~ion, or torrid zone (wh:l.ther Iamblicus the Greek vrnnt in the course of lds :3.dv2nt ures), says that they do not write horizontally as we do, but from top to bottom in a stra5.fht line; and thc.t they use charc-iC!tdrs which, although few in number, ma.lee up in their USE' for man1, for ee.ch one 2-w::: four different transformations. Consequently, one may see thut that method of writing, and tlrn chur'acters of those nations, are very old. Beforj they knew anything about paper (and even yet they do in places where they cannot get it}, those pople wrote on bamboos or on palm leaves, using as a pen the point of a knife or other bit of iron, with which they engraved.the letters on the smooth side of the bamboo. If they write on palm-leaves they fold and then seal the 1 t h +- T. .. 7 1 _t..e ter w en writven, J.n our rnann,3r. hey .:Ll ..... c ing fondly to their own method of writing and re3ding. There is scarcely a man, and still less a woman, who doGs not know and pra et ice th,'..1t me':;_:tod, even those who are already Christi~ns in matters of devotion. For from the sermons which thoy he8r, and the histories and live3 of the s3ints, and the pray ers and poems on divine matters, composod by them selves (they have 2lso some perfect poets in their rn,:tnner, who translate elegantly :i.nto the::.r language any Spanish comedy), they use small boois and prayerbooks in their lnngua0e, and manu~-cri:p~cs 1vhich are in great num:Jer; as is aI'f'irrned in his manuscript history by F2.ther Pedro Ch::Lrj_no, to whom the provisor and vicar-genernl of this .cnchb:Lshopric entrusted 'the visit and examination of those books in the year one thousand six hundred and nine, for t~e purpose o:c' prlJVentinp; errors. That was a holy proceeding, anC ono that was very proper among so new Christians.

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-151,! The Fil:tp'inos easily accustom themselves to the Spanish letters and method of writine. They are greatly benefited thereby, for m~ny of them write now just like us, because of their cleverness and quickness in _j_mitating any letter or design, and in the doing ot anything with the hands. There are some of them who commonly serve as clerlrn in the public accountancies and secretaryships of the kingdom. We have known sofue so capable that they have deserved to become officials in those posts. amd perhaps to supply those offiCGS ad mterin1. They also are a great help to students in making clean copies of their rough drafts, not only in Romance but also in Latin, for there are already some of them who have learned that language. Finally, they are the printers in the two printing-houses in this city of Manila; and they are entirely competent in that work, in which their skill and ability are very evident. Coming now to the other point, that of their languages, there are many of these. For in this island of Manila alone there are six of them, which correspond to the number of the provinces or _civilized nations; the Tagalog, Parnpanga, Ca111:1-rines ( or Visayan), Cagayan, and those of tha Ilocans and Pan-gasinans. These are the civilized nations, We do not yet know the number of the nations of the Negrillos, Zambals, and other mountain 11-?.t ions. Although the civilized languages are, strictly speaking, dissimilar, they resemble one another, so that in a short time those people can understand one another, and those of the one nation can converse with those of another -in the same way as the Tuscan, Lombard, and Sicilian, in Italia; and the Castilian, Portuguese, and language of Valencia in Espana. The reason why these law;uages resemble one another so closely is the same as in Italia and Espana, For as the latter lan~uages originated from the Roman, just so do these orirdnate from the M.-11ay. For proof of that it is i1ecessary to do nothing else than to compare the words and idioms, or the modes of speech, of each one of these languages with the Malay, as will be seen in the following table, in whicn is made the comparison of the three most important languages, th~ Tagalog, Visayan, and Pam~ panga. Since for the sake of brevity the comparison

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-152-is made in a few words, whoever is interested can with but sli~:ht :Labor extend the comparison through many words. cieJ.o(i,e.,sky) so 1 ( i e sun ) 1 una ( i e moon } langriet mate: ari oulcrn1 Tasralog lanngit arao Bouan Paffil?.8.ngQ Visuau banon laguit aldao arlao bulan bulan Of these lan~uages the two most general are the Tagalog' which is llS ed through the g l'eat er part of the coast and intarior of the isJ.and of Iv:fanila, and the islands of Lubang and Mindoro; Rnd the VisG.yan, which is spoken througl1out a11 t~1e isl,snds of Pinta.dos~ Of the two without doubt the most courteous, grave, artistic, and elegRnt is the Tagalog, fo~ it shares in four qualities of the four greatest languages in the world, 1 IJ b ,,-, l T +- d 1,. ",T t} t' name y, .e rew, uree,r, ~avin, an 0pan:i,_s,1, 1 ne Hebrew, besides the resemblance already noted in the mann0r of its vowels and consonants, it hc:s the roots of the vocables and their hidden a:::1d obscure meaning ( sus prenezes, y mister:i.os) and_ sorn0 zutturals; with the Greek, tho articles in the declension of nouns, and in the conjugations the abundance of voices and moods; with the Latin, the abundance and elegance; with the Spanish, the fine structu~:--e, polish, c.nd courtesy. Among the u.ncivj_lized nations, o.lthoue:h the people are fewer, the lang'..lages a:..,e mo:. ... e; for almost every river has its ovm :Cc..n2:ua;..::e. In 1\tLnd.oro ( and the same v'1il1 he true oi othe~-~ (~isti'~_cts more remote) we saw the b:irbaroi.,w r:a.nr:uianJs a.:,3cH,:b1in.0: from places bnt litJ.e distant fro;n EJac~1 other,~ who did not understand one unother. 'l1lwy vnre so barbarous that they had never seen & Spanish face. The things sent them to attr2ct them wer hawkr f'-belJs, nails, needles, and other s :i.i/ilar thi11gs. '1.'hey thought that the i,,ounds of the harp ::ri.1d guitr.,.r ;,vere human voices. When u niirror was heid up b,~fo:c!:J t-hem, they exhibited sinzular effects, in one of fear and in another of joy. T~1e la cJc of civil i ~c1tion Dnd corn-: munication is tbe :ceE1son for the 1n11ltiplicity of. languages. For just as in the pri;:nit.ive multipli cation of languages which toolc pJ.ac(3 in the tmrnr of Babel, the docto1~s observe that the languages

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-153-equaled the number of :families o.f the descendarits of Noah, so amonz the barbarouD nations ench one lives to itself alone wi~h.out any recognition o1 or subjection to public laws-. They are always having petty wnrs and dissensions amon~ themselves; and, since the; lack cornII1unic:.rt.ion, they forget the comn1on langunge, ,::.md each one has so corrupted its own language thE1t it cannot understand the othurs. We .observed in soma districts thGt ono language was spoken at the rr;.outh of a river and another one at its source. That is a great hindrance to the conversion and instr~ction of those peoples. The polish and c0urtesy, especinl~y of the Tagalogs and those near them, in speech and writing are the same as those of very civilized nations. They never say 11tuif (i.e., "thou a) or spE)ak in the second person, singular or plural, but always in the third person: thui;!, ) 11Tl1e chief would. like this or that. 11 Especially a woman when addressing a nan, even thoush they be equal and of the middle class, never say :;..ess than i 1Sirn or nrvbuter, ;, and that after every wcrdl ,i;;t,en I v'llc.l.G comlnt, sir, up the rive:r, I 3ff\iJ, sj_r, ,3t e. n In w:,:'::_ting they mc..1ke constrmt u.se of very LLne and delicato c:;~-pres S] on"' 0 I.... ren"""'~ ..,n d 1--, e" ll.L -: e-' 'Cl n a' co 1J1+-L"> .,_, J.:0 0d.L \.'l' C-1..., V c:l l.,..L 0 c..~ 1...-!VU.,,\ Their m&nner of salutation ;-JhE::n L,hey me-c one C:i.n other 1as the removal of the P,o:9J}l::, 1'1hich is a cloth like a crown, worn aa we wear tho tat. When an inferior addressed one of higier-r1nk, the cour tesy used by hi: t:a::: to inclir.;e hir D')dy J.ow, and then lift one or-toth hands to t11P fac0, to11eh the cheeks vdtl1 it, ::rnd at tl:.e sc%e t.:5.rne r-d.se 0118 of the feet in the air by doublin~ tLe knee, anct thon seating oneself. The method of doin~ jt was to fix the sole of the feot firruly, and 1ouble both knees, without touching the ground, kJn~inz the body upright and the face raised. 'I'h0:r bent in this m2nner witr1 tl-:e hec_d uncova:i'cd ::1;1:..~ the p.9.~9J1g_ thrown over the left shouldel' like a r,,.;v'cl; they had to wait until they were auastianed, for it would be oad breeding -to say anyth:Lrns until a ques tion was asked. The method of giving names was the following. As soon as a child was born, it was the mother's

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-154-business to name it. Generaliy the occasion or motive of the name was taken from some one of the circumstances which occ~rred at the time. For example, Maliuag_, which means "difficult, n because of the difficulty of the birth; Malacas, which signifies 11strong11, for it is thought. that. the infant will be stronr:. 'i'his is liko the custom of the Hebrew~, as a~penrs fro@ Holy Writ. At other times the name was given without any hidden meanin::':, from the first thing that struck the fancy, as Daan, which signifies 11road", and Da~!, signifying n grass11 They were called by those names, without the use of any surname, until they were married. Then the first son or daughter gave the surname to the parents, as Amani Maliua.!!., Jnani r::al~..i. 11the father of r-~aliuag, n 11the mothel" of MalacaE:;17 The names of women are differentiated from those of men by adding the syllable 1in11, as Ilog, "rivern; Si 1log, the name of a E1al e; Si lloguin, the name of a f emale. They used very tender diminutives for the children, in our mcmner. Among tlrnmsel ves they had certain domestic and delicate appellations of va:.~ious sort::3 for the different degrees of relation ship -as ,that of 2 child for his father and mo-ther, and vice versa. In the same way (they have appellations, for their ancestors, descendants, and collaterals. This shows the abundance, elegance, and courtesy of this language. It is a general thing in all these nations not to llave special family names which are perpetuated to their successors, buteach individual has the sin~le name that is given him at birth. At present this name serves as surname, and the peculiar name is the Christian name of Juan or Pedro which is imposed at baptism. However, there are now mothers so Christian and civilized that they will not assign any socular name to their children until tlF~ Christian name has been given In boptism, and then the surname is added, al though it ha.:3 alrr;ady been chosen after consultation with the parents and relatives. In place of our 11Don11 ( which indeed has been cwsigned to them as much abuse as among ours el vos), in some districts they formerly placed before th~ir names, Lacan or Gat: as the I-Ioluccans use Cachil, the Africans MulC:D::, the Turks Sultc:ill, etc.--The 11Donn of the ,1omen is not Lac an or Gat, hut r1Dayang, D2yang I,fati, Dayan,,:,: Sanr,:uy~ i.e., aflona Mutia, HDona Sanguy11

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-155There is g e1v:1r2l distaste among our Tago.logs to mention one ::mo::;r:ie:r Clrnong themselves by th2ir own names alone, without adding something which smells of courtesy. When th0y are asked by the Spaniards "Who is So-and-so?" and they cannot avoid naming hi:r..t by his ovm name, they do it. with a certain shamefacednesf., and urnbarrcssr'1crnt. Inasmuch ar: the rnDthod of namiEg one is fithe fr,ther of So-and-so,11 as soon as he has children, rrn him v1ho lwd no chil dren (among persons of influence}, his relatives and acquainttmces ;;ssemhled at n 1:),::tnquet, and gave hi.ma new narno there, which +,lie.:,y designatc)d as Pa-mngat. That w2s usually a nam.e of excell0ncc~ by some circumlocution or metaphor, 'uased on the:l.r own old name. Th~s if one was called by his own name, B~cal, which-sign:ifie,s irironH the now nane gj_ven h:1.00~1ld be Iirrintci.n.3.es,:,ri, s~gnifying 1not to spoil with time~11 If' it wer:) BavJ.ni, ,,1hicl: signi fies 11valiant.11 and spir:i.te.d,11-he \/JEJ.0 caJ.1eC: !J:.Elal_g_nitan "he to whom no onu is bold." It is also tl1e custom among these natior:s to call or:.e nnother among thems~lves, by way of frienrlship, by certain correlative names hased on some special circums-tance. Thus if one had givon a br~nch of swuet b&s il to another, the t1.iJO-~ among therr~s elves cr1.lled each other Casolasi, the name of the thine given; or Caytlog, he ~ho ~te an o~ an egr with another. This ::Ls in the rnFJ.Lneiof the namut; of f.'ullow-students ur chums, as used by us. These are all ~rg~ments in f~vor of the civilization of these Indians. Concerning the pcli tical and social insti-~utions among the Pilipinos, .. their government, their ln1:rn, the administrati~n of justice, their marriage custornu, inheritance laws, slavery, 0tc. -' Colin in the same work k h b 1 ma es t e toll owing o servation.s: l Ib.ig_., pp. E:52-93 being part~:i of tho 16th chapter of Colin' s 1.Qqr EVfil!fJJJJc:1,

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-156-There were no kint".S or rulers worthy of mention, throughout this a~chipelago; but there were many chiefs who doHinated otl-1ers 1 ess powerful. As there were many without much power, th(ffB was no security from the continual wars that were waged between them. :Manila had two chiefs, uncle and nephew, who had equal power and authority. They were at war with another chief, who was chief alone; and he was so near that tbey were separated from one. another by nothing more than n not very wide river. The same conditions ruled in all the rest of the island, and of even the whole archipelago, until the entrance of the faith, when they were civen peace -which they now nst.eem much more than all that they then obtained from those petty wars and their depredations. They were divided into ba rangays, as Ror~ into districts, and our cities into parishes or colJ.ntions. They are called baran gays, which is the name of a boat, preserving the name from the boat in which they came to settle these islands. 3ince they came subject to one leader in their barffngay, 1vho acted as their captain or pilot -who was accompanied by his children, relatives,. friends, and comrades .1fter landing, they kept in company under that leader, who is the dat~. Seizing the lands, they began to cultivate them and to make use of them. They seized as much of the sea and near-by rivers as they could preserve and defend from any other barangay, or from many baran-gays, according as they had settled near or far from others. Although on all occasions some barangays aided and protected others, yet the slave or even the timau!_ or freemen could not pass from one barangay to another, especially a married man or a married woman, without payin~ a certain quantity of gold, and giving a publ:ic feast to his whole barangay; where this was not done, it was an occasion for war between the two barangays. If a man of one barangay happened to marry a woman of another, the children had to be divided between the barangays, in the scJ.me manner as the slaves. Their laws and policy, which were not very barbarous for barbarians, consisted wholly of traditions and customs, observed with so great exactness that it was not considered possible to break

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them in any c ircimstance. One was the res_pr;ct o.f parents und eldors, carried to so great a decree that not 8Ven the nume of one's f8ther co~ld pass the lips, in the same way as the Hebrews (recorded) the name of God. The individuals, even the children, must foJ.:low the ;;i:enoro.l (custom). Thero were other laws aloe. For tEa deter~ination of their suits, tl,., 1 .. t,,. th d oo 1! ci VJ_ ;:i, nc crimim:1..1, 1j e:r.>c was no o .er :JU ge than t~10 sa:id chief, w:i.th trn ass:l.stanc:e of some old men of the saLle barGru1ay. With them tha suit was determined in the folioiving form. They had the op ponents summoned, and ondea70I'(-';d to ha.vc them come to an agreement. But if.' thay would not agree, tl:wn an oath was administered to each one, to the effect that he would abide by what was determined and done. Then they called for witnesse1::-: J and examined summa rily. If trie proof was equal lOn both sides), the difference was given in favor of the one who pcnquered, If the one who was defeat~d resisted, the judge made hi~self a party to the cause, and all of them at once &ttu~ked with the armed hand the one defeated, and execution to the requirod amount was levied upon. him. The judge received tL.(:, larrcr share of this amount, an.d. some was pairi to the wit nesses of the 011(:l who won too suit, whiJ. o the poor litigant received the least. In criminal causes there were wide distinctions mc:ide bocause of t,hc rant of the murderer and thu slain; nnd if the latter were a chief all his kinsme;1 went to hunt for the murderer etnd his re luti ves, anJ toth sides engngE:d in war, unt:iJ. mediators undertook to declare the quantity of gold duo for that murdor, in accordance with the appraisals to their custon. One half of that amount belonged to t~u chiefs, and the other hali ~a3 divided aFon-r tl"' c w1 f'o el17 l (iI"AJ''. rq1
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-158person was suspected, a canonical clearance from guilt ha cl to be made in the following form, First they obliged each pbrson to put in a heap a bundle of cloth, leaves, or anything olso that they Wished, in VJ hich they r:ti.;,:ht discover the article stolon. If the article stolen waF found in t~e heap, at the end of thio effort, then the suit coased; if not, one of three r~thods was tried. First, they W8re placed in the part of t~e river whore it is deepest, each one wi.th his wooden spoar in hi3 hand. Then at the same time they wore all to bo plur~ed under the water, for all are equal in this, and he who came out first vrns regarded ai;i the criminal. Consequently, many l.ot therr.so:l.ves drown for feur of punishment. T11.e second was to place n stom, in a vessel of boiling water, and to order them to take it out. He who refused to put his hand into the water paid the pe~alty for the theft. ~hirdly, each ono was given a wax cand1 e o.f the sarno ,dck, and of equal size .:tnd wc:dg:ht. 'I'ho candles were lighted at thE:; same time, and he whost:, cc:mdle first went out was the culprit. There ~re throe kinds and classes of people: the chiofs, whom the Visc:i.yan~3 call gato nnd tho Ta galogs maginoo; tho timo.uas, who are the ordinnry common people, called muharlica among the Tag,s.lo(l;S; and the slavos, called oripuen by the Visoyans and alipin by the Tagalogs. The last are divided into several kinds, as we shall relate soon. The chiefs attain that position gen8rally through their blood; or, if not that, because of their energy and strength, For even thout;h ono r1,ay be of low extraction, i.f he is seen to bi:, carei\1-l, anc.i if ho gains some WeDlth by his industry and schemes -whether by farilling and stock-raising, or by trQding; or by any of the trades amonJ them, r::uch ar. smith, jcwel(3r, or car penter; or by robb0ry and tyranny, which wc:S the most usual method -in -~hut w2y he g:: ins 8uthority and reputation, and increases it the more he prac tices tyranny ;:;ncl v:i.olenc e. With these bcg:innj_ngs, ~he t2,k0s the nun~e of .9.::1to_; and others, whether his relatives or not, come to him, and add credit and estuem to him, and rnnke him a leader. Thus there is no superior who E:ives him authorit~y or title, beyond his own efforts nnd power. Conse~uently, might was proclaimed as right, and he whci robbed most and tyrannized most was the most powerful.

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If his childrcm continued those t yro.nr..ies, they conserved that grandeur. If on tnc; contrary, they were men of little ability, who allowed themselves to be subjugated, or wers reduced ,either by misfor tunes and disastrous ha~pnnings, or by sicknesses and losses, they lost their zrandeur with their possessions, as is custom:.:;ry throughout ::,.he world; and the fact tho::it thoy had b.onorc::d pe,rents or relatives was of no ava~l to them, or is of no avail to them now. In thj_s wo.y it h&s happened that the fqthcr might be &.. ~i-1:i_ef t and the son or brother o. slave and worse, oven a slave to his own brother. Their manner of life and ordinnry conduct from t d i~ .. +-d l t: ,.. "' b ne ,ays o O.ia is ..,ra e, in :u .1. sor"s OJ. c111ngs y wholesale, a11rl. more by retc:::il in the products of the enrth, in accordance with hat is produced in each district. The niaritirne peoples are great. fis-I-1ers with net, line, and coral, Th~ people who livG in-land and (:XC(:3~lerrt farmers and hunte:,:,s. ':'hey are always cultivatin~ rice, besides other vegetables and garden products, quite different from those of Europa, The women also are shrewd in trading, es pecially of their wec:ving, needls work, and. emoroiderios, which they muke very n2atly; dnd there is scarcely one who cannot read and write. Sometimes tho husband and wife go together on their trading, and, whether for this or for any other thing, she must always go ahead; for it is not their custom to go together. Even if it be a band wholly made up of men or of -worn(m, or of mon and women mixed, and even if' the road be very wide, they go in si n,e:J G file one after the other. In thEi celebration of their marriages, espousals, and divorces, and in tho giving and r~ceiving of dowries, they also proceeded acc,ording to reason. In the first place, they agreed as to the dowrv, which is nromised and given evan now by T Tl,., "+ the mo.n, in the sum nar:i.ed by the parentr,. vu.'.en ~v is determined the betrothal takes place, gancraliy with a conventional pene.lty whir-h i C\ :rigorously E:xecutcd. However, neith2r men nor wori1en tcJ.ke it for an insult o ~riove greatly if the betrothal be refused, bet~use then thoy benefit byt~e fine. The truth is, that if those who are bouna by

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.. -160-the fine were the parents, after their deaths the children are free to break the contract without incurring the penalty; by only the restitution of the amount received as dowry. Mntrimony at present includes, beside,s the above, the delivery of tht~ person and thu do.vry. The lattAr is not receirud by the -woriian but by hor parents or relatives, as it ~ere se~lin~ tteir girls, in the manner of the Aasopot~Mians and other nations. The parents convert:, the dmvrJ into their own 'estate, and it is distributed. with other property, at their deaths, among all the children equally. But if the son-in-law has been very obedient to his parents-in-law, then the latter eenerally return the dowry to their children. The other relatives are only depositaries of what they must again d:3.liver to tho children. Be:3ides the dowry, the cI1iefs formerly gave some pre.sents to th8 parents and relatives, and even to the slaves, to a greo.ter or loss amount according to the rank of the bridegroom, The pagan ceremony and form of marriage had to be authorized by a s,':i.crifice; for aft or tho marriage had been agreed upon a~d th9 dowry paid over, the catRlona came, and a hog was brought to her. The cerernoniGs were performed as in other sacrifices. The lovers having seated themselves in their bridal chamb or, each in the lap of an o1 d woman who acted as godmother, the latter gave them to eat from one plate and to drink from ono cup. The bridegroom said tht:it, he took the woman to wife, and, accepting her, the cat2lonQ or Q!i,QE!.Yl.fil:ba immediately gave them a thousand benedictions, saying to them: "Moy you be well mated. Yiay you hcget many children and rrandchildren, al.l rich and brave, 11 and otlrnr things of this sort. Thereupon the hog was slain, and the lovers were married; and whon the others bocame tired of dancirn; and ,3ingin,'3, all became intoxicated and went to sleep. If tho recently-married couple did not suit ea.eh other, another sacrifice was ordered, in which the bridegroom himself danced and slew the victim --the ~hile talking to hie illJ.:i.tg_, and offering himself to it for the sake of peace and harmony with his vvi.fe

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That hav:Lng beun clone, he calmed himself, confident that then and thcmceforth the two would J.ive in harmony, and onjoy thoir married life in peace. These nations consider it irnportnnt to take a wife only froN thoir own family, and the nearer the b(3tter. Onl:, they expoct th._3 fi.r:.3t grade (oI' kinship), for thuy c.d.1Jays consicl0red thet as a dissolv ing impediment. But \1'1h::tt mc=uTia.:;es were those in which the contract 1:rns not indisso::..uble, and co0ld be dissolved by the woman, if she were to blame, merely returning the dowryl If the husband were to blame, i~ was not returned; and the marriage could be repudiated by thems,alves, without any so lemnity of law. That was done da~ly for very slight cau.s es, and new marriages wo:ro forued w::.th others. Polygamy was not ~ho fashion among the Tagalogo. However, if tho wife bore no childron,. the husband could with his wife's permission hav~ them by his slave women, in o.ccordhnce with the example of the ancient patriarchs. Arnonp; the principal Visayans, the ministers of the gospel found established.the custom of hnving tvw or more legitimate v1ives;, o.nd large dowries, w~ich was a great obstacle to uhristianity. Thus far in regard to rnarriace, As to the children and their succession and inheritance, if they were legitimate they :inherited equally in the property of their parents, For lack o: legitimate children th0 nearest relatives inherited, If there were illeg;j.tj_mate children, who had for exarni')le been had by a frecwoman, they had their share in the inheritance, but not GqualJ.y with the lGgitirncte children, fQr tho latter received two-third3, and the illegitimate or,e-third. But if there were no legitir1i1:tte child:cer1 t11on the illGP;itimut(; received all the inheritance. ~he children of a slave worn~n w:10 belonged to the man wore e;iven some po.rt of the housohold effects, according to the will of the legitimat0 chj_ldron. In addition the mother became free for the very re,'.'1.:son that h(';)r master had had a child by her. There were ulso adopted children, and the pt act ice was that the one adopt eel bo ui;ht his adoption. For the natural pc1rEmt gave a c e:rtr:i in ~rnri1 to the

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-162-. @dopt ed pare~1t in orcl er to have his son or daught er ndo;':)tE:d, and tJ.1crcupon th'3 J.attur vJas ac.opted without any other subtlety of low or of pDternal powor. It was done onl:;r 'to t!1e encl that the adopted child, if he should out--li7e th8 one adopting him, should inherit do-:.1bl e the sum hu cl J een given f 1,. r,1,.. f + .. or 111s aao:pc::i.on, .1.1:.us, J. .,un wer8 61,ven, 110 mst inherit twenty. But i.': the ac:op-:, ed raront outlivGd the aoopt.:;d child, ~~he ado}:.-ition expired as well a2 the ri:?;ht o:f :Lnhe:c:i.tc:incG, wh:Lch was not given to the heirs of tho adopted one, either ~n whole or in pe.rt. Eut if, on tho c.:orri:,r.:.::ry, the parent uj.ed wril,3 his 0n chilc. w,1;:, liv:i.ng:, h0 left him by way of addition to thJ sum for adoption doubled, soine jewel or r-3lave woman, as a rE:;Wai'd .for hi:::; good services. But, on the other k1nc', if the ch::.ld. was ungrateful and acted badly, t~1e adoptive parent gave :1iDi up, by restoring the S'.D1 that had b8en given for his adoption, Arl.ultery was r.ot pPnishnd corporally, hut by a pecuniary fire. T.her(::1for13 the adulte::."'er, by paying to the aggrieed party th8 sum of isold agreed upon between ttem, or given by the sentence and judgment of the old ri:en, was pardoned .fo::." the injury that ho had corrm:itted; and trw aggrieved party was satisfied, an6 h~s honor was not bes~irchod. Also he continued to l :t ve v:ith his wife '\Iv ithout anything more ::>eing suiC:: 0:::1 the subject. !1ut thlJrrn cl1j~ldren had by a marr~ed woL~~ did not suscced to the nobi lity oi' the :rx::re~1ts or to thcd.r Driviler-~t)R; but where alwc1ys reckoned j_)J.(3bei;:ms, wi:1om t~1ose .90.ople call ti~auas. Likewise those children had bv a slave w'o'r.ien-,-<hough they WGro .freu, as "''8.S t,be mother, were always regarded as of low birth. ?hose "\IJho succeeded to t~1e nobility were the L:w;:Ltimate ch::.1dren. In the baraneay, when the f2ther was lord of it his eldest son inherited that orfice; but, if he died, then ho who came next in ordur, If there were no male chiJ.dren, t.hcn the d8u[.1:htr3:i_0[, sue c 8eded in the same order; ancl for want of e:~ tr: er rilD.l es or females, th:::: succession went to t:iR neurust rolative of the last i)osse,ssor. Tl1us no wiJ.l was necessary for all these: sucGessions; for wills wer(~ never in vogue.: amon,e: these nations in the: form and solemnity of such. As for left-scies it. w:1s sufficient to leave them oponly, in writing or entrusted by

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-163word of mouth, in the prosenco of known persons. A great part of the we3lth of theso Indians consistod in slaves. For, a~tor gold, nu propArty was held in p;reater estc~r:m, ueceuscJ of t11ci rnan:' comforts that 1:cr cnj1)f()d for their ruode of living through a multitudo of fllavef;. Thus our 8pa:1inrds whon. they ence1ed tl1e island:3 found so 1w:1.ny :::J.c1.vcs that there were chiefs who h::id on0, tvv'J, Dnd three hunc:red sla-v83, and those gene~rally of tl1Fd.r uwn coJ..or and ncJ.tion, and not of other :foreign nations, Tho most general ori~in of thos0 s~averieo WGro int(JrPst and usury. 'l1t:,1t wes S<.:1 rcuch r,r.c.tc+:.iced cmontr therr., th,-=it no fatho1 .,-;,)uld o.id his t>or, no son his father, no brcthor !:iis brother, and muc11 less any rolc:.tiv,~ his relative, even thou;~h hi;=., de:ro snl'fering extrome necessity, without an agreemen.t to rest~re double. If payme1:it w2.s not madf.:: 1,ihon p:co:mJ.scd, the d";btor rcDDJ.ned a oJ.ave tmtil he prt:.i.d, 'fhat happen,3d often, for the in.tere:::t o:c increase continued to :,cc'...l.Lr._:J.ato ,iust :.10 long as the payment wus deferred. ConBcauently, the interes~ exceeded the wealth of the debtor, a::1d therefore the dBbt was loaded upon i1i,s shou::..ctcrs, and the i-)oor crc2, ture b0come a slavr;; ard. from that tim(3 his children and descend3nts were slaves. Other slaveries W8re dl;le to. tyramry and cru01ty: Fo1; s=..aves vrnre madu either in vengeance on onE.:rnes, in -cl:e enc:age ments and petty ware that they wagGd against one another, in wh:Lch tl:i.e prisoners made'! re:.:112.ined .sl,:t'V8S, 'JVen t.1-1ough they wore o.{:' the sc:me v~_llago ond race; or c:s a punishment which the more nc,we:rful inflict,3d on the weaker ones, even for ti, matter of J_.ittl0 i.mt ,:> 1.- 1 t' ,J t, < n V por encc), o:i.. w1uc:1 ney r:ia,,:e o. rr!a-:-,er o:t: ::.iW1.1:.,.,. For instar~ce, if tho les::rnr did not, obso]."'Ve thu in terdict on talking and noise, usual in t~o tir~ of the burial of the chiefs; if he p3ssod ncor w~ore the chief's wife: w;.u:; ba~hing; or if ttl?,Y dnst or" any other dirt fell from the house of the tiri1r.ua 1.F)0n thQ chi(d or his w:Lf e whc:n pas sine; through t:1e street; then ir.,_ thucfl an<.i numbnrles,s otl1{0r similar cases the powerful aces deprived tha poor wretches of lib orty, and ty:;."',::mnic,~llly made them slaves -and not only q1c,11 ;:mt ti11eir ehiJ.drJn, and per;1aps tne wife and nl:'or rclDtivE=:::. '.i.'he ~-mrst thin::-; is thnt all those who had ~oen 3:aves by war, or for punish rnont or debts, 1Jere rigorously regcJ.rdcd ns such, as

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-164-slaves for any kind of service or slavery, and served inside the house. The samG was true of their children in the manner of our slaveries, 2nd they could be sold at wi11, However, thu masters Wt'3re not accustomed. to s r)ll those born und.er cheir roof, for they regarded them in tn~ li~ht of relatives. Those slaves wero allowed to tee~ for themselves a portion of any profit whic1-t they made, The T:1galogs celled such true sl:.ivos ._cli~]!iF:,i:Ll.ir,, and the Viso.yans halon. Other :3laves wer-2 c .::~11 ed na!]J,rnc. hu, for they did not ,serve their master in all cr:pacities, nor inside h:i.s house; ~)ut in thei:c ow::1 b.ousor~, and out side that of their rna,st,:;rs. '.L'hey were hour ... d, how ever, to obey their mastP-1'' s summons eitrrnr to serve in tis house 1:vhen he had honorod guests, or for the erection of his house and its ronair and in-the sAasons of sowin~ nnd harvest, They (had also to respond} to act-as his rowers whon he went out in his boat, and on other like occasions, in which th~y were obliged to serve their master without any pay. Among both kinds of slnves, s2n~uiguilir nnd n::i.momahay, it hap:oons that there arc: some who are w1.1.ole sl c..ves, some who arc half s::;_;ives, and some one-fourth p~rt slave, For if the father or the mother were free, ar:d had an only son, :1e was half free and half slave. If they had rnol'e ;:;~1sn one child, these were so divided that the first followed the conditi~n of the father, whether freo or al~ve, and tho second that of ,che mother, So
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-165only slaves to her, but also to her brothers and sisters and relatives, in case of her death and the division of her property. On the contrary the second, fourth, and others in the same way, were according to their custom free, inasmuch as they belonged to t h0ir mot1:1er who was fre~~; o.nd they were masters and rulers over tb,,.d.r own f::ith9r &nd brothers and sisters. The same thii--:g heppened in the case of interest, a thing of-so great importance ,:1mor1g them tha,t, as already rm11c1rked, tho father would not pardon the doht ,md interet::t oven to the son, nor,the son the father, even in case of necessity, until the one had made a slave of the other for it. Consequently, if one brother iansomed another brother, or a son his Zc:~th e:c, the 1o.tter remained a slave, a:::; did his deccendants, until the value of the ransom was paid with interest. Conse quently, the captive was gain.er orily by the ch&1:.ge of rr;aster. Such ns the abo7e arG the monstrous things that are seem whore the law of God and Chris-tian che.rity are lacking. In the divisioP mado be tween heirs, when a slave belonged to many, the time of his serv:i.ce was div::.dec. and each of the masters had the share that belor..ged t:,o him ::md was h:Ls in such slave; and the division was Jiade by montbs, or as was conveniGnt among thG masters. When a slave is not a whole slave but only a half or fourth part, he has the right to compel his mast or to give him his freedom for the just price at which he is appraised, according to the iank of the slavery, sc.nguig_ui~_:g: or ~.,flC,Y., But if' he bo a whole sle.ve, the lilaste:c cC:nnot be compelled to ro.nsom him at any price, even tho'.1gh he should hnvo become a slave for debt, if alren.dy th8 day set for t;1e payment of the debt has passed. There was another kind of service which was not of a truth s-ervitudo, althou-sn it appeared to be such. If was ,:enerally seen aruon.g cGrtain persons called cabal o.r~.s.Y. Wh:21wver such persons wanted any smC1.ll trifle, thi-?.y begged the hc::td chief of their barangny for it, anJ he gave it to them. In return, whenever he su.mrr:onod thorn thoy were obliged to go him to work in his fields or to row his boats. Whenever a feast or banquet was given, then they all came together and helped furnish the tuba, wine, or guilan, such ':Jeing their method of service.

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-166-The ancient custom in manumission was for the whole ....fillgniguilir to pay ten taes of gold, and the namamahay the half; and, in addition to that, ho had to give the half of whatever things he owned. For instance, if he owned two large jars he had to give one. In order to make that conveyance, the slave must make a benguet, at which werG present masters, relatives, ~nd friends. At the ~eight of the banquet the delivery of the gold and household articles was made, those prC:-)Sent being witnesses that the master had received them. The latter was thereupon satisfied, and the slave was set free. Even today the Tagalogs are wont, at death~ to grant freedom to the children of thGir slav0s who are born in their house, no matter how young they be. However, they do not free the parents of those children no matter how old they be, .J.nd even if they have been served throughout life by them. That seems absolutely illogical. To what has been said of dowries and marriagGs, it must be added that in some districts, besides the bigayc13:yg and those presents made to the relatives, there w&s panhimg_y_fil. This was a kind of present that was given to the mother of the bride, merely in return for the bad and watchful ni?.:hts that she had passed in rearing her, That panhirnuyat_ signifies "watchfulness and care". If the dowry wns equal to five taels of gold, the 12.lnhi::nuya~ was equal to one tinga, which was equivalea-to one tae, or five pesos. That was a custom which well shows tho harsh ness and greed of these nations, since the mothers wished to be paid even i' or the rearing of their daughters. Al so, whenever a chief married any daw,::hter of his and asked a large dowry of his son-in-law, as, for instance, eighteen or twenty taes of golu, the fa ther was obliged to give his daughter cortain gifts called l?.:.Q!lQJ.:, such as a gold cha.in, or a couple of slaves, or something proportional to the dowry. It wns very shameful to ask a large dowry without giving a P.aSOU.Ql: This is still done, resembling the gifts which among us the father presents to his daughter 12.,raetor dot.!!!, which thc3 civil law calls Q.Q.!1.;_ pa:i:sJ: .b.ernal ia,

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-167-PART TWO THE F'IRST CENTURY OF SPANISH RULE CHAPTER ONE SPAIN AND THE PHILIPPIN~S IN THE 5IXTE2NTH AND SEVEN TBENTH C ENTUIUES The one-hundred-year period, extending from the estnb lishment by Legaspi of the fj_re,t permanent Spnnish settlement in the Philippines (1565) to the uccession of Charles II in 1665, was from many points of view a glorious ono in Spanish national history. This period embraced the reigno of Philip II, Philip III anc1 PhiJ_ip IV. During t.his period Spain runked among the p;1eat nations o.f the 'world. Her voice was listened to with attention and respect in the courts and chancilleries of Europe. She possessed a colonial empire of world-wide proportions. So extensive~ and far flung were her colonial possessions that King Philip II used to boast that the sun never set on th(=; Spanish E:r:rpire. For another reason, this age was a notable one for Spain for in ma.ny fields of human endeavor 3:xnliardt, accomplished gre~t things, In literature, it was the age of Cervantes, Lope de Vega, Quevedo, and Caldero!1 de la Barco.

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-168It was the age,too, of Velasquez, Murillo and El Greco, fa-mous painters. In architecture, Spain had two distinguished representatives in Juan Bautista de Toledo and Juan de Herrera, the builders of the Escorial. The Escorial together with the Cathedral of Villadolid, which was constructed under Herrera's supervision, represent two of the architectural glories of the reign of Philip II. In the field of international law Spain had a worthy representative in Francisco de Vitoria whose writings on the subject of international relations in times of war were valuable contributions to the literature of that subject, Philip II' s reign, lasting more than forty years (15561598), is a memorable one in the history of Spain. During this period Spain reached the zenith of her imperial power, con~erned Grave problems of E1tate arose which/the lives an_d fortunes, not only of the Spanish people, but also of peoples in other lands. At home, the descendants of the Moors rose in revolt (1568-1570) in protest against alleged acts of injustice and intolerance on the part of the Spanish Goverm11ent. The Gov-ernment waged against the rebels a campaign of extermination, The Spanish Netherlands also rose in revolt (1566). Spain dispatched a large force against the Dutch. Spain's ef-forts at pacification, howev-er, failed to crush the spirit of resistance. The Dutch continued.their struggle for J.i-

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-169-beration from Spanish domination throughout the reirn of Philip II. In the field of foreign relations, challenging issues arose. Philip intervened in the civil war in France (15621595) between the Houso of Guis~ and tha Bourb0ris. He sided with the Guises in their struggle against the Bourbon King, Henry IV. Spain also took port in the war ag2inst the Turks and the ~~slems of North Africa, Her participation was a doter.mining factor in the conflict. In the naval engagemer.t at Lepanto (1571), the decisive event of the wo.r, Spain and her allies defeated the Moslems. In 1580, Philip an-nexed Portugal to Spain. For si:i::ty years Po1,tugal was a dependency of Spain. Philio also became in7olved in a con-~flict with Queen Elizabeth of England. In 15C6, ho dispatched the Invincible Arma'ia against .2:ngland. The Arrno.oa, however, was repulsed by ths British. What reuained of it were destroyed by a furious tempest which arose in the I:ng lish Channel. In the succeeding reigns, Spain beran to decline ra-pidly in power and influence. The num.crous viars vvhich arose in Europe in the s8ventcentii century put a severe strain on her strength and n1Dterinl resources. In the course of these wnrs, Dutch .:rnd British privateers preyed on Spanish

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-170galleons on the _high seJ,s causint thereby enormous losses to Spain1.s commerce. In 1640, the House of Braganza reco vered from Spain the independence of Portugal. In 1648, at the close of the Thirty Years War, the Dutch likewise won from Spain their political independence. In 1655, the British wrested Jamaica in the West Indies from Spain. reverses marked the beginning of a process of c~ecline and decadence the ultimate result of which we.s t11c disintGgra tion and Gxtinction of Spain's colonial empire. In the period under consideration, Spanish colonialism in the Philippines took on its permanent form and character. In its administrative phase, the Spanish colonial system followed closely the pattern of colonial government that was established in Spanish America. Tho supreme governing b~dy was the Consejo de Indias (Council of the Indies) sitting in Spain. This body was created by Ferdinand in the first years of Spcnish colonization. It was reorganized by Charles I in 1524 to make it a more adequate agency for the administration of Spain's vast colonial empire. Its members, nppointe'd by the King, were chosen for their learning, their wisdom and their probity. The Consejo de Indias governed the colonies on behalf and in the name of the King of Spain. Its jurisdiction ex-

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-171-tended to all matters affecting the interests and welfare of the inhabitants of the Indies. It had in its hands all the important attributes of sovereignty -executive, judi-cial and legislati V(~. In its executive capacity it ap-pointed persons to the ii[;her posts in the government of the colonies. As a judicial body, it was a court of final appeal to which decisions rendered by royal audiencias in the colonies were taken for review and final decision. In its legislative capacity, it enacted laws, orders, decrees, etc., for the government of the colcnies. The vast col-lection of colonial legislation now known collectively as the L3ves je Ir..dio.s (Laws of the Indio:3) was the ,Jork of the Consejo do Indias. It is a rich source of information 1 on the history of the Spanish colonial system. For purposes of administration, Spain'.;;, colonies were d:Lvided into viceroyalt::1.E::S and these in turn were subdivided ---------1 The gre.:1ter part of the L_fyes cle In.cUc!. c1.re kept and prcservGd in the Archivo do Indiai3 ir: 3Jv:'J.La, Spain. A d t f' 1 t t' ~7 t' d iges o~ t:-1E": 1mporta21t ctccu1:1en s in nG co.;.. cc ion was ma e and publish8d under the titlo, R.3cc,pil::1c.i_q_l} .. ,J_e lc1s LevQs de J.os Reinos de LJ.S Indi;:u3. Th8 fi.rst edition of ~he R2cop=b,-lacio:.1 Kas iJ:;:inted on 01,:-der.s of Gh&rles II in 16,'30. Thu fourtTi and J.c1.st edition was published in 1811-l, The fourth edition of the R,2q.Q_pilacio:1 consist,ed of 3 voJ.un~es, 9 books, and 218 Titles.':'itle l:-6, vol. 3, Book IX of the Reco;1iiac12l:2: reads: 11C:oncerning the Nav:i.gation anrl Commerce of the Philippine Islands, China, l'Jaw Spain, and Peru.11

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-172-into captaincies-general, The Philippines was a captaincy general under the jurisdiction of the viceroyalty of Mexico, then called Nueva Espafia (New Spain). In the Philippines, the administrative machinery established in the early years of Spanish rule remained, in its general outline and basic character, practically un_ changed throughout the Spanish regime. At the head of the government was the Governor and Captain General of the Philippines. This official was also President of the Royal Audiencia and Vice-Regal Patron. As Vice-Regal Patron his duty was to protect and preserve the rights, interests and prerogatives of the Spanish Crown in religious and ecclesiastical matters. Assisting the Governor and Captain General in the government of the colony was the Real Audiencia (Royal Audiencia). As origi:::1.ally establish~d in 158/i.., this body had a two;..fold character: (1) it was an advisory or consultative body to the Governor and Captain General of the Philippines sharing with the latter some of his duties and responsibilities; (2) it was a judicial body, the highest court of justice in the colony. As the supreme court in the Phil~ ippines, it passed jud?;ment on casGs taken to it on appeal from the provinces, Except in some cases which could be elevated to the Oonsejo de Indias, decisions of the Royal

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-173-Audiencia were final, Other high officials in the Philippine government were the factor, the accountant, and the treasurer. These officials took charge of the revenues of the Crown. For administrative purposes the Philippines was divided into province[:;. In the ee.rly years of Spc::1nish rule the provinces were kncwn as ulcaldias and c0rre~~mien~os. The first were governed by officials called :.11 ca1 JN: n:1\.Q.I'..ss, the latter, by correpidor0s. These officials were appointed by the Governor and Captain General of the Philippines in consultation with the Real Audioncia. Apart froE1 thcdr duties as provincial executives, thay administered justice in their respective districtsr The provinces were in turn divided into towns and mu-nicipalities. As originally organized by the Spaniards, the town or municipality was nn adaptation of the pre0 h I" 0pan1s, '1 ipino communicy. organized for convenience or mutual benefit into a confederacy under the leadership of the most powerful and most in-fluential d'3.~00 or rc11.ah in the community. Usin~; such .::i. community as a basis, the Spaniards org::mized new towns In each town, a govcrnini body was set up of which the chief officinl was the ri:obernndor (governor), subsequently ------

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-174-called r.:oberno.dorciilQ. (petty governor). Morga in his Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas described the system of local government as it existed in the early years of Spanish rule. 17Each village, 11 he wrote, "has a governor who is elected, He and his constables who are called vilanfc':os comprise the usual magistracy among the natives, The governor hears civil suits whore a moderate sum is involved; in appeal the case goes to the corregidor or alcnlde mayor of the province. These governors are elected annually by the votes of the married natives of such and such a village. The governor of M:mila confirms the election, and gives the title of governor to the one elected This governor holds the chiefs, lords of baran&Q.Y.., under his rule and government, and, for any special service, such as collections of tributes and assignments of personal services, as his dc1tos and ~.9.Ql.1f:..., it The Spanish colon:Lal administration was a highly centralized one. The separation of powers which ~as a characteristic feature of the governmental systems of England and the United States was unknown in Spain. In tho Spanish colonial administr,::ition the functions of government, whether in th~ central, provincial or town level, were concentrated in one governing body.

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-175-The Spanish r6gime, as a general policy, respected and preserved the lai,1s and customs of the early Filipinos. This was so particularly in regard to slavery, successions, inheritances, !,d-.;,.., c,,_ Opv..:..OP0, wills and business transactions. Royal decrees enjoined ~,lwt disputes arising over these matters should be deteriained and judged in accordance with Filipino laws and customs. It was in view of this require-mcnt of Spanish colonial policy that during the administration of Governor Santiago de Vera, Father Plasencia was commissioned to mako a study and subrr.it a report on Filipino customary law.2 The same policy was followed in reg~rd t-o the form.er chiefs of barangays. The honors and priv:ileges the latter enjoyed ns such were recoe;nized and respected. As 1VIorga, in his work already cited, wrote: ilThe king our sovereign has ordered by his decrees that the honors of the chiefs be pres~rved to them as such; and that the other natives recognized them and assist them with certain of the labors that they used to give Hhen pagans. When he harvest::; his rice, they go one day to help him; and the same if he builds a house, or rebuilds one." Moreover, the former chiefs of baro.ngays V'.ere givGn important duties and responsibilities in the government of the town. They were the 2 -Vide S.unra -----

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-176-agents of the gob:e1~nadorcillo in the collection of the tribute and in thEf assigning of men in their reopecti ve barc::mgnys for the polos,y, servicios (personal services ~o the State). A notable feature of Spanish colonialism was the encomienda system. Spain regarded the colonies as properties of the Crown and their inhabitants as subjects of the King. As subjects, they were required to pay tributeand to render personal services to the State. In the Philippines, as in other colonies of Spain, the land areas together with their inhabitants were apportioned into encomiendas. Encomiendas were of two kinds: royal and private. The royal encomiendas, which included the principal centers of population, were reserved to the Crown. Private encomiendas were given to private individuals as regards for services rendered to the Crown in the pacification and conguost of the Philippines. The income from the royal cnconr~endas accrued to the royal treasury; the tribute from private encomiendas was collected by the encomenderos for their own use and benefit. The encomenderos, however, were required to contribute part of the tribute for the support and maintenance of religious instruction in their respective encomiendas. Under the laws of the Indies, the privilege of

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-177holding an encomiendas lasted for two generations, subject to extension, by parmission, to a third generation. Prominent among the distinguishing characteristics of the Spanish colonial o.dventu,re in the Philippines was the deep int~rest taken by the Kings of Spain in the propaghtion of the Catholic religion. The conversion of the Filipinos to Catholicism was a major aim of Spanish colonial policy. Spain wanted the Philippines to beccme an advctnced outpost and center of Christianity and of Christian culture in the Far East. In pursuance of their religious aims, the Sp2nish sovereigns assumed for themselves the role and character of patrons of the Church. As such they 'took upon thernsel ves the duty and responsibility of providing the Church with all the means she needed to carry out successfully her ~ission. Ministers going to the Indies were transported at royal ex pense; churches nnd convents were erected in the colonies; and due provision was made for the support and maintenance of the Church and her ministers in the .colony. In return for these services, the Spanish Monarchs obtained from Rome special rights and privileges. Pope' Julius II, in a Papal Bull issued in 150a, granted to Ferdinand and his successors on the throne of Spain (1) the

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-178right to erect churches in the Spanish colonies, and (2) the right to nominate 3uitable person's, churches, cathedrals, and other ecclesiastical benefices and pious places~ This Bull was the source and basis of what is known as Real_Pa tronato (Royal Patronage), The Patronato gave to the kings of Spain considerable powers of supervision and control in 1the administration of Church affairs. These powers were exercised in the Philip-pines by the Governor and Captain General in his capacity as Vice-Regal Patron (Vice-Real Patron). ---"--------------The nature and scope of these powers were defined in detail in a decree promulgated by Philip II in June 1574.. The text of the decree was incorporated in the royal instructions given to Gomez Perez Dasmarifias, Governor and Captain Generc1l of the Philippines during the years 1590-1593. The outstanding achievement of the Spanish polonial adventure in the Philippines in the first century of Spcmish rule wns unquestionably the rapid conversion of the Fili-pines to Christianity. This was the work of the Spanish missionari0s who 1-vent to the Philippines in the first years of Spanish rule. Pioneers in this undertaking were the Agustinian Fathers who came with Legazpi. They were joined a few years later by missionaries of other relig~ous orders

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-179-in Spain -Franc is cans J.n 1577, Jesuits in 1581, Dominicans in 1587 and Recollects in 1606, Within a generation fol-lowing the arrival of Legazpi Christianity had been prenched in practically all parts of the Philippines. By 1600, the great majority o.f the Filipino people had been brought, through the sacrament of baptism, within the Catholic fold. To take care of the spiritual needs of the new converts, parishes were organized in the towns und cities in tt..e Philippines. Th0 general rule regarding the ad.ministration of pnrishes as J.2id down by the Council of Trent 'IWS that secular priestc, thc-,t is, priests not at,tacLed to any religious order or congree;E;.tion and bound by the r11les of that order, should t.e l:e charge of parochi.::tJ. work. At that early stage of the colonial period1 however, there were very few secular ::_::Jriests in Spain avail2bl for service in the parishes in the PhilippinGs. For this reason the missionaries themselves, apart from their duties as .9.9ctrinero,s ( teachers of Christiau doctrine) to,Jk over tte responsibility of attendin3 to the spiritual needs and ~elfare of the new converts. capacity, as friar-curates. They ivere :cefer:cec: to, in that This arran<_?;ement was 111.1.de posc:ibl.e by a dispcmsTt:.on or concession fl'. n~-d bythe Pop e_ nt the reo_uest of Philip II. 0ra.Le -i

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-180The concession, in the words of the Dominican historian, Vicente de Salazar, "exempted the religious of the Indies, who were employed in the parishes, notwithstanding the requirements to the contrary of the Council of Trent, from the jurisdiction and visitation of the Ordinaries and the latter's examination and approbation necessary for the taking of this charge, (and permitted) the religious ta re mn.in, even in their capac.ity as ministers of souls, under ~he absolute and sole jurisdiction of their respective supervisors."3 The grant of this concession proved to be a fruitful source of misunderstanding and controversy between the diocesan authorities, the bishops and archbishops, and the friar-curat-es. The diocesan authorities as such had their duties and responsibilities to discharge nnd these included periodic diocesan visitations and general supervision over the work of the parish priests in their respective dioceses, The friar-curates, on the other harid, claimed by virtue of the privileges conceded to them by Rome, exemption from the jurisdiction and visitation of the diocesan officials. Such a situation was bound to produce as in fact did pro-3 -Historia de la Provincia Santisimo Rosario. Manila, 1742. Quotation is from Sob re Una Rosofia Historica de Fili: pinns, Manila, 1906,

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-lSl-duce, conflict and controversy. A number of such controversies arose in the early part of the Spanish period. Prominent among these were Bishop Salazar's cor:flict with the Agustinians and Franciscans. (1581), the 1652-1654 incident, and the Camacho controversy 11hich started in 1697. In its economic aspects, the Spanish color:ial policy in the sixtecmth and sevonteenth centuries was, in character and spirit, strongly mercantilistic. in common with many European nations in early modern times, '.Jased her colonial policy on the doctrines and con~cpts of mercantilism. She followed a policy of excJ.usivism and monopoly in cornmere ial matters, of str::..ct r:J?ulat ion and control of the me8ns of pro1uction and distribution of the nation's resources. In line with such a policy, foreieners (j e., Europeans), were excluded from the colonies. Spanish merchants alone ld t 'th th I a Th .,.,h.,. t+ed cou raae vn -__ e n ies. e. t l.L ippines v:a s pE:rnii., ._, to trnde with China and other countries of the Orient, subj ect, however, to string cnt regulations. P~1ili'.~)ir..e for-eign trade outsidci of Asia was confined to Nuova Zsp~fia, but this trade was c1.lso V8ry much restricted, The numbr,r of vessels a year allowed to be dispatched to Acapulco in Nueva Espana was limited. The tonnage of tho vescels also was limited, as well. as the v1:1lue of the n1.ercll9ndiso to be

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-182carried in the galleons, both on the outgoing voyage and on the return. Merchm1ts whether in Nueva Espana or in the Philippines were forbidden to establish commercial agencies in Asia. None of the merchandise brou;::;ht from the Philipp5.nes to Nu.eva Espn:?i.a could be intro dt.J.c 0d to o.ny 02 the other Spanish colonies in the New World, Those ro,stric -tions were iFiposed in the intQrest of Spanish merchants in Cadiz and Sevilla who hnd a monopoly of the trade of the NovJ World. The death of Philip IV in 1665 and the accession of Charles II imr1edia.tely thereafter mark:::d the corr.plotion of one hundred years of 3pariish colonization in the Philip pines. During this period, twenty-one persons occupied the post of governor and captain general of the Philippines,4 Of these, seven served as governors ad interim.5 On 'our different occasions, the Royal Audiencia took over the powers and functions of the chief executive in the nbsonce of the proprietary governor, viz., 1606-1608, 1616-1618, 1624-1625, 4 -Legazpi served from 1565 until his death in 1572, Contemporan0ous with tho acceE.ision of Ch2rles II -was the administration of Diego de Salcedo, 1663-1668, 5 -Guido do Lavezares, 1572-1575; Diego Ronquillo, 15C3-g4; Pedro de Roj3s, 1593; Luis Persz Dasmarifiis, 1593-1596; Rodri~o de Vivero, 160C-1609; Fernando de Silva, 1625-26; Juan Cerezo de Salauanca, 1633-1635,

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-183-and 1632-1633. At the end of this period, the sovereignty of Spain in the Philippines hc1d been consolidated and firmly e.stablished. It had survived the dangers that at one time or another threatened its existence -the Portuguese a~gressions ngainst Le~azpi at C ebu (1566), the Lim;1hong attack on Manila (157h), the Cliineae uprisings (1603) and (1639), and,_ of even greater danger, the various Filipino revolts that occurrGd during this time. Of the latter, tho ono~; that proved to be particularly perturbing we:r-e: che Lakandola Soliman revolt of 157 4, 6uring Lavezare;:;' ;:?;ovr:ffnor,sLi_p; the widespread conspiracy of 1587-eS, led by Ag~stin de Legazpi and Magat SaJ.amat, chief c of Tondo, during the governorsl:ip of Santiago de Vern; the Su~noray robellion of 161-1-9, dur:i.ng the administration of Diego 2e jardo (16/:.4-1654); and the ltSCD-1661 revolts, dur:Lnc: the administrc.tion of Sabiniano M.-,_nriquu de Lara (1653-J.663), which flared up simultaneous-ly in Petrnp::mge, Pc1nrasin::m and I1oco.s under the leadership, respectively, of Francisco Mailia1.:;o, Andrc>s It1fr1lon~, ond Pedro Almasan. The Filipino revolts refleeted the reaction produced among the Filipinos towa1ds the changes 2.nd innovations l h t l ~1 'l D wnc accompanied the establishment 1n .r1e : 1l .1pp1nes uJ. Spanish sovereignty. In 1ri.any case~, the rE;Volts were the

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-184outgrowth of the keen resentment and outraged feelings of the peopl~ and their leaders over the loss of their former liberties. In mo :=;t eases, howevez, the underlyin.e; as well as the ir:unediate c.:iuses of discontent -vvhich gt\Ve rise to the revolts were the tribute 2nd the D07 os v servict.9...., These impositions of Spanish sovereignty prov0d to be particularly hateful and irritating because of the harsh and violent manner in which they were generally exact~d by Spanish encomenderos and Spanish officials. In 1665, Charles II, the last of the Spanish Hapsb~1rgs, ascended the throne in Spain. He did not have the strong qualities that c!1aracteriz:;d the first rulers of the dynasty, He was weak both in body and in mind. He diod in 1700 'v'Jithout leaving any heir. His dr::nth g&ve :rise to a problem which attracted great interest, not only in Spain but in many countries of Europe as well.

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-185CHAPTER '!WO MORGA ON THE EARLY YEARS OF SPANISH RULE In the same eighth chapter of the Sucesos de las Islas Filipina2 in which he described the life and culture of the Filipinos, Dr. Morga wrote about the Spani~h colonial enterprise in the Far East during the first years of Spanish rule. Important aspects of the Spanish colonial administration We~e dealt with such as the work of the missionaries, the administrative system in the colony, the encomienda system, the financial status of the Colony and the trade of the Philippines with Nueva Espana anq with their Oriental neighbors 1 The arrival of the Spaniards in these Filipinas Islans, sine~ the year orte thousand five hundred and sixty-four, the pacification and conversion that has been made therein, their mode of governing, and the provisions of his Majesty during these years for their welfare, have caused innovations in many things, such as are usual to kingdoms and provinces that change their religion and sovereign. The foremost has been that, besides. the n~me of Filipinas which all the islands took and received from the beginning of their conquest, they belong to a new kingdom and seigniory to which his iVIajesty, Filipo Second, our sovereign, gave the name of Nuevo Reyno de Castilla ( "New Kingdom of Castilla 11) By his royal cone es_ sion, he made the city of Manila capital of it, and gave ~o it as a special favo_r; among other things, ,, 1 '-B.&, R., vol. 16, pp. 135-193, being portions of the eighth cha pt er of :IY'.Iorga' s Sue eso s.

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-186a crowned coat-of-arms which was chosen and as-signed by his royal:_person. This is an escutcheon divided across. In the upper part is a castle on a red field, and in the lower a lion of gold, crowned and rampant, holding a mtked sword in its right paw. One-half of the body is in the fcrm of a dolphin upon the waters of the sea, to signify t~1at the Spaniards crossed the sea -witi1 their arrns to conquer this kingdom for the crown of Castilla~2 The city of Mariila was founded by the adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, first governor of the Filipinas, in the islend of Luzon, It occupies the same site where Rajamora had his set,tlement and fort --as has been relatec. more at length --at the mouth of the river vvhich empties into the bay, on a point between the river and the sea. The whole site ~as occupied by this new settlement, and Legazpi apportioned it to the Spaniards in equal building-lots. It was laid out wit:1 well-arranged streets and squares, straight and level. A suffici'3ntly large main square (FlQ.Q.JIL9Y.Qj was left, fron-i:.:;_f!.g wi1ich were erected ~l1e cathedral church and municioal build-ings. I:Ie left another square, that. of an11c-(Plaza de armas), fronting \vhich was bv.ilt. the fort, as well as the royal buildings. Ee gave sitPs for the monasteries, hospital, anct chapels which were to be built, as being a city which was to r;row and increase continually-~ as already it hGs done; for, in the course of the time that has passed, that city has flourished as much as the best of all the cities in those regions. The city is completely s;1rrounded. with a stone wall, which is more than t.-i:w and one-h2,lf ve.ras wide, and in plnc es more than three. It :1as small towers and traverses at intervals. It has a fo~tre~s of hewn ~to~e at the point that guards the bar ahd the river, with a ravelin close to the water, upon which 2 The coat-of-arms of the Government of the Philippine Islands as adopted oy the Philippine Commission on July 3, 1905, included, as one of its outstanding features, the old coat-of-arms described in this' account by Dr. l-1orga.

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-187-,. are mount~d some large pieces of aitillery. This artillery .comrno.nds the so.a and river, wh:Ll.e other pieces a.re mountcq fEJ.rther up to defend the oa:c, besides some other moderate~sized-field-~ieces and swivel..:.guns. These: fort:.ficat:.:.ons have~ their vaults for storin3 Bupplics and m~nitions, and a magazine for the pm-:der> whic:7. is ~vell guc,rded and situated in the innor part; aLti a copious well of fresh water. There are 2lso ouarters for the soldiers and artill~ryru~n, nnd th~ house of the commandant ( alcayde) Tho city has b,;en lately fortified on the lana side _at the Plaza de arnus; ~here it is entered by h strong wall and tw6 salient to~ers, defended with srt:l.11ery, which comue.r.i.d the 'v'J.::tll and gate~ This fortress is called 3antiagol and has a company o:f thirc:' soldiors wi.th their offi'cors, and eight artillorynwn who :;uard the gai:,e and en trance by. watctes -al:i_ in charge of a commanc1:ant who lives inoide, Etna :1as the guard and custody o.: the fort. There is another fortrass, also of stone, in the small wall, 11:Lthin ci:lvei."in range7 1oc::,0;d at the end of tl:1e curtain, vJhich extcmds n2.or:_g t,hc shore of the bay. It is called Nuestra Se1ora de Guia, and is a very 1 arc;e to:ver, It ha.s its mm court, vilell, 2nd quarters insic.e, as woJ.l &.3 the ma gazine, and other rooms for 1wrk. It hD .. s a traverse extend_;_ng to the beach, on w:1ich are rn,Junted a dozen lar,~;:::: 2.nd r11od.e:'ate-sizH:;_ pieces, which command the oay and swenp t:1e walJ., which e~;::;cLds alonq the shore to the ~ate and to the fort of San-tiag;, On the other s{tio the fo~tress ~as n lnrge s2lient tmvr3r; mounted w:i.th f'om' :1-c.1rge }Jiecos, which corumand tha shor~ che3d in the dir0ction of tho chapel of Kue3tra Se::.'.ora de G1.i:'c.i."1.. The :::c1.te anC. entrc'.nc0 is wit.L.in the c:Lty and is ;:-y.ard(~rl by a comp1.ny o.f twe:it:r sol diE::rs ar..d their offic2~'s, six artj_ll eryr.1en, and one commo.ndant and his lieut. e nant, who live inside. On the land side, vvhere the w2ll e::;~tends, there is a rnmpart, callod Sant Andres, which uounts six pieces of artiJlery that commirn.d in o.11 directions, and some swivel-guns. FartlHcr on is ::moti1er traverse callud S~n Gabri0l, opposite the parian of

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-188the Sangl eys with a like amount of cJ.rt ille ry. Both have some soldiers and on ordinary guard. The wall has a sufficient height, and is furnished with batt1ements and turrets, built in the modern style, for its del'ense. It h2-s a circuit of about one legua, which can be made entirely on top. It has many broad steps of the same hewn stone,. at intervals inside. 7h~re are thres principal city gaves on the land side, and many o~hor poster~G opening at convenient places on the rivo~ e.nd beach, for the service of the city. Each and all o~ them are locked before nightfall by the ordinary patrols. These carry the keys to the guard-room of the royal buildings. In the morning when day comes, the patrols return with the keys and open the city Within the city is the monastery of St. Augus tine: It is very large and has many dormitories, a refractory and kitchens. They are now completing a church, which is one of the most sumptuous in those districts. This convent has generally fifty religious. The monastery of St, Dominic is ins iclc t,~-10 vvaJ.1s., It contains about forty religious. It was built ofstone, and was very v-Jell constructed. It has a church, house, and all offices. It has l2tely been rebuilt, and much better; for it was completely destroyed in the burning of the city in tho ~rear sixteen hundred and three. The monast~ry of St. Fraric is is f art}13:1.~ on. It is well constructed of stone, and its church.is be-ing rebuilt. It contains about forty doscalced re-ligious. The residence (cole7.io) of the Soci0ty of Jesus is established ne::i.1: the .fortress of nuestra Senora de Guia. It contains t~;!enty religious of their order, and is un excellent stone house and church. Thero they study Latin, the arts, and cases of conscience. Connected with them is a seminary and conviccorio for Spanish scholars, with their rector. These students wear gowns of tawnycolored frieze with red facings.

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-189In another part of the city stands a handsome house, walled in, with its stone church, called San Andres and Santa Potenciana, It i3 a royD,1 foundation, and a rectoress livec there o It h2.s 'a revolving entrance and. a parlor, and the rectoress has other confidential assist2nts; and ~here shelter is given to neody women 2nd girls of the city, in the form of religious retirement. Some of the girlo leave the house to be married, while ot~~rs remain there permanently. It hE).s it, s own hou.s e for ;Jork, and its ch_oir. His Majesty assi3ts thc:1.1 witl1 c:. por-tion of their maintenance~; t?ie res":, is :;:irovided by thDir own industry and property. Ttey Lave their own steward and their priest, who adGiniste~s the sacrawents to them This city is the capital of the kingdom and the head of the ,'.sOVernmont of ell tr:e isl.and.s. It is rthe reetropolis of the other cities arid settlements of the islands~ In it reside the Audiencia allCl Chanchilleric, of his l-1?.jesty, and the governor and cap tain-general of the ~slan~sd Manila has a city catildo with two o.lcaldes inordL!ary, t~v~l--~e per~et.ual regidors, ar,. alP;v .. a cil mayor (:i,e~, ~1nei cons~c1.cle), a ro:ral s":.ar:idarc.i. bearer, scrivan8r of the cabildo, and other otfi cials, The archbishop of 'che Filipinas IslDnds resides in this city. 1-ie c1s his metropolitan chvrch, and all the catheir&l dignitaries -ca~ons, r2cioneros, media s rncione ros, clw.plA.ins, and sGcris-:::-D.r:.s -and a mueic-ctoir uho ch&nt to ti1e 2ccompanL11ent of the oq~an and of !'lutes \Ii:inistri2..t3__) 'I'h8 cathedral is quite ornate and vJell ci.E;cora.ted, and tlie Divin~ off~ces ~re celebrated there with t~e utrno2t gravity and 6erenony. As suffrGgans the catheJrcl has th h J t h l n d ree 01s .ops -na-1::1.w -Y, :::_n e 1s_ ano. 01 0eou, a, in Cagayan and Camarines. There is a roynl trebsury wit~ three royal officials --factor, accountant, and treasurer --by whom the royal l'evenue of all the islcrnd3 is managed. ..

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-190I~ the province (of Cagayan) of this same island of Luzon was founded the city of Sezovia, dur ing the term of Don Gonzalo Ronquillo, the third governor,3 It has two hundred Spanish inhabitants who live in wooden houses on the shore of the Tajo _River, two 1 eguos from the sea o.nd port of Ca!l1alayaga. There is a stone fort near t~e city for ~he defense of it and of the river. Thi:3 fort mouncs some artillery, and has itc own ccmmandant. 3osides the inhabitdnts, there are gor_erally one hundred regular soldiers, arquebusiers, und their offic~rs. They are all in chc1.rR:e ,::md. under comrr,and of the alcaldemayor of the province, v\JhO is its military commander, In that city is established a bishop and his church, although at present the latter has no dignitaries or prebendaries, There is a city cabildo consisting of two Qlcaldes, six1regidors, and ~n alguacil-mayor. The city abounds in all l:inds of food and refreshm,3nt at very cheap prices. The city of Caceres was founded in the province of Camarines of the sarre island of Luzon, dur ing the term of Doctor Sande, governor o~ the Filipinas.. It has about one hundred Sp2-nisi1 inhabitan,ts, and has its cabildo, consisti:1g of aJ.caldes, rogidors, aqd officials. A bishop of that province is established th1::;re and has hi .. s church, al tl-1cug!1 with out dignitaries or prebendaries. A monastery of discalc8d Franciscans is located there. TLe government and milito.ry affairs of :-,hct province are under one alcalde-mayor and war-captain, who resides in Caceres. T~s latter is a place abounding in and furnished with ell kinds of provisions, ut v~ry low rates. It is foundeC on the bank of a river, four 1 eguas inland from the sea, .and its houses are of wood. The fourth city is that called Santisimo Nom bre de Jesus; it is located in the island of Sebu, 3 Nueva Sego via was o:i:-iginall y estabJ. ished near the site 1,,1here the to~-m of Lal-loc ,now stands. It was founded by Juan P. Ca.rreoi1, cornrnander of the expedition which drove the Japanese corsair Tayfusa from the coast of Northern Luzon,

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-191-in the pro vine(~ of Bicayas or Pintados. It was the first Spanish scttleJent and was founded by the adelantado Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, the first governor. It is a fine seaport, whose water is very clear and deep, and capable of holding many vessels~ Tte city has an excellent sto!1e f:irt, w!-ii8h mon_nts a considerable ~i&nti~y of arti::ery, and has its com1nar:dant nnd officers for t::.e [,)J.ard and G.efen:::;e of the port and of the city. It is suf~iciently ~arri-. sonea1 '1it11 ren-1.1-"'rC' -:--nd i '1'1,c.-,,, 0O1u -::,~,rl 01." t'1e ..,,, vv -J. Si.A. CL ~J, v .... .1. ..... u.-.J. ..,.... ~ ,.1c..11J. J. alcalde-mnyor, the :-aj_lit<1ry cornr:.:ind~~' of ::.he province, who lives in the cit:r. 'I':he sstt,l,;3'.':iert contains about two hundred Spanish inhajitan~s who live in houses of wood. It has a cab~ldo, consistinz of two alc-':1.ldes -in-orc.ina.ry, 8ight regidors, and an algUc::.cil-may:Jr and his o.:ficersQ It has a bi3hop and his church, like those of other cities of these islands; without prebendaries. The city is provided with food by, and is a station fer, the si1::.ps goir:g from J\.'bluc:J to Manila. Thr<;rngh his l\11.ajPsty' EJ cour:ession they keep the:"'e a deep-c.raft rnerchan":. v es se:1., which 6 enerall:r leaves its port for N\wva Eop2:?ia, laden wi ~h the nerchnn dise of the products gathered in those provincgs. It has a mon.3.stery of Augu~ti:'.1icn religious -3.nd a seminary of the Society of Ja3us. Th0 tow~ of Arevalo was founded on the island of Oton (Pun.J), d:ir:.ng the term of Don Joi::zalo Ronquil:_0. It contL5ns atou~:; eig1.1t:' Spa:l::...sh tnhabitan~s. a~J is locEtej aJose to these~. It I -haa & WY)o.en fort, 1-ihich ncun~s so:wi rr~i::_:;_ery, and a mon2.stery of the Oro.e:r' of St, J1-u:-!'k:i.in3 :; also a Pa1-:c;l--C1Jl'l'C.h i:'l.t"' "ts OJl1 Vi--.:iv :;1,i c.,~"'i'-c?I' 1),isst -'-1-..,11.. ... ,t. .;,,L -( .. ~(, .J.. .. \--t. \..., ._,...., t.-. .. .J.. This ch11:cch beJ_onR:a to tne 0.io.::ese o.+ tte .=i2bu ~ bis~opric. It has ri cai:do, consisti~; of alcal-des, re6idors, ar:d other o:'.:'fi.:::iuls. Tlv~:..e is one alcalc.e-rna:ror and. militJ.:cy leadf,jr iri those pr8v~.nces. The tcwn ic well sup1-,li8d with all kinds of provisions, sold at very low rates. Th t +-f TJ l 1 ''.1 ct 4 l- h l e Set .:.. en:env C Le. a 1< ernan J.na, W11lCi was foundod in the province of the I1ocos on the is-4 -Now Vigan, Ilocos Sur.

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-192-land of Luzon, is settled by Spaniards, but very few of them remain there. It has a church, with its own vicar and secular priest. Now no mention will be made of it, on accoun~ of what has been said. The alcalde-mayor of the province resides there, and the town is situated in tne cio~ese of the Cagayan bishopric. From the earliest beginni~g of the cocquest and pacification of the Filipinas Isl2nds1 the preaching of the holy gospel tirnrein and ":.he conversion of the natives to the holy Catholic fa~tt W3re undertaken. Tte first to set hand to this task were the religious of the Order of St. Augustine, who went there with the adelo.ntado Legazpi in the fleet 0f discovery, and those of the sane order who went afterward to labor in this work. and toiled therein with great fervor and zeal. Thus, finding the harvest in good season, they gathered the first fruits of it, and converted and aptized many infidels throughout the s&id islands, Next to them in the fame of this conyersion, the discalced religious of the Orde~ of St, Francis went to the isl&nds by way of I~eva Rsp~fia; th0n those of the Or~er of Sto r~minic1 ar.d of tte So ciety of Jesus. Lustly, the dis6alced Augustinian Recollects we~t. One and all, after being established in the islands, wo rkcd in tte conve:tsion ar.d instruction of the natives. Consequently they have made -and there are now in ail t~e Islanris --a great numter of ba11tized nitives. ~Jesides n,anv others in many parts, who-: fer w2nt of ia-,)Orerc;, rav~ been Put of~ and ~re a~JQ~tin~ t~is b1A~~~rg ;nd "-icsts _,_' .1. u. \: a,_ _1.'---,:; J .._ ...1-.._,,:JJ-s ~c.,. l_..J .... --to ministerto the::1. I-b_"thei."to thF:A h:tvc-:; been but fev~ rrissions in cha::".'ge o: sec1.1le.r pries::::,s~ as i1ot many of those have gone to the islinds, a~d as very few have been ordained there-, for lack of students The Order of St. Augustine has many r::issj_ons in the islands of Pintados and has establ:i.sr:ed and occupied monasteries and various visitas. In the island of Luzon, they have thoRe of the ~rovince of Ylocos, some in Fangnsinan, and all thos8 of La Pampanga -a large number of monasteries; while in the province of Manila and its vicinity they have others,

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which are flourishing. The Order of St. Dominic has the missions of the province.of Cagayan, and others in the province of Pangasinan, where are many monasteries c1nd visitas. They also administer others about the city. The Order of St. Francis has some missions and monasteries about Manila, all the provj_nce o.f Gama rines and the coast opposite, and La Laguna de Bay. These include many missions. The Society of Jesus rias three large missions in the neighborhood of Manila which have many visitas. In the Pintados it has many others ofi the islands of Sebu, Leite, Ybabao, Camar (Samar), Bohol, and others near 'by. They have good men, who are solicitous for the conversion of the natives. These four orders have produced many good results in the conversion of these islnnds, as above stated; and in zood sooth the people have taken firm hold of the faith, as they are a people of so good understanding. They have recognized the orrors of their paganism and the truths of the Christian religion; and they possess tood and well-built churches and monasteries of wood with their reredoses and beautiful ornaments, at>:l c1.lJ. the ut3nsils, crosses, candJ.e st-icks, and cl1.o.lices of silver ar..d i::.;old. :Many devotions nre offered, and there 2.re rne.ny confraternities. rter~ is assiduity in taking the sacram8nts an~ in att~ndan:e on the Divine services; and the people are careful to entertain an1 support their religious ( to whom they show groat obedience and rBspect) by the many alffis that they give them, as well as by those that they give for th0 suffr2ges and t'.1e burial of their dead, whict they p:~oVide with all punctuality and liberality. At the same ti;:ne tha.t the relirdous ut!der't.ook to teach the natives the precepts or'-'roli::;ion, they labored to instruct them in m3tters of their mm improvement, and esta.bl ished schools for the reading and writing of Spanish among ti1e boys, They taught them to serve in the church, to sing the plain-song, and to the accompaniment of the organ;

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to play the flute, to dance and to sing; and to play the harp, guitar, and other instruments. In this they show very great adaptability, especially about Manila; where there are many fine choirs of chanters and musicians composed of natives, who are skilful and have ~ood voices~ There are many dancers' and musicians on the other instruments which solemnize and adorn the feasts 'of the most holy sacrament, and many other feasts during the year. The native boys present dramas and comedies, both in Spanish in their own language, very charmingly. This is due to the care and interest of the religious, who work tirelessly for the natives' advancement. In these islands there is no native province or settlement which resists conversion or does not desire it. But, as above stated, baptism has been postponed in some districts, for lack of wo~kers to remain with the people, in order that they may not retrograde and return to their idolatries. In this work, the best that is possible is done, for the mission-fields are very large and ext0nsive. In many districts the religious make use, in their visitas, of certain of the r.atives who are clever and well instructed, so that these may teach the others to pray daily, instruct them in ot:ier matters touching religior., and see that they come to mass at the central missions; and in this way they succeed in preserving and maintainir.g their converts. Hitherto, the orders who control these missions in virtue of the o:n.i.1::..wodo and other apostolic concessions have attended to the conversion of the natives, administered the sacraments, loo~ad after the spiritual and ter~oral ~nd ecclesiastical affairs of the natives, and absolved them in cases of difficulty. But now that there are an archbishop and bishops, this is being curtailed, and the manage ment of these affairs is bej_ng given to the bishops, as the archbishop's vicars -although not to such an extent, nor has the administration of these natives been placed in their charge, in matters of justice, and under the inspection and superintendence of the bishops, as they have endeavored to obtain.

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-195-The governor and royal Audiencia of I,Ianila attend to what it is advisable to provide and direct for the greatest accomplishment and advancement of this conversion, and the administration of the natives and their missions --both by causing the encomenderos to assist the religious and churches, in the encomiendas that they enjoy, with the stipends and necessary expenses of the missions; and by furnish ing from the royal revenues what pertains to it, which is no less a sum. They also ordain whatever else is required to be provided and remedied .for the said mis-sions and for the advancem~nt of the natives. This also is attended to by the, archbishop and the bishops in what pertains to them in their duty and charge as pastors. The Holy Office of the lnquisition, residing in Mexico of Nueva Espana, has its commisaries, servants, and helpers in Manila and in the bishoprics of the islands, who attend to ,11atters touching the Holy Office. They never fnil to have plenty to do there oe cause of the entrance of so many stranger::; into those districts. However, this holy tribural does not have jurisdiction of the causes pertaini~g to the natives, as the latter are so recently converted. All these islands are subdued, and are governed from Manila by means of alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, and lieutenants, each of v-:hom rules and a
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-196-and those belonging to such and such a barangay are under that chi:Z'1s control. When he harvests his rice, they go one day to help him; and the same if he builds a house, or rebuilds one. This chief lord of a barangay collects tribute from his adherents, and takes charge of these collections, to pay them to the encomendero. Besides the above, each village has a governor who is elected. He and his conatables who are called vilangos comprise the usual r.ia1~dstracy amons the natives 4 The ,:::overnor hears civil suits .vhore a moderate sum is-involved; in appeal, the case goes to the corre3;idor or alc2.lde-mayor of tl1e province. These governors are elected annually by t:1e votes of all the married natives of such and such a village. The governor o.f I-Ianila confirms the election, and gives the title of governor to the one elected, and orders him to take the residencia of the outgoing governor. This governor, in adclit ion to the viJ.angos and scrivener (before whom he makes his acts in writing, in the languaEe of the natives of that province), holds also the chiefs -lords of bara.niays, and those ivho are not so --under his rule Etnd govern ment, and, for any special service, such as collections of tributes, and assignments of personal services, as his datos and ma:1dQ.2....~ They do n.ot allow the chiefs to opr:ress the t.imazu2s or slaves under their control. The same custoiilS observed by these natives in their paganism, .a~e observed by them s~nca they have become Christians, in so far as they are not contrary to natural law, especially as to their slavery, sue- 1,.. t d t. ., ., 1 1 ,., 1 cessions, inlleri ancG, o. op;ions, WL.i.S anc.l awiu.L trading. In their suits, they always 2llege and prove the custom, and are judged by it, ac-::orci.i:1g to royal decrees to that effect. In ot:1er canses which do not involve their customs, and in c~i::1inal cases, the matter is deter1:1i_ned by law as arr:ong Spaniards. All of these isl~nds and their natives, so far as they were pacified, were apportioned into e~comiendas from the beginning. To the royal crown were allotted those ~B1ich were chief towns and ports, and the dwellers of the cities o.nd towns; and also other special encomiendas and villages in all the provinces,

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-197-for the necessities and expenses of the royal estate. All the rest was assigned to the conquerors and settlers who have served and labored for the conduest and pacification, and in the war, This matter~is in charge of the governor, who takes into considera-tion the merits and services of the claimants. In like manner, the villages that become vacant are as signed. There are r.1any very excellent encomiendas throughout the j_slands, and t:C1ey offer many profits, both by the amount of their tributes .;:md by the nature and value cf what is paid as tribute. The encomicnda lasts, according to the royal laws and decrees, and by the regular order and manner of succession to them, for two lives; but it may be extended to a third life, by permission, After it becomes vacent, it is again assigned and granted anew, The tributes paid to their encomender6s by the natives were assigned by the first governor, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi in the province Qf Vicayas and Fintados, and in the islands of Luzon and its vicinity; they were equal to the sum of eight rcales annually for an eatire tribute from each tributori0. The natives were to pay it in thsir produc~s -in :.:;old, cloth, cotton, rice, bells, fowls, and whatever else they possessed dr harvested. The fixed price and the value of each a~ticle was assigned so that, when the tribute was paid in any one of them, or in all of them, it should not exceed the ve.lue of the eight reals. So it has continued until now, and the governors have increased the appraisamcats and values of the products at different tirnes, as thGy have deemed advit:able. -Tbe encomenc~eros have mad,3 great profits in col-1 ecting in kind, for, after they acquired possession of the products, they sold them at hic3L.er prices. By this they increased their incomes 2nd the ,roceeds of their encomiendas considerably; until a few years ago his Majesty, by p0t.itior.. of the r(;li3~_cus and. p:i.'essure that they brought to bear on him in ~his ~atter, or dered for this region that the nativGs shonld pay their tribute in whatever they wished -in kind or in money --without being compolled to do othcrv-.Jise. Consequently, when they should hav<::: paid their eig:1t reals, they would have fulfilled their obligat~on. Accordingly this rule was initiated; but experience

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-198demonstrates that, although it seemed a merciful measure, and one favora,)le to the nativGs, it is doing them great injury. For, since they naturally dislike to work, they do not f.;ow; spin, dig gold, rear fowls, or raise other food supplies, as they did before, when they had to pay the tribute in those articles. They easily obtain, 'Aithout so much work, the peso of money which is the amount of their tritute. Conse-quently it fallows that the natives have less capital and wealth, because they do not work; and the country, which was formerly very well p:i.'ovided and t1ell-supplied with all products, is now suffering want and depriva-tion of them. The owners of the encomiend2s, both those of his Majosty and those of private persons who possess them, have sust~ined considerable loss and reduction in the value of encomiendas, When Gomez Perez Dasm~rinas was appointed governor of the Filipinas, he brought royal decree ordering the formation of the camp in ManilCt, with an enrollment of four hundred paid soldiers, with their officers, galleys, and other military supplies, for the defense and security of the country. Before that time all the 3::ianish inhabitants had attended to that without any pay. Then an increase of two reals to each tributario over the 8iR:ht reals was ordered. This was to be collected by the encomenderos at the same time when they collected the eight reals of the tribute, and was to be delivered and placed in the royal treasury. There this amount was to be entered on an account separate from that of the other revenue of his Majesty, and was to be applied in the following manner; one and one-half reals for the exuenses of the said camp and ,Jar stores; and the remaining half real for the pay of the prebendaries of the lfia:1ila Church, which his Majesty pays from his trea::mry, until such time as thei~ tithes and incomes suffice for their sustenance. Those tributes are collected from a11 the natives, Christians and infidels, in tr1eir entirety -except that, in those encomiendas without instruction the encomendero does not take the fourth pa.rt of the eight reals (which equals two reals) for hir:1self, since that encomienda has no instruction or expenses for it; but he tnkes them and deposits them in Manila,

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-199-in a fund clllect "the fourths." The money obtained .from this source is applied to and spent in hospitals for the natives, and in other works beneficial to them, at the option of the governor, As fast as the encomiendas are suonlied with instruction and religious, the colJectl~n of these fourths and their expenditure in these special works cease. Some provinces have taken the census of their natives; and according to these the tributes and the assignment of the two reals are collected. In most of the provinces no .census has been taken, and the tributes are collected when due by the encomenderos and their collectors, through the chiefs of their encomiendas, by means :)f the list and memoranda of former years. From them the names of the deceased and of thos.e who have chnnged their residence 2re erased, and the names of those who have grovm up, and of those who have recently moved into the encomienda, are added. When any shortageis perceived in the accounts, a new count is requested and made. The natives are free to move fr-0m one isla:r:d to another, and from one province to another, and pay their tribute for tiwt year in -which they move and change their residence in the p1ece to which t11oy move; and to move from a Cliristian villaR:e tha-c Las instruction to another village possessj_ngit. B1.rc, on the other hand, they may not move from a place bJ:1.ving instruction to one without it, nor in t~e same village from one barangay to another, nor from one faction to another. In this respect, the nece3SE:ry ~)recautions are made by t~1e governri1ent, and the necessc.~ry :9rovisions by the Audiencia, so that this syst3rn may be kept, and so that all annoyances resu~tin~ from the moving of the settled natives of one place to another place may be avoided. Neither are the natives allo~ed to go out of their villages for trade, except by pern1ission of the governor, or af his alcaldes-mayor and justices, or even of the religious, who most often have boen embarrassed by this, ~ecause of the instruction. T~is is done so that the natives may not wander about aimlessly When there is no need of it, away from their homes and settlements.

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-200-Those natives who possess slaves pay their tributes for them if the slaves are saguiguilirs. If the slaves are ~mahays living outside their owner's houses, they pay their own tributes, inasmuch as they possess their own houses and means of gain. The Spaniatds used to have slaves from these natives, whom they had bought frora them, and others whom they obtained in certain expeditions during the conquest and pacification of the islands. This was stopped by a brief of his Holin~ss and by royal decreRs. Consequently, all of these slaves who were then in the possession of the Spanish, and who were natives of these islands, in whatever manner they had been acquired, were freed; and the Spaniards were forever pr'.Jhibited from holding them as slaves, or from capturing them for any reason, or under pretext of war, or in any other manner, The service rendered by these natives is in return for pay and daily wage~. The other slaves and captives that the Spaniards possess are Cafres and blacks brought by the Portu.5ueso by way of India, and are held in slavery justifiably, in accordance with the provincial councils and the permiss~ons of the prelates and justices of those districts. The natives of these islands have also their personal services, which they ~te obliged to render --in some parts more than in others --to the Sp2niards. These are done in different ways, and are commonly called the J2..Q.lO 4 For, where there are alce.ldes-mayor and justices, they assign and distribute certain natives by the week for the service of their houses. They pay these servants a n!pderate wage, which generally amounts to one-fourth real per day, und rice for their food. The same is done bv the religious for the mission, and for their monasteries and-~ ct.urchcs, and for their works, and for public works. The Indians also furnish rice, and food.of all kinds, at the prices at which they are volued, and sold among the natives. These prices are always very moderate4 Th0 dates, vilangos, fisc2.ls make the division, collect, and take thesa suplies from the natives; and in the same manner they supply their encomendcros when these go to make the collections.

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The greatest servi~e rendered by these natives is on occasions of war, when they act as rowers and crews for the vireys and vessels that go on the e:x:pe ditions, and as pioneers for any service that aris~s in the course of tllG war, although their pay and wages are given them, In the same way natives are as.signed and c1.pp0r tioned for the tinzts works, such as the building of s}1ips, the cu~ting of wood, the trade of makine; the rigging, the work in the artillery, foundry, and the service in the royal magazines; and they are paid their stipend and daily wage. In other things pertaining to the service of the Spaniards and their expeditions, works, and any oth9r service, performed by the natives, the service is voluntary, and paid b:' n:utual agreern,3nt, :01, as hithorto, the Spaniards have 1Jorked no mines, nor have they given themselves to the gains to be derived fror1 field labors, there i3 no occasion for employing the natives in anything of t:1at so!'t,, Most of the Spa.niai~ds of the F:Llipinas Islands t h t f 1\/f 1 r l + 1 n + 1 resiae in e ci y o. J.V'an::i. a, ,J :..e capL,a_;_ 01. vile Kingdom, and where the ctie.: trade and comn1e::-ce i3 carried on~ Some encomend6ros live in provinqes or districts adjacent to Mar:.ila, whi::i.J: otA9r Sp:3.niard.s live in the cities of Segovia, Caceres, $0.ntisimo Nombre de Jesus (in Sebu), and in the town of Arevalo, where they are settled, and where most of them have their encorniendas. Spaniards may not go to the .India~ villaces, except for the collection of th'3 tri.'.)u":es wLen t:1ey are due; and thBn only ,::;he a:cEtldes-rraJor, ;::01TegiC.ors, and justices. It :J.s :,1ot perr:itted th~se t0 1cmain conti nually in one settler:cent of their distri.:::t bJ.t they mu$t visit as much of it. as possib~.G. T~oy must change their rebidence and place of abode BVery four mont~s to another c:1ief v:LlJ.a:.se ar.:.d settlement, v1here e.11 the nat:i.ves m&y ohtaii1 the beriefit of hei:".'' :1rese:1ce; and so that ttie no.tives may receive as sli;;i1'.:; 2nnoy2.nc3 as possible in suppor~ing them and in the on1.inr:i.ry service that they renJ~r them. Th~ governor r:w.kes appointments to all offices. When the ,_'t):.et'm of ofi'j_ce expires, trl8' roy.:tl Audiencia

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-202-orders the residencia of each official to be taken, and his case is decided in ai:::cordance ti:iercwith; and until the residencia is completed, the incumbent can-not be appoint eel to any other duty or office. The governor also appoints comr.1andants of forts, compa nies, and other military officials, in all the cities, towns, t,nd hamlets of the islancis. Certain offices of re~idcrs and notaries have been sold by royal d~cree f~r one life, But the sale of these offices has been superseded, as it is now considered that the price paid for them is of little consideration, while the disadvantage of perpetuating the purchasers in office by this method is greater. Elections of alcaldes-in~ordinary for all the Spanish towns are held on New Year's day by the cabildo and rr~gistracy. The residencias of these alcaldes-inordinary and their cabildos are ordered by his lfujesty to be taken at the same time as that of the governor and captain-general of the islands is taken;-and they give account of the administration of the revenues and the estates under their care. However, the governor may take it before this, every year, or whenever he thinks it expedient and cause the balances of their accounts to be col:ectcd. With the ~overnor's advice and permission tl:.e expenses desired by ti.1s towns ar.e made. The city of :Manila has sufficier.t public funds for certain years, throu~h the fines imposed by its judges; in its own particular possessions, inside and outside the city; in the rcweighin6 of the merchan dise and the rents of all the shoos &nd s~tes of the Sangleys in the pario.n; and in the ?1orooo:i.3r on the playing cards, All this was cone ed.cd to tLe city by his Majesty, especir:tlly for the ex?en.ses of H;s fortification, These revenues are spent for that purpose; for the salaries of its officials, and those o:': the agents sent to Espaiia.; and fo:t the te2.sts of tlw city, chief of which are St. Poten8iana's ~EY, 1~y nineteen, when the Spaniards entered and seized tha city, and the day of St. h.ndrew, Novernb er JO, this date on which th2 pirate Limahon ,:vas conquered a~1d driv2n from the city. On that day the city officials ta:rn out the municipal standard, nnd to the sound of music go to

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-203-vespers and mass at the church of San Andres, \-Jhere the entire city, with the magistracy and cabildo and the royal Audiencia, assemble with all sol er.mi ty. The above rtevenues are also used in receivlng the governors at their first arrival in the country, in the king's marriage feasts, and the births of princes, and in the honors and funeral celebrations for the kings and princes who die. In all the above the greatest possiole display is made. The other cities and settlements do not possess as yet so many sourc0s of vieaJ. th or revenue, or the occasions on which to spend them -although, as far as possible, they take part in them, in all celebrations of the same kind. A considerable number of _Q!Q-fi2 and junks (which ar,e large vessels) generally come from Groat China to Manila, laden with merchandise. Every year thirty or even forty ships are wont, to come, and although they do not come t0rether, in the form of a trading and war fleet,, still tl1ey do come in groups with the monsoon and settled weather, i:hich is generally at the new moon in March. They belong to the provinces of Canton, Chincheo, and Ucheo (Fo .. Kien), and sail from these provinces. They malrn their voyage to the city of Manila in fifte011 or twenty days, sE:11 their merchandise, and return in eood season, before the vendavals set in -tho end of May and a few 'days of' June ... in order not to endanger their voyage. These vessels corr~ laden with m0rchandise, and bring wealthy m:.:::rchants who own the srdp.s, and servants and factors of other r.1erchc:nts who rciLiain in C:iina. They leave China with the perJlissL:m c.=r~d license of the Chinese viceroys. and manda:--iris. T~'!e nerchandiso that they generally bring and sell to th3 Spaniards t f 1 b "l .c-t1 n f cons is s o raw ei k in una es, 0.1. _,;~e :;: ineness o two strands (doLg_abe._..), and otb~:i.' ;.'.::.Le of ~corer quality; fine untwisted si:k, whita en{ of c6iors, wound in small skeins; qurllltities-of vc;lv0ts, some plain, and some embroiderod :i,n all .sorts of figures, col ors, and fashions -others Nith bo c.y of gold, and embroidered with gold; woven stuffs and brocades, of gold and silver upon silk of various colors and pa~terns; quantities of gold and silver thread in skeins

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-204-over thread and silk --but the glitter of all the gold and silver is false, and only on paper; damasks, stains, taffetans, gQ_rvaranes, picotes, and other cloths of all colors, sorae finer and better than others; a quantity of linen made from erass, called lencesuel (handkerchief) ;and white cotton cloth of different kinds and qualities, for all uses. They als6 bring musk, benzoin, &nd ivory; many bed ornaments, hangings, coverlets, and tape3tries of embroidered velvet; damask and gorvaran of different shades; tablecloths, cushions, and carpets; horse-trappings of the same stuff, and embro:i..der8d with glass beads and seed-pear:::. s; also some pearls and rubies, sapphires and crystal-stones; metal basins,copper kettles, and other copper and castiron pots; quantities of all sorts of nails, sheet iron, tin and lead; saltpetre and gunpowder. They supply the Spaniards with wheat flour; preserves made of orange, peach, Cor~onera, pear, nutmeg, and ginger, and other fruits of China; salt pork and other salt meats; live fowls of good breed, and very kind capons; quantities of green fruit, oranges of all kinds; excellent chestnuts, walnuts, pears, and chiCl)._iles. (both green and dried, a dGlicious fruit); quant::.ties of fine thread of all kinds, needles, and knick-knack~; little boxes and writing-cases; beds, tables, chairs, and gilded benches, painted in many figures and patterns. They bring domestic '.)uffaloes; goose that resemble swans, horses, sori1e mu.les and asses; even caged birds, some of which talk, while others sinsi;, and they make them play innumerable tricks. The Chinese furnish numberless other gegaws and ornaments of little value and worth, which are esteemed among the Spaniards; besides a quantity of fine crock3ry of all kinds; canga_nes, sines, and black and blue robes; !:.Qcl01:, 1,fr1ich are bfads of all kinds; strings of corne~i~ns, and other beads and precious stones of all colorL; pepper and other spices; and rarities -which, did I refer to them all, I would never finish, nor have sufficient paper for i.t. As soon as the ship reach,3s the Gouth of the bay of Manila, the "\--Jatchrt1an stationed at the island of Mirav0les goes out to it in a lisht vessel. Having examined the ship, he puts a guard of two or three soldiers.on it; so that it may anchor upon the bar, near the city and to see that no one shall disembark from

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-205the vessel, or anyone enter it from outside, until the vessc~l has been inspected. By the signal made with fire by the watchman from the said island, and the advice that he sends in all haste to the city -of what ship it is, whence it has co:me, what m0rchan dise and people it brings --before the vessel has finished anchoring, the governor and the city generally know all about it. When the vessel has arrived and anchored, the royal officials go to inspect it and the register of the merchandise aboard it, At the same time the valuation of the cargo is made according to lmi, of 1-:hat it is worth in Ma.nil{~; for the vessel iJru:1edia"':.ely pays three per cent on everything to his Majesty. After the register has been inspected and the valuation made, then the merchandise is immediately unloaded by another official into. champans, and taken to the Parian, or to other houses and magazines, outside of the citf. There the goods are freely sold. No Spaniards, Sangley, or other person is al lowed to go -:.o the ship to buy or trE:de merchandise, food, or anything else. Neither is it a.1_J_ovrnd, when the merchandise is ashorfJ, to te kG it from them or buy it with force and violence; out the trado mus:::. be free, and the Sangleys can do ;,1hat they like with their property. Some Japanes2 c:md Portuguese merch:mtmen also come every yeur from thG port of Nangasaquc in Japon, at the end of Octo"ucr with the north winds, and at the end of March. They enter and anchor at }'1':.nila in the same way. The bul:: of their cargo is 2:x:cell ent wheatflour for the provisioning of Hanil2, a~1d. hig~1ly prized salt meats. 'i'hey al so bring some fine ~-Joven silk goods of mixed colors; beautiful a:1d f L10ly-decorated screens done in oil and gilt; all :dnds of cutlery, many suits of armor, spe3rs, catans, and other wea?ons, all finely wrought; writing-cases, boxes and srnc:lll cases of wood, japo.nned and curiously rnA.::.~ked; other pretty gewgaws, excellent fresh pe.qrs; burrels and casks of good salt tunny; cages of sweet-voiced larks, called f.:hmb~o_,; and other trifles. In this trading, ~ome purcl}ases are also ma.de, without royal duties being collected from those vessels. The bulk of the

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-206-merchandise is used in the country, but some goods are exported to Nueva Espana. The price is generally paid in reals, although they are not S? greedy for them as the Chinese, for there is silver in Japon. They generally bring a quantity of it as merchandise in plat~s, and it is sold at moderate rates. These vessels return to Japon at the season of the vendavals, during the months of June and July. They carry from r,'fanila their purchases, which are co,m posed of raw Chinese silk, gold, de8rskin, and brazilwood for their dyes. They take honey, manufactured wax, palm and Castillian wine, civet-cats, large tibors in which to store their tea, glass, cloth, and other curiosities from Espana. Some Portuguese vessels sail to Manila annually during the monsoon of the vendavals, from Maluco, Malaca, and India. They take merchandise consisting of spices -cloves, cinnamon, and papper; slaves, both blacks and Cafres; cotton cloth of all sorts, fine muslins ( caniquies), linens, gauzes, raQ1buties, and other delicate and precious cloths, ambe:c, and ivory; cloths edged with nita, for use as bed-ses,1ers; hangings, and rich counterpanes from Vengala (Bengal), Cochin, and other countries; many gilt articles aiicl curiosities; jewels of diamonds, rubies, sapphires,. topazes, balas-rubies, and other precious stones, both set and loose; many trinkets and ornaments from India; wine, raisins, and almonds; delicious preserves, and other fruits brought .from Portugal and prepared in Goa; carpets and tapestries from Persia and 'rl:'..rquia, made of fine s~lks and wools; beds, writing-cases; parlorchairs, and other finely-gilded furniture; made in Iv'iacao; ne edl e-~Jorl: in col ors and in 'l'Jhit e, of chainlace and royal poin,c lace, and othe::.'"' f&nc:1-work of great beauty and perfection. Purch3s0s of all the above are made in Manila, and paid i!1. rehls and gold. The vessels return in January with the brisas, which is their favorable monsoon. They c.::i.rry to Maluco provisions of rice and wine, crockery-ware, and other wares needed there; while to Mal2.ca they take only the gold or money, besides a few special t:cinkets and curiosities from Espana, and emeralds. The royal duties are not collected from these vessels.

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-207-A few smaller vessels also sail from Borneo, during the vendavals. They belong to tho natives of that island, and return during the first part of the brisas. They enter the river of Manila and sell their cargoes in th2ir ves;:;els, These consist. of fine and well-made palm-riiats, a few slaves for the nati vos, s<1go a certain food of theirs prepared from the pith of palms --and timber; large and small jars, glazed black and very fine, which are of great service and use; and excellent camphor, which is produced on that island. Although beautiful diamonds are found on the opposite co-1st, thf)Y are not taken to Manila by those vese,els, for the Portw:w.ese of Ivialaca trade for tnoti1 on that coast# These'articles from Borneo are bought more larc;ely by the natives t:1an by the Spaniards. The articles taken back by the Borneans are provisions of wine and rice, cotton cloth, and qther wares of the islands, 1.:,1hicl:. are wanting in Born.ea, Very seldom a-few vessels sail to M9.nj_la from Siam and Camboju, 'l'hey carry some benzoin, pepper., ivory, and cotton cloth; rubies &nd sapp~ires, badly cut and set; a few slaves; rhinoceros horns, and the hides, hoofs, and teeth of this animal; and other goods. In return they take the "1t1ares fou11d in l~nila. Their coming and return is bet':.Jeen the bri,sas and the vendaval s, during the r::1onths of April, May, and June. In these classes of merchandisg, and in the products of the islands -naraely, gold, cotton,cloth, mendrifiaque, and cak0s of white and /~llow wex --do the Spani,qrds effect tLeir :gurche.ses, j_r:vestm.ents, and exports fo11 Nueva EspA.f.ia. 1.hey r:ia ke these as is most suitable for each p8rson, and lade -s:ir% C>ll th9 vos sels that nre to ma~ce the voya>.?;2~ T~1u:-VJ.lu.e 3.:nd register these goods, for they pay into the royal treasury of Manile., before the voya?;t~, the tlf''.) ::,ur cent royal duties on exports, besides the fr3jght charges of the vessel, which amount to forty Ca.s:~~-llian ducados per tonelada. This latter is paid it the ,ort of Acapulco in l\Tueva Es.9a.fia, into thE..; ro~rE .. l ;:-,reasu.ry of the snid port, in ac1-d.i tion to thG ten per 8 ent duties for entrance and first sa1 e in Nuev3. Espal".La. Inasmuch as th;_:~ ships which are despatched with the said merchand5.sG :_;re at bis Hajesty1 s account, and other ships c2r~not, be sent, then~ is generally too small a place in the c2rgo for all the purchases. For

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-208that reason the governor divides the cargo-room arr;ong all the shippers, according to their wealth and merits, after they.have been examined by intelligent man, appointed for that purpose. Consequently every man knows from his slv,sre how much he can exp'ort, and only that amount is received in the vessc~l; and careful and exact account is taken of it. Trustworthy persons are appointed who are present at the lading; and space is left for the provisions and passengers that are to go in the vessels. When the ships are laden and re~dy to sail, they are delivered to the general and the officials who have them in charge. Then they start on their voyage at the end of the month of Jmrn, with first vendavals. This t rado and commerce is so/ great and profit able, and easy to control --for it: only lasts three months in the year, from the time of the arrival of the ships with their merclwndise, until those vessels that go to Nueva Espana take that merchand:i.se --that the Spaniards do not apply themselves to, or engage in, any other industry. Consequently, there is no husbandry or field-labor worthy of consideration. Neither do the Spaniards work the gold mines or placers, which are numerous. They do not engage in many other industries that they could turn to with great profit, if the Chinese trade should fail them. Thett trade has been very hurtful and prejudicial in this respect, as well as for the occupntion and farm industr:i,.es in which the natives used to engage. Now the latter are abandoning and forgettin::::.: those labors. Besides, there is the greet haru and loss res'J.lting from the immense amount of silver that passes annually by this way (of the trade), into the possession of infidels, which can never, by anyway, return into the possession of the Spaniards. His Majesty's agents for the government and jus~ tice, and the royal officials for th,3 rnanaP.~ement of his Majesty's revenue, are as follows: Fi~.st, the governor and the captain-general of all the islands, who is at the same time president of the roval Audiencia of Manila, He has a salary of eight thoussand pesos de minas per year for all his offices. He possesses his own body-guard of tw~lve halbcrdiers, whose captain receives three hundred pesos per year,

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-209-The governor alone provides and regulates all that pertains to war and government, with the advice of the auditors of the Audiencia in difficu.l t mat-rjers. He tries in the first instance the criminal cases of the regular SJldiers, and any appeals from his decisions go t.o the iaudil:;ncia. Tl1i:~ go,ernor t.ppoints ma;:1y alcal.des-nayo.t, corregidors, deputies, and other magistrates, t:n1oug:101;.t the isl2nds .::md their provinces, for carrying on the government and justice, and for mil.it;:1ry m..1tters. These appointments are made before a governL,ent chief scrivener appointed by his Majesty, who helps the governor. The gove:cnor l:i.kewise takes part with the royal Audieticia, as its president, in whatever pertains to its duties. The Audiencia consists of four auditors and one fiscal --each of whom receives an annual salary of two thousand pesos de minas one report-er, one court scrivener, and alguacil-mayor, ..-1ith !1is assistants, one governor of the prison of the court, one chancellor, one registrar, two bailiffs, one chaplain and sacristan, one eXtJCu.tioner, attorneys, and receivers. The Audiencia tries all cases, civil and criminal, tal:en "co i-:; from all the proj_nc es of its district. These include the Filipina3 Islands ~nd the mainland of China, already discover8d or to be disc-overed. '11he Audiencia has the same authori ty as the chanchillerias of Valladolict and Granada in Espafia. f.t the same time, the Audiencia provides whatever is advisable for the proper and systematic management of the royal excheq11er. His Majesty's ::."evenues in the Filipinas Islands are in charge of thee roval ofticials. They are apr;oint ed by his Ilaj esty, and consist o:: a i' ac tor, and account&nt, and a treasurer. The7 each receive an annual salary of fi_ve hundred 2nd ten thousand maravedis. 'I'hey have their clerk of mines, and registrars of the royal reven~es, and their executive and other officials, all of wh6r1 reside in r:ianil~. From that city they m3nage end attend to everything pertaining to the royal revenues thro11ghout the islands. His Majest:r has a number of encomiendas. appor tioned to his royal crown throughout the provinces of the Filipinas Islands: The tributes of these en-

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-210-comiendas are collected for his royal treasury by his royal officials and the collectors engaged forthat purpose by the royal offioials. From year to year those amount to thirty thousand pesos, after deduct ing costs and ex9311::ies. .They colloct, froLl ono year to another, eight tto11sEn.d pesos in t.ritut es from tte 33.ngleys -both Chr::_stt&ns and inf:i.C:els, They also colJ.ect the fifth of all geld dug in the islands. By speci3.l conc-2s~.ion fora limited period, the tenth is collected instead of the fiith. There is a declaratio~ concerniEg it, to the effec~ that the nati7es shall pay no fifths or other duties on the jewels and gold inherited by them from their ancestors before his Majesty owned the conEtry. Suf-ficient meas'..l.:ces have been taken f')r the clear under standing of this concession and its investigation, for that on which the tent:h has once besn paicJ., and the steps to be teken in the natter. From one year to another they colJect ten thousand pesos from these fifths, for much is cone e,3.led.. The assignm2nt of twc reals from each tributario inures to the royal treasury an~ is peid ~rta it, for the pay of the soldiers and the stipend of the rreben daries. These are collected from the enco~enderos, in proportion t0, and on the a CC'.)unt of, y he:b tr:_bv.tes, and amount annually to thirty-four tl:ousand. pesos. The finos and oicpenses of justice arc conmitted to the car0 o: the trea3u1"er of the ;r-oya1 ::.'evenues, Gnd are kept in ths treasury. They amount annually to three thousand pesos. The three per cont duties on the Chirese merchanduse of the 3angley vessels average fcrty thousand p0 so s annually. The two per cent duties paid by the Spaniards for exporting merc~1anC.is0 ;:,o n1kva }t::;;;,t'afia aLount an nually to twenty thouse.nd peso:,. 0:1 the rnc1'cl1andise and money sent from J"Jueva };2pa.7ia to th,-:1 ?:ilipinas, result eight t~ousand pesos rrore. Conseauently, -in thase things and in other dues of less i1x6ort3.;_1ce that belong to tLe royal trea21u'y, his Ma,jesty-receivos about one hund:ccd anc:1. fifty thnusand .pesos, or there-

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-211-I about, annually in the Filipinas. Inasmuch as t:ds amount do2s not suffice for the expenses t,l1r,t are incurred, the royal trGasury of Bucva Espaha sends a~nually to that of the Fili-. rl t pinas,. in a_QJ.Y,ion .~0 t.i-::.12 c1oovc re7ur:.ues, so!Ylo ass1s an:::e in money -a jreatcr .or 1C'ss sum, as necessity requires. For his ~~jesty has thus provided for it from the proceeds of the ten per cont duties of the Chinese merchnndis8 that are collected at the port of Acapulco tn Nueva ~::::spafia, This assistance is [~iven into the lreeping of the royal o.:fic:ials in Manila, and they take charge of it, with the rest of the revenues that they manage and collect. From all thi3 gross sum of his Majestyt s revenue, the salaries of the governor and royal Audiencia are paid, as well as the stipends of prelates ru1d ecclesiastical prebendaries, the salaries of the ru2gi3-trat8s, and of the royal officials and their assistants; the pay of a:1.1 the nilit.Jry officeru and regular soldiers; his Majesty's share of the stipends for instruction, anC the building of churches ~nd ~heir ornaments, the concessio:s .and gratifica;,:,:.:.or:s th2.t he has al lowed to certain monastu:r:.Les, 2.nd. i'.)l,i ".ratG per sons; the building of large vessels for the navigation to Nueva Espaffa, and of ~alleys and other vessels for the defense of the i.slands; expenses for gunpowder and ammunition; the casting of ar,c:i.ller:,r, and its care; the oxpenso ar:Lsing for expeditior::.s and individual undert2 kings in the isla.nds, and :i.n their defense; that of navigutions to, and negotiations with, the kingdo~s in tteir vicinity, which are quite common and necessary. Consequently, since his lfajes+:.y's revenues in these isl3n~s are so limited, and his expenses so great, the royal trensurf f8lls short, and suf.f ers :::ioverty an j r:eed. The proceeds fro'.'u the ten per cent duties and 1 the frei:~ht clrnrc;es of t1H: shi.D;:'? ".-vhi:ch are coJ.le cted at Acapulco in Nueva Es:-sx::fi2, on the nerc:hc.mdise sent there from the Filipj_nas, sl t;10ugh so Ls i':lerc::.blo, are also r.ot always suf.i'icien+; for tLe expenses incurred in Nueva Espana with the 3hips, soldiers, 2.mmunition, and other supplies sent an:r,ually t:i tho FiJ.ipinas. These expenses are c;enerJ.1J.y greatly in excess of those

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-212-duties, and the amount is made up from the royal treasury of Mexico. Consequently, the king our sovereign derives as yet no profit from any rev(_::nue s of 1-::.he Filipinas, but rather an expenditure, by no means small, from his revenues in l';ueva Espana. Ee sust2ins thG Filipinas cnly for the chri.stianization and conversion of the natives, and for the hopes of zreater fruits in th k d n 0 l O o er inraoms an provinces or hSla, w11cn are expected throug~ this gateway, at God's good pleasure. Every year the P.udiencia av.dits the e.ccounts of the royal officials of his Iv!ajestyt s revenues, .strikes the balances~ and sends the account3 to the tribunal of accounts in IIexico.

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-213-CHAPTER 1'HREE ECCLESIASTICAL PATRONAGE IN THE INDIES As patrons of the Church, the Spa.nish kings claimed for themselves certain rights and prorogao:;i ves in eccJ.esia s-tical matters. The nature and sc:r:Je of tLese rights and prerogatives, historically known as rights of ecclesie.stical patronage, were set forth in a royal decree proriu.lgated by Philip II on June l, 1574. The decree was incorporated in the set of instructions th2t GoDe z Perez Dasm::i.r:i.fias, Governor end Ctptain Genor&l of the Philippines (1590-1593), re. f t .!':> +' p cer,ea. oe ore ne se, ou-c .Or u.ne nL.ippines. As may be seGn from the provisions of the order, the King of Spain or his representatives ::Ln t11e Indies -the Viceroy:: a:1d Governors and Captains Genera:i., had a large measure of intervention and control in mattm1s of occlesiastical administra-' tion. The dor::ument wl'd.ch follows is a text of the royal order of June 1, 1574.1 "The Kin;_;. To our viceroy of l\Jueva Espaja, or the p,:;rson or persons who shall, for the timo being, be exorcising the povernment of that country: _____ __ 1 B.&:. R., vol. :~xr, pp. 19-31.

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-214h.s you know, the ri'_jl1t of the ecclesiastical patronage beL:mgs to us throughout the realm of the Yndias --both because of having discovered and acquired that new world, and erected there and endmied the churches and ~onasterics at our own cost, or at the cost of our 3ncestor;:,, the Catholic Sovereigns; e.nd because it was conceded to us b:r b-c1lls of the moot holy pontiffs, conced~d of their own accord.2 For its conservation, anc. that of the right that we have to it, we order and command that the said right of patronage l1e 2Lvo.ys presE;rved for us and ourroyal crown, singly anc:1 in solidum, throughout all the realm of the Yndias, vdthot any derogation therefrom, ei ther in whole or in Dart; and that we shall not con cede the right of paironage by any favor or reward that we or the kings our .successors may confer. "Further, no person or persons, or ecclesiastical or .seculo.r cor:miunities, or church or monasterv, shall be atle to e.;;:ercisi:j the :cj_ght, of -oatronage.by custom privi~oge, or any other fitle, ~nless it be the person who shall ex,~rcise it in our name, and with our authority and pmver; -:1nd no y:ierson, whether secular or ecclesia3tical, and no order, convent, or religious community, of whatever state, condition, rank, and preeminence be or th2y may be, shall for any occasion 3.nd cause who.tever, judicia:::.ly or extra judicially, dare to meddle in any matter touching my royal patronage, to injure us in it -to appoint to any church, benefice, or eccl~siastical o~fice, or to be accepted if he shall have been appointed -in all the realm of the India.s, without our presentation, or that of the person to whom we co111I'1it it by law or _by le:tters-pat0nt. He who shall do the contr.J.ry, if 2 The bulls ref8rred to here were that of Pope Alex-ander VI 1501, and that of Pope Julius, 1508. Pope Alex-ander VI's bull granted the title and the first frits of the }ndias in return for the duty assumed by the Spanish Soverei~ns of prop3.'62tin5 the faith and 11aint3.ining t.he churches. Pope Julius grant0d the univPrsal patronage, i.e~, that of nominatin~ proper persons ~or churches, catlfodrals, and other ecclcsi3.stical benefices and pious places.

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-215-he be a secular person, shall incur the loss of the concessions tl1at s11G.ll have been made to him by us in all the realm of the Indias, shall be una'Jle to hold and obtain others, and shall be exiled perpetually from o.11 our kingdoins and seigniories; and if 11e shall be an ecclesiastical person, he shall ~e considered as a foreigner, and exiled fror:i all our kingdoms, and shall not be able to hold or obtain any benefice or ecclesiastical office, and shall incur tlIB other penalties established against such by laws Of these my kingdoms. And our viceroys, audiencias, and royal justices shall proceed ~ith all severity acainst those who tbus sh2.ll infr:Lnze or violate our right of patronage; and t::cey shall proceed offici2.lly, ei~:;her at the petition of our fiscals, or at that of any party who demands it; and :i.n the execution of it, great diligence shall be exercised. "We desire and order that no cathedral church, parish church, nonast.ery, hospital, votive chu:1ch, or any other pious or r";ligious-esta.blishment be erected, founded, or constructed, ,:,Jithout our express consent for it, or that of the person who shall exercise our authority; and fm.'ther, ~:.hat no archbishop:cic, bishopric, dignidad, canonry, r3cion, media-r2cion, rectorial or simple benefice, or any other ecclesiastical or religious benefice or office, be instit1~ed, or ap point:ment to it be made, without our conser:t or presentation, or that of the person who shall exercise our authority; and $UCh pres eY1to.tion or consent ::,hall. be in writin6 in the ordinary manne1 ..... "T':1.e archbishoprics and bisho:;:>r:::..cs shall :)e appointed by our presentation, m::ide to Ol'r very holy father Ci.:_EL:., the Ro1nc1.n pontiff) who shal:1. be at that time, as has been dono hitherto. "The dignidaaes, canonriGs, racions and mcaia racions of all the cnthed:'al churches of the Indias shall be filled by p:..~esentntion L!B.cie by 01.u' royD..l W'.lr rant, given by our royal Council of the Indias, and signed by our nan:;.e, by virtue of' which tho arci1bishop or bishop of the chu:cch w!1ere the said dignidad, ca~onry, or raci@n shall be shall grant to him co!lation and canonical installation, which shall also be in writing, seiled ~ith his seal and signed with his hand.

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-216-Without the said presentation, title, collation, and canonical i.r:stallation, in writing, he shall not be given possession of such dignidad, canonry, racion, or media-racion; neither shall he accept the benefits and emoluments of it, under the penalties contained in the laws against those who v:.olnte our royal pa tronage. "If in any of the cathedral churches of the Yndias there should not be four beneLiciaries -at least resident, and appointed by our presentation and war rant and the cano~ical installation of tho prelate -because of the other prebends being vacant, or if appointments to them lmve been madE:) becaus() the benefi ciaries are absent (even though it ~e f6r a legiti mate reason) for more than ei:{ht months, until we present them the prelate shall elect four seculars to fill out the term of those who shall have been appointed as residents, choosing them from the most capable and competent that shall offer', or who can be f6und, so that they may serv~ in the choir, the altar, the church, and 2s curas, if that should be necessary in the. said church, in plBce of the vacant or abc $1t probendaries, as above stated. He shall assign them an ad.equate salary, as we have ordered at the account of tirn vo.cant or .absent prebendaries; and the said provicion, shall not be permanent, but reraoval at vvi1J. ( arl 11;utum), and those appoi.nted shall not occupy the seat of the beneficiary in the choir nor enter or have1& vote in the c2.bildo. If the cathedral church has four or more beneficiaries, the p::--elatos shall not take it upon themselves to appoint any prebendaries, or to :provide a substi-c;ute in such post, wh,~ther for thnse that become vacant, o:.. for those whoae incumbents n-;ay be ab sent, unl~ss they shall give us no~icc, so that we may make the presentations or to.ke such measures as may be advisable. "No prelate, even though he have an authentic relation and information that we have presented any person to a dignidad, canonry, r2cion, or D.Ey otlier benefice, shall grant him collation or canonical installation, or shall order that he be givGn poss0ssion of it, unless our original warrant of the s2id presentation be first presented; and our viceroys or audiencias shall not meddle by making them receive such

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-217-persons without the said presentation. "After the original warrant of our presentation has been presented, appoi~t~ent and canonical installation shn~l oe made vJithout an7 delay; and or der will be givan to assign to hire the emoluments, unless there is some legitimate objection against the person presented, and one which can be proved. If there is no legitimate objection, or if.any such be alleged that shall not be proved, ar1.d the prelate should delsy the E.p:)oj_ntm,::mt, instal:_ation, and possession, he sha:1 be obliged to pay to such person the emoluments and ir:co:~1e;::, costs, and interests, that shall have been incurred by him. 11It is our desire t':iat, in the presentations that shall be made for dignidades, canonries and prebends in the cathedral churches .of the Yndi_as, lettered men be preferred to those who are not, and those w:10 shall have served in cathedr2.l cr11.ffches of these s2-me kingdoms and who shall h2ve had most experience in the choir and divine w0r;:,hip, to t:1ose who sI1all not have served in catheG.ral churci1es. ?!At least in the dlistrict2: where it, can .Je conveniently done, a graduate jurist i~ gensrcls~uciy shall be presented for a doctor,,.il cancni~a:;e, and another lettere1 theoloeical gr~Juate in ~e~eral study for 2no"':.l1er mac;istral canor:icatc, w:10 2h:1l1 ha0rn the pulpit with the obligations that doctoral and wagistr::."l]_ canons have in these kingdoms. "Another lettered theologue ap,roved by seneral study shdll be presented tc read t~e lesson oZ the holy scri1)ture.s, and t;nothcr lette:cec'. j:1111.st t:1eolo6ue for the c&nonicat e of pe11it enc e, in acco !"L1.e'J1ce ':-Jith the estdblished de~rc-es of the holy council of Trent. The said four canonries she.11 be of the nur,:ber of those of the erect ion of the C hur eh. 11~e will and order that all the benefices, whether ~inecures or curacies, secular and re;ular, and the ecclesiastical office::: t:1.0.~ become v3.co.nt, or that, as they al'e 11.ev.1, n111.st be fil 7_od., thToug:.1out the realm of tlie Ynciias, j_n -whatever diocese :~t may be, besides those that c,re p1'ovided in the 8-athedrul churcl".!-

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-218es, as stated above, shall, in order that they may be filled with less delay, and that our royal patron age may be preserved in them, be filled in the following manner: "When a benefice (whether a sinecure crr a curacy), or the administration of any hospital or a sacristy or churchwacd(;;:Pship, or the stswa:cd2hip of a hospit,2.l, or any other b-3nefic e or eccl es:.as t;i~ al office, shall become vacant, or 1;'Jl-1en it has to be :'illed for the first time: the prelate shall order a written proclamation to be posted in the cathedral church, or in the church, hospital, or @onastery whera such benefice or office is to be filJ_ed, with the suit.a.ble limit, so that thoa:-~ who desL:-e to conrpet;e for it rnny en,~rJr the lists~ F:tom all those who thus com~Jote, cmd from all the others whom the ,relate s~all beiieve to be suitable persor..s fo::." s'.1ch of:fics or benJfice 1 after having cxamir.ed them and after havi".1.g info.rn:ed himseJ...f concerni11g their niorals and ebil::.ty, he shal: choose \;110 p,arscns from them -those whon, in the 3ight of God and his conscience,he shall judge most s~it&ble for such office or benefice. T~ r..omin2.t ion of the t1vo thus r..amJd shall b G presented to our vicer'oy or to the pric.en-:::, of our royal Jl.,,1,diencia; or to the i:,er.so11 who, in our nar:1e, shall exercise the superior government of t~e province where s~ch bcne~ ftce or o~fice shall become vacant or fuust be filled, so that he niav select one fro,n the two 2:,T1Jointoes. He sh2.ll send, that. SD1ection to the :orelat::::, so that the lattar in accordbnca with it, and by virtue of that pr2s011t.3.tior:, may g:-ant the appDintm::mt, collation, and canonical instal:ation -by way of coLEis sion 2nd net by perpetual titls, but re~oveble at will 'by the p3rfon who shnll h1ve. p:'ef'entc~c: t':1em in our r:am, t0:7P+hc.,., 1jt'1 -'-l,., D'.'elat-" .'lJ1c.1 "'110"L:l re +'1ere be ... -, 0._.u -u.1. .. ....., "'"_ ~--;J- _..,_ u.!. ,_..:_u ,.J.1 no ~nore t17.ctn ono person ,,frw de.3ires "':-o c.:>:'!lpete for such bE:na.:ice or of~':ice, or the pralate s:1a2.l not find more ttan on~ person who~ he desires to raccivG the nomination to it, he shall senj the name to our viceroy, president, or governor, as 2bove stated, so that the latter may present him. Then b~ virtue of such pres-t t : t' 1 .. 7 .. h en a J.cn, ne pre a-c,e sc.3..L.. rr:ucc: t. e arpo'.'.11tme;i:c in ths for~ above directed. Brr~ it ia our dasire and will that 1,,1:L.en Lie prcst:11,'::-E,tio:1 :':'h.:1] .. i be rnc.ci.e o:r us, and we s:ia:1 .. 1 e:.:qncs13J_y stnte in our pres:mtation that the collation a:16 cq:.::.onica1 inst&lL.11::,ion sLell be by

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-219-title and not y comuission, those presented by us be always preforred to t~ose presented by our 7iceroys, presidencs, or governors, in the form above men tionec "And in the repc:trtimientos and villages of In dians, and in other places whero there shall be no benefice or any regulations for electing ona, or any form of appointing a secular or reJ.igious to administer sacraments and teach the doctrine, providing it in the foru above directed, the prelate -after posti~1,rz; a procla.ma~:-,ion, so t~at if there shall be any ecclesiastical o~ religious persons, or any othe~ of good mora::.s ancl education who may go to teach ::;he doctrine at, st1cl1 village -from ti10.s.e who shall compete, or frcrn other Persons whom te shc:11 deem most suitao::1.e and f1"t~1~ ~sll ~,ec~ ~9te~ ~~formi17 ~ -J b' ;:, (;;. t;:.L V VY'/ ct.. .c.d .'.'L.. ::: ___ LJ,1'. lJ.~.l of their competency and go.od .charac:'c~:r. He shall send the nomination to our viceroy, president, or governor who shall reside in the provinc:e, so that the latter may pres'.:mt Ol1e of the two thus n0minated by the prelate. I~ there shal~ be no more than one, by virtue of that presentation the prel3.t.e sha::1.1 ap:;;oint llj_m to the mis3ion, g~ving him installation, as he hao to teach the doctrine. He st21:;_ order to be giv8n to such person tho emoluments that are to b9 civen to ministers or missions, ani ch&ll orde~ the encomenderos E.nd other r;eL3nLs, nnc1er ".:;he ponalt.ir~s a:1d. censures th::it he s!1ccill deem suitab:;_e, not to .nnoy or diEiturb such pe:2son in tte e~:crcise of his duty and tho teach ing of t!1u Chr:i.stian d.oc:t:r~ne; on the cont!"&ry, they shall give hL11 a,ll p:totecticn and aid foi." ::i..t. 'l'h.3.t appointm~nt s~all be ~ade removable at will of the person who shal::1. tav2 appointed 11im in our 1w.me, and that of tho rrelate. Wi!J als8 1.'Jill .:md order that the rel::i..giou.s orders observe and maintain the right of patronat=;c in the following form. "First: No general, c o,mnis sary-gencral, visitor, provincia~, or any other sure~ior o~ the rcli~ious orders, sh~ll go to tho rea~m of tte Yndias, without f h C J --. t l, T th -irst s O1,vin.:f :u1 ou.r roy2.J. O11nci o:. .~e .LflO.l,'.7.S e powers tho.t he bears 2nd ?;j.vi:1g us r:Jlation to them; and without the Council givin6 hini our decree and per-

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mission so that he may go, and a warran~ so that our viceroya, audiencias, justices, and our other vassals may adlliit and roceivB him to the exercise of his office, and give him all protection and aid in it~ "Any provincial, visitor, prior, guardian, or other high off::..cial, t:ho may be el 3c+,ed and nor;1inated l l ,, vd i.-~. r. + in t 1e re,:Ln:, o:r tt1e J.n .ias suaJ_..,_, iJfJJ:ore being acm.ivted to exercise his office, inform our viceroy, prss-.' t A d' 1 h J.G.en u ienci2, or gove:"nor wno s ,1a.1...~ nave :;.n c arge the supreme govcrnrnr:mt of SL,ch province, and shall show him his patent of n0mina~ion and election, Eo that the latter ~av give him the orotection and aid necessary for the ~~;rcise and us~ of his office. "The provincials of all the orders who arrr established in the Yndias, each one of tr..e:11, sha::.1..l always keep a list ready o: all the :nor::asteries C:tnd chief rGsidsncos (m:::::'.r.tained '.:.hisre by his orde:cs and of the meniliers (resident iL each) th&t fal::.1.. in his province, and of all the ~eli3~ous in th0 province -noting euct oue of them by name, togethe~ with a report of his ago and qua~:..t'ications, and t~e ofiice or ministry in wh:..ch each oue is occupicdq He shall give that annually to 0111 vi-::::2roy, 1-~ucienc:La, or go-:ernor, or the person wl-i_o shall hc.ve c~12rge of t:1e sL:.:)rcrne governinent in the provinc r2, a i;..Fng '::.o '.) r rcrnov:i.ng :rom the list the :coli"'.):iou2 who sb-::i::.J. 03 sups:cflt1'.)i.J.'3 2nd those w~o sha~l b; needei. Our viccr~y, A~diGncia, or gove:i.'nor, ..3h&11 keep t:1ose 6m1er,9.1 li3-S.s 1r;hich shaJ.l thus be 3i vell, for h:..rns elf, ai1d in orcer t.tat ho may inform U3 by repor~ of tho ral~g~ous tha~ there are, and those of vJhom thore is ne3d of provi.:J::i_on, by each fleet s 211t au;:. "The provinciaJ_s of the orc:1..ers, eac:1 one of them, shall ma1:e a list of all the reli:ziou2 who are occ:J.pied in ::.eaching tl1e Christian docti'iEe to tlw Indians, and the administra~ion of sacramen~s, a::1.d t~e offices of curas in t11e vil::..a.2:es of the chief monasteries. They shaJ.l give suc:1 fist once a year to O\~r viceroy, Audierci~, or governor, who sh2ll give it to the dic-e esan pre}c:,t e, so t.hat he may :~now anc: und.8rst.and what persolis are occupied in tie adhlinisi::.ration of sacra me::-its and the oi'.:ic2 of curas ar.d the) e~c::1..esiastical jurisdiction, ~nd w:w are in charge of the souls for

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-221whom he is responsible; and in order that What is or must be provided may be apparent to him, and from whom he has to require account of the said souls, and to whom he must commit what is to be done for the welfare of those souls. nwhenever the provincials have to provide any religious for instruction or for the administration of sacraments, or remove any who shall have been appointed, they shall give not ice thereof to our viceroy, president, Audiencia, or governor who shall exercise the supreme government of the province, and .to the prelate; and they shall not remove any one who shall have been appointed, until another shall have been appointed in his place, observing the above order. 11We desire, in the presentations and appointments of all the prelacies, dignidad;::.s, and ecclesiastical offices and benefices, that those most deserving, and who shall ::--1a.ve been engaged longer and to better profit in the conversion of the Indians, and in instructing them in t~rn C;hristian doctrine, and in the administration of sacrE:ments, shall be presented and appointed. Therefore we strictly charge the dioce-san prelates, and those superiors of the religious orders, and we order our viceroys, presidents, audienc ias, and governors, thnt in the nominations, presentations, and appointments that they ~hall have to make there, as is said, in conformity {with this decree), they shall always prefer, in the first place, those who shall have been occupied, by life and example, in the conversion of the Indians, and in instruction and in administering the sacraments, and those who shall know the language of the Ind.ians whom they have to instruct; and, in the second place, those who shall be the sons of Spaniards and who shal.l have served us in those regions. "In order that we may better make the presenta tion that shall become necessary of prelacies, dignidades, prebends, and the other ecclesiastic2l offices and benefices, Ne ask and charge the said diocesan prelates and the provincials of the religious orders, and W8 order our viceroys, presidents, audiencias, and governors, each one of them, separately and distinctly by himself, without communicating one with another,

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-222-to make a list of all the dignidades, benefices, missions, and ecclesiastical offices in his province, :noting those of the1:1 that are vacant, and those that c:re filled. Likmvise thev shall make a list of all the ecclesiastical and religious persons, and of the sons of ci ti zGns anr::l Spaniards 1,.fr10 are stc1dyin.:; for the purpose of tecomin:; ecclGsie sties, and o.f the good character, lea:cnin:;, comp
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-22311If the one presented by us does not present himself, within the time contained in the presentation, to the prelate who must make t.he ap:)o5.ntment and canonical installation, after the expiratioL of the .said time the presentation shall be void, and no ap pointment c-md canonical instalJ.ation can iJ e madB by virtue of :1. t. "Inasmuc:1 as it is our wil.l that the above-con tained be obse~ved and obeyed, for wo telieve th&t such nrocedure is ex~edient for the service of Gud and for ot'.r own, I orC:.3r~ ycu -to examine the :3.bov0, and to observe anc. o'.)e:~ it, end cause it to be obcerved and obeyed in all ~~ose provinces and villages, and their churches, ir_tJ~f., and exactly D.s is con'c,1.ined and de-cla!'ed, for ivhat tiue shaJ.l be ov.r will. You shall ac-complish and fu:'..fil i_t, :ln the WEJ.ys that shall appear rr.ost advisabl8 t:;o you. You shal~. taka for ttis purpose such measures and precautions as shal: be advisable, in v::.rtue of t~is my ~ecree; and I g~ve you for that complet2 autho:,ity in legal forr:i. Accordingly we request an1 charge the very reverend father in Christ, the archbisho? of that city, and memh2r of Ot'r Council, and tte reverend fathers in Ch:c5.st, the arcr.tis:1op (?f Nueva EspaLa, the venerable deans and cabiido ol th9 cathedral churches of that country, anc_ all the curas, beneficiaries, sacristans, and other Acclesias~ical persons, the venerable an-i devout father.s :)l,cvincial, guardians, priors, and ot:1.er r 2l::.gi::m2 of the o:;,,ders f ., n St 0t ..,. t 7 1 o 0t. -~om::;.nic, Augusc.ine, .., .rtrc,Pcis, an'1 o a ___ the other orde~s, that in what pert3ins to, and is in0u.mb&nt on thet:i, :::,hey observe r,1nd obey th::.s d8cree, acting in 1'..armony ':Ji th you, fo0 ~ 2.11 chat s'..w.J.l ~Je ad-. b, G c ] '"l l T f' t V1Sa ..,_e. lV811 ln ufl.n Lorenzo C .... 1.8D_., uune .. :.Ll"S 1 one thousand five hundred 2nd S8VE'nt:r-.f,Jur. By 01."der of his :r.:ajesty: ANTONIO DE ERASO".

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-224-CHAPTER FOUR ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES 1. Creation of t.he Diocese of M~nila In the history of the Catholic Church in the Philippines important events took place in the last decades of the six-teen t h c e nt ury. The first of these was the creation on Feb-ruary 6, 1578, of the dioce~e of Manila. This event marked the beginning of the PhilippinrJ Hie rare hy a 5 an independent entity. Previously, the Philippines was, for purposes of ec-clesia stical administration, s ubje et to the jurisdiction of Mexico. In 1579, Philip II proposed to the Pope Fray Domingo de Salazar, as bishop of the newly crE::ated diocese. A Dominican, Salazar was at that time a missionary priest in Nueva Espana. He was fermally i.nstnlled as first b._shop of Manila on December 21, 1581. The diocese of Manila was elevated to the status of a metropolitan see in August, 1595. In that same year three new 'bishoprics were crBated Nueva Ser.;ovia, Nueva Caceres, and Cebu -as suffragnn dioceses to the archbishopric of Manila. To fill the positions i-n these dioceses, the fol-lowing were appointed by t,he Pope on recommendation of Philip II:

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-225-Fray Ignacio de Santibafiez, of the Franciscan Order, as Arch-. h f 1\" 1 F ir 1 d B d D bis.op o .iarn a; r. 1ague~ e enavJ .. ez, a oru.rncan, as Bishop of !Jueva Segovia; F'r. Luis de Maldonado, Franciscan, as Bishop of Nueva Caceres; and Fr. Pedro de Agurto, Augustinian, as Bishop of Cebu. Following is p,Jrt of the text of tho bull of Pope Gregory XIII creating the diocese nnd Cuthedral Church of Manila 1 Gregory, Bishon, servant of the servants of God: In perpetual remembrance of t:he affair: It is proper and nec82,sary, for the wel fare of the soul8 of these natives and other like persons, as well as for tne pea:e of conscience of tb.e said King Philip, that in those islands there should be some one in char~0 of spiritual aifairs. Neither should there be wanting the prefer a~d ne cessarv suiritual and ccclr;siastical ,-.rnvPrnmcnt ir1 those regions, tC) the und. thc1t Alrlighby God ntay be served more faithfully, and the gosp~l liw end t~e said faith be spread and exalted tho more. After mature delibera~ion with our bratLren on ~ese points, with their advice, and at the h~mole solicitation of the aforesaid King p~jlip, by our apns tolic authority, by perpe t,ual tenor o.c' trH,se pres ents, to the p::--aise and glory of the surne .i-\.lrnigh":.y God, as well as to tho honor of His ,nost glorious Mother and \-;ver Virgiu Mary .snd of all the hcav'3nly court, end to the e::altati.on of the afore::aid faith, we separate, ex0mpt., and wholly relc;,ase t.he church of the city known as Manila, in th,3 sc:iid j_[~land of Luzon, as well as the city itself, and, in the islands belongin~ to it and their districts, territories, and. villac;es, all the inhabitants of either sex, all the clergy, people, secular and regular persons, monasteries, hospitals and pious 1 -B. & R., vol. 4, po. 119-124.

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-226-places, as w0ll as ecclesiastical and secular benefices, of '"1hD tsoe7er orders of rer::ulars, from our ven erable brother the archbishop of Mexico, and from any ot:1er ecc1esinsticaJ. and diocesan prelates, under whose jurisdiction they previoucly may have been --as well as from 211 jurisdiction, superiorsr~ip, cognizance, visit, dominion, and power nf anyone whomsoever. Moreover, by tne afo:-'ee,aicl autl1ority and tenur, we erect and establish .:;_ ... orev,Jr the town of Manila into a city, and its church 5.nto a cathedral, under the t::.tle of 1rthe Conception of the same Blessed Mary Virgin," to be held by one bishop ac its head, who shall see the enlargement of its buildings and their restoration in th~ style of a cathedral church. Besides this, in it and the. city and diocE.:se he shall have the word of God preached, the heathen natives of those islands brought and converted to the l'lorsbip of the orthodox faith, and converts instruct(~d and confirmed in th9 same faj_th; moreover, he shall cause to be imparted to them tLe grace of baptism, w:i_th the administration of the otLer sacrar.10r.ts of the chuT'8h. In the church, city, and diocese of Man:i.J.a, ne shall. exercise episcopal jurisdiction, authority, and power freely. Moreover, in both the aforesaid city and diocese he shall now, as well as on occasion, erect and establish dignities, canonries, prebends, and other ecclesiastical benefices, both with and vdthout parochial c barge, vdth whatever else bes:Lcies may be expedient for the increase of divine worship and the health of soul of those natives. Re shGll be subject to the said archo:Lshop of Mexico, ,H1d t') :bis successors for the time b0ing, as m2t:-o:i:ol:Lten. Moreover, hE;; sha 11 enjoy a 11 rif!,ht s as on oc c& sion shall be declared, excepting as regards gold and silver metals, gems, and precious stones, which are the right of th0 said Philip and of the Cat:1olic Sovereigns of the Spains for the time being. For this reason we 9rdain that tithes and offerings of first-fruits ,l.2..t!m=1:,t.~as), 2s required by law, need not be paid. 1vioreov2r he shall f:njoy all other episcopal.rj_ghts, the same as are enjoyed, by law OJ:' custon, by other bishops of the kingdoms of th0 Soa5,ns together with the exaction of the same as see, 'table (mensa), and other episcopal insignia and jurisdi.ction. Besides, for the future he may freely and lawfully use~ hold, and enjoy the privileger3, irn::1unit~_e::;'., i:lnc: graces which 'bther cathedral churches and their prelates in the __

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-227-said kingdom use, hold, and enjoy, in any manner, through law or cu3tom. Again, to tte sarr.e cht:rch of M.anila w0 assign the aforesaid people for city, the said island of Luzon and all t.he other islands for dioc c:se, c:rnd the natives flEd i:c.habitants thereof for. cl err;? nd people. I-1?re07?r W(; grant, t O the same King Pn::.lJ.p power to as.s: .. ~,;n, J.nc rea se, extend, le .ssc:;n, and ott2rv1:i..s e change the bounds t r:erEdn. For his episcopal tablo, (mensa), we apply and appropriate as dowry -snc y0EG'..L.yrr~venu3 of two tunrl.red du cuts, to be n,id by King Philip from the~ yearly reve nues corr~in~-r, to hir1 f ro'-11 the said if: land of Lu!0on, until the fruit. of the table itself .sh~ll reach the va lue o~ two hundred ducats. Moreover ~e reserve, g!'ant, cmd assi?n for-ever to tte king the right of pE: tron0ge over the churi:::h of Mani lei; and should any vacancy occur therein to present, within one year, to t R P t f+-" t 1- f'. t .(' ,ne omnn. oni_J. ror ,ne _,ime oeir.g, perso:1S .J. ..i.or ~h~t office as bishop dnd pastor of the same church of Mani:a. We a:so grant the same right of presen tation for dignities, canonrics, pretends, and other benefices, from their first erection, and thereafter as vacancies shall occur, these being similarly given to the bishop of Marila for -~he time beh:g, who shall present tr0 s&me to Phi:::.ip, or the king for the time bein1; who, by reason of t:ie dowry and the new foundation, is-to be consulted in the establishment of these dignitaries, canonries and pretends, the apostolic coLstit~tLms, and ordinanc3s_, and ot~1.er things, to the contrary notwithstanding .. ,~; ven t Ro'ne a+-et pc:-t--.,-. t"' on t i..,e c ixth U _._ .l <,~ .L ,,_ V \... G '.J e~, "-' ) J. !_ \.., :.... clay of February in the year of tb.0~ incar:r..ation of our Lord one thousand .:ive hurdred and sE:,vf2nty-eight ,... ~. year o;. am~ ponti1:1.ca.::.~. 2. 0ri1in of the Privileges Enjoyed by the Friars in t h{; Ind ics The origin of the papal privileges anjoyed by friar curates is explained by the Dominican writer, Vicente de Salazar, in his Historia de la Provincia Santisirno Rosario,

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-228Manila, 17 Ji_?,. The following passages give the historical background of tlh:.Se privileges: 1 Tho relig:ions who left Spain for the Indias devoted all their energies to the reductinn of the gen tiles of those regions, brin/::,~ .. ng the iciola trous to the faith of Ch:r:i.st, and introdu~ir..; ~hem by m9an,s of the '"' t r-tr t t h 1 ,..,, 1 I +h. -1k 0.Jcram3n ., o .Je1p.,ism .... o n1.s o~-Y ,..,nurc:1. n '-' is uas they worked with zeal, many of th8m de7oting their lives to it. In view of the large number of infidels th2t were reduced. and of the lack at the time of secu lars to ad:niniste:::' the new curacies, it was necessary for th8 religious to accept the ar:lministration of those for chbrity's s=1ke. Thjs vwrk was indeed oneroas to ther-c~Tigious, who had come to the Indias, not fur t hcit purpose, but rEither to preac 11 and to c onvort t h f. d 1 h 1 1 d t-' 1 ., e in :. e s to our o~--Y re_._ip:ion, an' .,ney c .Laimeo that they were being emL&rrassed by a wark which was so foreign to their profession. Dut as it vrns not possible to dispense with the services of the reli~ious, our Catholic Monarch, D. Felipe r:, in order to TTluke m0rc tolerabll and litz:ht the task wh5ch the reli gious were c~lled upon to iindertake, requested Fopo Pius 1! to -exempt the r2ligiouf of the Inciias, who were 2mployncJ in the parishes, no-swithstandinf the require rn,-::nts to th1::; contrary of the CounciJ. of Trent, fror the ju:;:isdicti.on and vir:,itation of the Ordinaries and ti1e latter's exam:i.Eation and approbstion necessary for the taking o~ this charge, and t~ ~er~it the reliGious to re;n.:-d_n, ,?ven in th2ir capacity us :ninisters our souls, urder the ahsolute ai1d f3ole ,::urisdiction of their respective superiors.2 The nt'm-oer of seculc:.1:rs later increas('d, Dnd t:1e Bishops of the Indias, seeing that the re.J~::.on for this cone ession no long1:Jr existAd, want1 Qnoted in Sobre Una Re3r.!na Bisto:;:ica de Filiu:inas, Manild, 1906. 2 The Council of Trent wac. held at Trent in southwestern Tyrol. The Council was the 19th Ecumenical (General) Councj_l o.f the Chm'ch. It began its sessions on December 13, 1545, in the rontificate_of Pore Paul III, and closed December 4, 1563, durinp; Pope P:i us IV Is oont if :i.cat e. Its pur pose WRS to state and define clearly and explicitly the posi

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-229ed the relio;ious who vvere found exerc1s:rng th0 cure of souls to-subrr..it to th(; latter' 3 t'.:mthor':r.ty or to abandon their min:i.::.:trie$ so 't,hat these might be filled with secular priests. 1:n this way, many pariohes were secularized, while in placea where the religious did not wish to abandon the cure of souls, tllc lattm subrrd.tt,::d to the visitation and corrc,ction of the diocesans. 3, Incidents of the Diocesan Controversy In the following paccages, the Recollect historian, D~ego de 3ta. Theresa, ,:iven an 2.ccount of some controversies .. which erose i.n the Philippines durin~ th0 16th unJ 17th centurias as a r0sul.t of tL(j 1_:inculin.r situation whj_ch pre~rniled i.n many parisheD 'l:Jhe2e fr'.'i.etr C'J.rOt(E'S c).&im0d imn1urdty from the jurisdiction of the dioc0san officials. are tPLen fr~m his Hi~t0rlu gen0r~l d9 l.os r0li~i0cos rtescaJ.-----------------zos dol Orden d,2 las Errilicafios d:::l 7-r:m Padre _v Doct,n de lu -----.~-------------------------.. ---------... --.... -Yglesi2 3 'ln Ae:1rn+:.in~d.e hi con;i::,:-e,oac ion de EE;p.:.111..1.. v d.9 la,s ,..._..;.,=._;;;....;; ___ ~-""== ----------------------------~ -------------tio~1 of ti10 Catholic Church on V[:riou:::~ point,:; o::'' c'.oct.r:Lne onrticuJarly those contained :i..r1 the hcrer;ics 0f tht0 Froce~,tant Refon11atio11~ The Council also scug11'G to 1J:'.'in): ibout al:"! im-. l ..... 1 ;--1 1 .. provemcnt in t 1e syst;;m o.i t1.dmEnstr::1.tJ.oTI anc. c.lC:'.? c.ls8:Lp. 1ne of the Church. It W,:rn one of thL mo,st imnortant, and most successful of alJ. tlvi Cou::ic'.Us i:wld o"/ the.Church. It wc1s the spearn(,ad of the CDth()l.ic Counter:~Hefo.crnatbn mover1ent. The Council of Trerr~ adoptuct, ns a ~encral ~oli~y, t:.he xule th3t :~JE;culur pricists shoui d tak2 c lwrp;o of parochial~ work. For this purpose, onch diocese should provide for a seminary 'i~hure yoi..1116 ,:ion., -wltl1 voeatLons for the prie,str1.ood colfld be p::"orerly tr:1:Lned dnd prepared for service as pGrish priests in tte Jiocese.

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1 In_2iar,, Barcelona, 17l,J. -2307h holy orders, E:ach one dojn0 its ~3hare, de clared pitil(~s.s war against paganism, and achieved signal victories in that vrar, destroyh1g tr::e idols of DAlial and plantinr soliely the health-giving sign of the cross; so that whatever is c0~quer0d in the is lands is duo to their fervent Z(0aJ.. Ii'or they planted the faith, and watered that J.and vJith blood so that it might produce fruit _abundantly~ and God wa::,_ the ?ause of so wond.::.rful aL increase. The system tnat tnc;y have always followed in the spiritual nc.minictration of the missions and vLi..J.ag0s which they hav-r~ formed at the cost of their sweat is the same as t:tnt observc,d in America in the beginning by 7Rrious apostolic privileisos. In th12 prov:Lr:.cia1 ch.a:::ri~,PrS hr0:ld by each or-der, they c1vpoint as superiors of the hcusjs established in the villages o:f Inc:i:ms who are already converted, those religious who are fit to gxercise the office of cura by th1::):tr learning, th~ir mdr&ls, ond otriE.'r quanti ties. The same is also done in regard to the residences of th8 active missions, where those thus appointed continue the preaching to and c or!.vers ion of the heathE;n, with very perceptible progress. Both the former and the latter exercise th0 miriir-tries to Nhich th::y Jre d0s~ tined, without n8ed of oth8r approbation than that of the definitors who entrust tcj thesa ;-;pads of houses the administration of the sacramants and the spiritual cultivation of those souls, in the resocctive t0rritory -.,,,-h.:)rc t11e co:;_w0nt is loc.Jtt:d, a supr::t1io:t being olected for each conv0nt. This is done independently of the bii,hops. Likewise th) definit ors of' each o:::dcr in their rneetinrs appoint various of' the inns t lt:arnc;d and experienced men, to whom is 8ntrnsted c1nd dcl ef!atc,d the faculty of giving dispensation in rEgard t~ the obs tacles of marriage, and the exercise of' -othr:::c favors and privileges contained in the nontif:i.cal briefs. Those pow2rs are never exercised if the diocesans are intra dnas cU et,:1~, 2 v1dth0ut t'.1eir permission and ap-1 -B. & R. vol. 36, p. 150, ft. 2 -Within two days' journey.--~B. & n.

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-231-probation; and always this is done (only) in cases of evident necessity. The provinc:.i.o.ls visit their provinces annual ly; and th~ said religious not on:y in ~hat concerns their profsssion an~ regular observance, but also in what relate,s to tl:teir activitie.s EIS curas. The diocesm1 prolDtes 2;ppoint their outsido vicars for those territ,ories which. are in clv:re:e of the orders. They almost alwaJs clY.:lil themselves0-of those same re J.igiout::, for that, bE:Cc:tW:38 of tho greDt lack of secular priests. The rel:Lgiou3 subm:i.t to the visitation of the diocesan in mnt::,ters touching the erection of chaplaincies, charitable works, th8 inspection of wills, and confratern:.i.t:.es that arc not exeri.pt. 'rhey resist only what includes the violation of thoir privileges gr-.1nt e:d by the supre;me pontiffs to the said holy orders for the purpose of propagation of the faith in re'3ions so distant. Such privileges, al though not used in other parts of the Indias, ou3ht to be maintained in Philippines, for reasons that will be stated below. This is what has been observed from the discovery of the soid islands until the present tj_me; and the contrary has not been odored by tho icing as patron, by tl1e roy,11 Counc iJ. of the Indias, or by the apostolic see, although they ha7e had full k~owleJre ol the caus0. This method has been prac ticed, both bofare and sjnce the Council of Trent; and there hao been no chango in it -not even since the yon,1 165:.~, v.Jhon spt_ir.ial provision regarding ic wDs rnnd.e for 11fo_c)VC. EmJc.fia and ?e::"u; .::md it w2s ordered tl:::1t t-1',,-, mi "'S-io,~v r"1-:g1'011C' nP c'-1,,so n;~ovir1CC'S .J o ,L ll... J. i..>" ,....t.. J '"'"~-.:: .. ..._., ..J .J.. '-' ,._ ..... r .1. ... sl1oul d rec oi ve coJ.lc.1t ion .1nd canonical 5.nst:l tutLm from the ordinaric1s of those countries, in order to continue tlv,dr exo:rc:i.G0s as curas E\nd thc:rc consequent~ ly the'' must 0uomit to the vis:i.tat.ion 8.nd correction of the bi~hops in,_9:::f ::.c iJ off ic :I .fU}Q,Q.._~Jt g1:1_0_.fLJJ:.I.Pr.ILan~ -ma rum.~ But ho vJlci.C: ed in exe:~c1Jtion in these kingdoms, i'c could noc be carr:i .. ed unt in the Pllj_liuinas Island,s; for there even the re::i.sons which infiur-mced the exemption of tbe rti gulars are in force. -------. 2 "vVhen offic:iatine; j_n his duties, and as far as :i.t relates to the cure of souls 11--B. &, H.

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... 232It is true that the bishops have always made the strongest efforts to subject the parish priests who nre relj_gious to their jurisdiction; but they have nover been able to s~cceed in it, for the reli gious are unwilling to acce,pt the cLarge with that burden. The first bishop of Manila and of all the islands, Don Fray Domingo de Ealn~ar, tried to es~ab-lish that subjec-i:.ion. Th(3 Ot2ervc1tine A.ug.1.stinian fathers and the Franciscans made use of the moans which prudence dictat13d, in order to quiet their scrupulous consciences. Seeing that nothing (else) was sufficient, they rosignod their missions before the governor, as vice-petron, protesting that they would care for the conversion of the heathen, bu~ ttat ttey could not keep the parochial administratlon of those who were con7erted, wi::.hout the enjoyment of a.11 their privileges. Thcrefor~, his Exc9lJ.ency was forced to desist from his atte~pt, as he had no scculars to whom to entrust that administration. In 1654, the attempt was made to est0.blish in Phili:?ir.as tte pract:..ce recently adont.ed in the kingdoms of Peru and Nueva Espafia by petition of the fiscal of th3 royal Audiencia. That body ordered t'.1at plan to be CEtrried out, by a decree of Oct.ober 22; anl E' inc e the chapters of the -;:-,wo p.covinces cf the order, the calced and disca~ced, were to be held in Ap~il of 55, that decree was communicatod to ttem. wjth the warn ing that if they were :rot obcdi2r.t t:10y wou~_d be dcpri vec:. o-: their mis s:L ons, and -+::.he rris ~dcna:~j_c s of the emolur~wnts v-.r:tic h ta d bsen acsir.mcd th,cirn fo~~ their suitable suppo,...t. All the order.9 opp1)0ed. that change, followin.i:; logical methods in th::;i r d2l'ense, ar::.d averse to scein~ tte necessity of abandoning their missions. But ut L01 st, as the re was no ot11nr wc:1:r, th0 venc:,i:'flble fathers-provi::1.c:'._al wer: r''jut_,ce::i to hanajng over to the ~overnor and bishops all tte ministri.es in ~h~ir chai .... f~E::, ?o tha+., as th12 former ,,ms the vic,;-pet.con an~ the latter were the ord::\nar:~e[', :,hey might ap point v-:homever thE'Y wished to the cmc1cies. That ~esi~nation was handecl to the fiscal, and in view 1)f it, ::;_n order tha.t the most suitable provision mi?ht be made, with fnll knowledge, hti asked that writs be made.out --first, to show how many se cular clerp-y_w:2re in the four bishop:cj_cs; sE:cond, so that the off1c1 als of the royal treasury might attest

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-233 the amount of t.ho stipends :paid to the religious em ployed in the missions, and third, so that the provincials might send. the no.mes of th,::dr subordinates en1ployed in the missions. That was ordered by a decree of Mo.y 10 in the said, year 1655. It re,sul ted that, in all, 254 relicious wcro occupied in 252 missions; that the royal treasury only paid stipends corresponding to 141 1trissionarios; nnd tha-f-:, there were only 59 suitable secular priests in all the isl~nds. The fiscal, seeing that accordinz to the report the procedure that had been taken could nqt be maintained, in order to o~viate th? inc~nve~io~ces that wa~l~ ons~e to the ~atives an
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attempted to subject the religlou.s to his approbation, 0 0 t .;) t 0 L'f'" f'"'" 0 d Ti' vis it a ion, arn..l cor:coc ion 1n 0.1. 1 Cl:) o : I icJ..a n o. .. or that purpose ho ha1 recourse to his iioliness, to whom tn the year 1697, he reprosent0d that there wero rr.any religious in the islands employod in more than seven hundred pElrishi:is, v~ho hod ref-i.1sHd 3nd. werrJ refusing to rer::eive the vioitation and. corrc:ction of the diocesans; and he asked thot they bo corr~0iled to receive such vi sitA.tion. U;iun seoing thclt, his l:-IoJ.iness Cle:11ent XI d d ( J 17"5 I h O 1 t ccJ.ac Bnuary 30, ..1 ; that t. e rixnt 01 v:1.s1 inG the parochial regulars bc3:;_or.i{ed to th8 said archbishop and othe:c bishops; but 1:rn mado no mention of tho other poj_nts ".:Jhich h::,d been referre1 to him, and which were aloo under dispute, This appears f~om the brief des patched in this regard, This brief havinf been presented in the Gou.ncil of the Inc.ias, it appears that j_t was confirmed on April 22 of the s~me year, The said archbishop ordered :l.t to be executed (October 26, 1707) wi~h the rros~ strenuocs efforts; but he encountered in this such dissensions and dis~urbances that it iu con~ sidf;r-ed advis,1ble t0 omit ths :relation thereof, I~ was nece3sary tc r8s:::.gn the ministries onco moro, the suporiors (of tte orders) protesting tha~ they wou.ld never agrPe to sud1 a subjection, a11d that the arch bishop could make appointm8nts to tne curacies ~she wished, By that means his ExC8llency was so balked that, the cause having been fully p~oved, tto evidence received, and the proofs adduced to both oortieDj the petition int.:1'.',)r!uced by the ord(:lr' iAJ-9.S allo'v8Ci on N!arch 30 ,~10~. anrl ~t 01~dnr~d +'nt +~n nnno~c~r7 of'f-' --:) -J 'JV<.A.1.1 1,,.,. ,._,_, ,.J C.l .J.l.L~_; ...,,...._, ,i:,:i...,.~. J ciaJ. st:J.terne.1t:..: te :,).ven them, The authority of the governor was interposed extrq-judicially1 2nd he or dered thc:,t th:J reJ.igiou;3 rho~ld ccc'.1py t:(':l abandoned curacies, nnd tL2t therG r:;houl.d be no ch:mg;e, The archbishop hirnf,elf, v/Lo h&d put forwer-d ::;hat cla~.m, was oblip;cd to confGSE:-thr.1.t hu cou:::.d not put it into practice,

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-235-CHAPTER FI'JE THE EARLY PRO'!IrJCES An unsigned documo1rt, written about 1618, tells of the provinces then existing in the Philippines, together with the number of resi.dants in those provinces and the manner in which they were administered.-An earlier source of information on the political and administrative divisions of the Philippines is Bishop Domingo do Salazar's Cartao de :ndia_ (15fs5). According to that account, the terr:!.torial divisions of the country at that time were as follows: 11city of Mani.1a, la Panp2.ngn, Pangasinan, Ylocos, Cagayan, Carnarines, la La:~una, Bonbon y Balo.yan," and the following islands, ncebu, Oton, Marinduque, Lubnn, Mindoro, Ymaras, i3E .. ntayo.n, i'Jogros, Pan1y, Leyte, Bohol, Minda nao, Ybabao, Cati.mduanes, Mas'bate, Ca_puJ_, Burias, Banton, Comblon (sic}2 S:Lrnara, Sibuyan, Isla de TabJ_as, Cuyo, Luban.112 In 1663, according to Colin,.,. the pol:.i.tical divisions of the Philippines were: Hl\1anila and its neighborhood (su 1 -B. & R., vol. 18, pp. 93-106. 2 Q11ot ed by Retana in his edition of Zuniga, Etadi9 -mo de las .L~las Fili nine.~, vol. 2, appendix C. 3 QF2.

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-236comnrca), Bal ayan or Bombon, Tayabas, Carnarines, Al bay, Cagayan, Ilocos, Pangasinan, Pampanga, Bahy (Laguna), Bulacan, and the island of Catandu.2nes, Masbate, Burias, Capul, Ticao, Marinduque, Mindoro, Luo.s,n, Babu.yanes, Parag1.1a, Cala. mianes, Cuyo, Panay, I::'naras, Samar or Ibatao, Ley'.::,e, Bohol, Cebu, Isla de Negros, oantayan, Carnotes, Isla de Luegos (3iquij6r}, Mindanao, Basilan, Jolo." The t e:::t of the 1618 document is in pa rt as foll ow s: T:1e governE1enta.l district of the islands commonly caJ.led t:be P1~1ilip:9ines cornpris es seven pr~_ncipal provinces, r:..ot to n:ent icn r:iar_;_y other i.sla:1ds and 11 1,, t ,..J t ...,, f' sma er provL1ees ,n:L1,L1 i s JurlS_,1_lC ion. .c -:i.ve o_._ these prir.ci:;_Ja~-rrovinces are ir:. t11e isla:1.d of Lv.zon, which is four b1ndrod and six~y legu2s in periphery and extenC:s abot1t f:con, -si:1e thirteei.'lth to tl:.e twentyfirst parblle~. CANIARL{SS The first of the five proiinccs in the island of Luzon, bei~Dnin3 en the eastern coast, is Camarines, which incJ.udec, all the te:..-ri:::,o:;:':T n~c:.::.r c1-t2 DLouth of the, charrnel Dl Ca:Ju~-. 'l':1e CJ.pita::_ cf '.Jaccrinos is tha ci"t-r --f r,,-.r-:::'.'l.r~"'S ci'x-'-R;r 7 -~ ,.,..,.s ('I~ -'1-n .... ,r: ...... ~, ....... It: ._, JC VCl.4-!.b c, i..:. .l-\J:.' J-.9ol._,a. ..... ~c,.1.,. 1!.""tl..i.. ...J..cta v was set 01Bci oy Doc":-.or Francisco cl.e ,c1e.n d-c>; gov2rnor of these islands, in fiftesn hundred a~d se70r~y-four. He settlLld on the Vicar, a large and pe~ceful river, whose waters are ve1-:y fresh and healthf'~111 beco..use it runs throw;i;h n:any veins of gold, as do most or all of the rivers of these is:ends. There are in Carnarines as many as twenty 2ncomiend2s, cotmting the four into which the island of Catandvanes (which is d d + d d ,..J T.. t 1nciu 8 ln uilJ.S lS~r1ct, lS QlVl, e~. 118 La1~8Sj of these enc:)rniendas does not contain moro than fifteen hundred tributes; there are a few of one thousand; while most of them rn1rnt have f::."om seven to eight

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-237-hundred; while some have four hundred or even less. Among these people a great deal of gold was formerly obtained from the mines or placers of Paracale and from the island of Catanduanes It is believed that as much gold is mined now as usually, yet it seems a small quantity; for although the Indians in p;eneral have f!;Ore L,oney than form(:}rly obtained through [.variou_/ sources of income, they keep back the gold to work up into chains and j ewelry, with which they adorn and parade themselves freely. The number o.f the inhabitants of this province may be but roughly estimated, as it is difficult to count them accurately. It is probable, however, that there are more than one hundred and fifty ( thousand), counting the intractable black people who live in the interior of the cour.try. Of this number some estimate that one-fourth are Christians Judicia2_ offices o:(._the_Qovince of Camarin_... With respect to royal jurisdiction, this pr~vince has these three offices: The alcaldia-mayor of Caseres, which is ordinarily called the alcaldia-mayor of Camarines, because Caseres is the capital of the province, and has jurisdiction over the larger and better part of it; the corregiri1i9nto of Ybalon, which is at the mouth of the channel; and the corrigimiento of the island of Cata~1duane2, whj+h is also near the same channel mot:.th .'+ THE PROVINCE OF :MANILA The second province (in the island of Luzon) and the principalone in importance and wealth, be------1+ -Morga in the account previously cited wrote that 11the islands are governed from la:1ila. by means of alcaldes-mayor, corregidors, and lieutenants, each of who~ rules and administers justice in his own district and province." It mav be inferred from this statement that tl1e "offices" re ferred to in this document were distinct ,and separate politi cal and administrative units -alcaldias (provinces ruled by alcaldes-mayor) and corre,!imientosladministered by correg:idors ) ~--

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-238cause of its extensive commerce and of the fact that it is in the cent er of the kingdom, is Manila. With in its jurisdiction are inclurl.ed o~her sm2.ller provinces. These are the two lake provinces Bonbon and Bay; and (the most important of al:;_ Panpanga, which, at the outside, i3 not more -t:-han twelve leguas from .Manila. In Pcrn.:r,a!lga your r,Iaj ecty has as many as six thousand tributes in the :':'oi.;r '.1'.overnrnfmtal dis-tricts a1-1d p.,,...:nr'Jpa, v-;-.,aC?o s.mo11-'j.-,,1'n 1ch are Beti"' _._ -" .1...J..1.-.., ..J_ ..i..,J_.J..cvC>~U-~.F")I' _.___ CIJ Lubao, Guagua, Mexico, and other sialler places. All the neighboring country, and partiet'.larl:r the royal magazines, se~ure their rice from the province (of Panpanga). ':"here must be in the province of :Manila forty thousand tritiutes belonging to pr:Lv2te individuals, and almost twenty thousand belonging to your Majesty. There r,mst be in all more than fiV8 hundred thousand peop:!.e, of v(ho!!1 one-fourt-h are Criris-t::ans. In ttis, however, est ima"'.:. es vary. The a de-lantado, Miguel Lopez de Legaspi, settled the :i.mportctnt city of Eani:1.a in tte yeer fifteen hundred and sixty-one, after havinJ lived for six years in the islands of Zubu a;:1d F,.=uay, of whicl:i. I s i1all speak more in detail in another place. The judicial offices in the nrovince of r~ni.la.The off:i.ce3 to which a~JpointmE:nt3 &re wade i:;:1 the r, 1'1. t t' ., nr,. province 0.1 .,;,.nL a, no-;; o ~11ent10n ne Jnc:..1siaJ. 01.1.icers of gre-'1ter or less irr::!Jo::-tc:nce who a::-e ua:!.ntained by the city within its walls, a.re as follows: The alcaldia-mayor of the Pa~ian ot al~alzeria of the .Chinese; the alcald:i,a-mayor of tlie coast near this city, its capital being the town of Tonda; the aJ. cnldia-ma:ror of the Lake of ffanil2., ordinarily called Lagui1a de Bc:.y; the aJ.cc1.ldia-r1:ayor of BuJ.acan and Calumpi.t, one of the two 2lc3.lf'.ias of Panpan1s.'J.i the alceldia-mayo~ of Panpa~ga, ~hich includes thG rest of tte province; the alcaldia-mayoT of Belayan and Bonbon, twenty le;uas from Manila; the corregimiento of Mindoro und Baco, twenty-five leguas from Manila -which, although i~ is L:;relf an isJand, is a division of this provi~ce fer ju~ici~l and reli gious administration; -:::, he ale al dia-mayor of Calilaya 7 5 5 -Tayabas, now Quezon Province.

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forty leguas from Manila; the corregimiento of Mas bate, an island fifty leguas or a little more, from Manila,. between this island f of Luzon), and the Pin-~ ta dos. 6 PANGASINAN Next after Panpanga comes the district com prising aJl Sambales and Panis.'lsinan, This, although there considered as a separat9 province, is under the jurisdiction of 1V:ani1a in jud::.cial and r9ligious matters. Ten tl}o1.1sE.nd tr.:fc.1t e.e. There must be in Pangasinan between ten thousand and te~ve thousand halfpacified trP)utes, two thousand be::..or.ging to his Majesty, and the rest to :!Jl~ivat3 indiv~dt..alo. 7he ca-pital of this province is a p~ace called Binabatonga.7 It formerly containec. about tnree thot;_sa:1c: ho1.1ses, or, according to other esti~ates, a greater nu1fuer; but it now l'1as 0:11:r a-')01.1.t tvw tho.1s2nd. The province has some good ports. On0 is that of Agoo, comn::.only called "tb.e port of Japon, ,; bec&us e it was the first port which the Jaoonsse occunied in ttess islands (when our people tirst saw them tere). ALot~er port is Bolinao, w~ich is better t~an any other. Judicial offices in Pan.2:risinan.There is only one judiciaf--oi'fics :.n t:nis province, namely, the al cnldia-mayo: of Pangasinan. 'rl-IE PROVINCE OF :ILOC03 Next after Pangasimrn, toward tte ;10rth, on the same coast, comes the province of !locos, a ~sople on __ ___ ,...__ __ 6 -In ref,3rrin~ to tn(-') "Prov:i.nc-3 of Mardla, vi the author must hwve had in mind t :.-ie diocese of K:m:na, :::'or there was no ~uch p:rovin;::e at that time having '::,~10 2re1. and juri,sdiction indicated in the documGnt. 'l'l1e diocese of Manila., however, embraced the alcaldias and corregir.d.entos enumera't,ed in the document as being comprised i~1 the "Province of Manila 11 7 Binalatongan~

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-240-the whole more settled and tractable; and although there have been some disturbances among them, they are now very peaceable. They are well supplied with provisions, especially with rice -a great quantity of which coi11es to lv,anila every year during February and a part of March, for at this time the winds are favorable f'or ,<2:0:x:.2: .frort Ilocos to Manila and back ag::iin. Tbe car;j_tal of t h::_s ::_:)rov ince is the town called Fernandina (~ow Vif&n), which was settled by the master-of-camp Guido de La01e7;ar~t,, who governed these islands in fif'~een hur:.dr9d and seventh-three, upon the death of the adela~~8do, Legazpi. This province must have bet1,veen fo1-1rteen thousand and fifteen thousand tributes, which are collected without resistance. Five thousand of them bGJ.ong to his r,:ajesty, a:..,.d the rest to private individu-3.ls. There useci to be i:1 it, aiso, D. great quantity of gold tut the Ygolo:::.es Ind:_ans cirr:in:;..shed the amount for the :ceason given above. 1his is quit:.e notice aole. J rl 1 +"' t' ,., Tl u ,ic1a __ o..Lr:u~.f:.. __ g_L: .. 9 n.:r,2.v1nce o:,-~~_Q2..,C~.Q.-There is in this pro~in~e only one judicial office, the al caldia -ue yor of L.o cos. The, nro\r~nco 0-+~ _,..,~_ ._, .. ,..,,..ran 0"\.., -\T--.A"8 ~.,nr::o'Ol"' -, _._--~-~-' v ~~,;..J.._c,, __ ;,._},';_;;;;;_ '.~-~-.!:~ -::J;.;..., _:_c:i $ Af'-AI1 I7ocos 0ori1 1e~ 1-he 1_J1.-,o,~1'P o,.P ('..,cav.: i-.i....e ll_, -L -U u V...J....-.~...1.. .jc,~ .. J'-~-, v.:.1 no:cthernmost ;_)Ort ion of-the islanj of~Lu'.::;or:, WhE;re there is a groat deal of incompl et, e:2 pac:i_fied coun try. It contcdns vj_llages in:i-:tc,.tic-:;d by a ve'i.,Y strong and -wa:clike people, who tava given us much troutle. Twelve thousanf (~ribu~es)QBetween twelve thousand end -:~hirteAn tr:i_LL,1tes are ccll<;cted in the pacified portions o:~ t:1e province. Fit''~ecn hundred, or D. little mors, telo1.1g to his Majesty, and the res~ to private individuals. The ca9it2l of this province, is, as has been said, t~8 city ahd port of N~ava J3gobia, opJosite and facingi China and Japon, 011e hu.d.J ec. and ~wenty leguas ::'rum I,Ianila. It is so r>8ar' CLina tl:.at from Cape Bojeador) one of the points or pr,:,rnontories of Cagayan, it is not nore than a seve11ty 1cwuas7 jo1uney to the near~st towns on the coast of Cinchoo, a

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-241maritime province of that great kingdom. The greater part of the Sangleys who come to these islands are natives of that place Nueva Segobia contains the cathedral church and is the capital of the archbishopric of the province of Cagay~n, just as the city of Caseres is of Caraarines. There are then, in the island of Luzon, no~ counting the archbishopric of Manila, which is the capit2,l of the kin:::;dom, the two archbishorpics above n~ent j_oned. It must be noted that there are in th::i.s island nany races and kinds of people, such as the Camarines~ Camintanes, Tagalos, PanJ;angas~ 3_anb~les, Ilor:;os, Csgapmes, and many others. JurliQ..if1J. offices oj'....,:tb,e pr_g_y__in.9e of l'Jileva Se gobia. There is only one ju:i:i.c ial office in Cagayan, the alcaldia-rnajor of the entire province. THE PROVINCE'OF PANAY IN THE PINTADO$ The sixth provinr:;e, one of those outside of Luzon, island of Panay, s:i.tuated in the Pintados, one hun-dred leguas sot:th of t::1.e city of Manila. It is more fertile and yields more rice an-
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-242Judicial offices in the island of Panay.There are inPanay three jujicial offices. These are the corrigimiento of Panay and Aclan _principal settlements of the island; the corregimiento of the is-land of Negros, which is included in the dis~rict of Panay; the alcaldia-rhayor of the town of Are[?alo (commonly called the alcaldia-mayor of Otong) and including the purveyor-ship --the best and most important office of that province. THE PROVEICE OF ZuBU AND IT3 JURISLICTICN Forty leguas eastward from Oton, and one hundred and twenty leguas from thA bay of HaLila, is the is1&nd of Zubu. The capital of ti1is prov:i.nc"'J, as well as of all the provinces of the Pintados, is the city of Santisimo 1Jombre de Jesus --celebrated throughout the kingdon, not so :r.1.uch on account of its good harbor as because it 1-:as the first town to subr.1it to his Majesty; and because it. is the first city which the adelantado Eiguel Lopez de Legazpi sattled 2nd pa~ified in those islands. It is also noted hccause 't b t ,~ 1,., ] ,, T 1 is i.l. .na..L.1 E, 1.e.:::;u2 1 :-or: t:.1e is .ana. en .ho c-.::.an, where tne famous I1ta2:alla;.1es died fightirni:; and more than all else o~ a~;ount of tho holi rel{c, (an image) of the child Jesus, uhich our ~athers found there, which is now at the capital city in the convent of San Agustin, and has teen signalized by ao~o miracles that have occurr(;d there. Zuou is n small islan,j, and it yields hut few provisions, b,3csuse it is :cngged &nd mourtainous. B-.1t it h2.s an abundance of game, and secures eufficient (of other) provi sions and st,....-ppli8S .from the island anJ. provinces un-der its jurisdiction. These are: L:)yts, Cc:-.rnar, Yba-bao, Boholj and 1i12ny othe~ isla:10.s of lesse:;_, Lnportance, besides th&t part of th8 island of Mindanao opposite Zubu wh:i.ch was formerly at peace -that is, all the cou1:.try alonr; the Butuan River, fo::.~ty l,3-guas from Zubu, &nf the coasts of Surieao, Dapitan, and. Caragas, a little further f.;.~om Zubu. lludic:i.cs.l office8_9f, \j1e_rovinc9 ,of '7,u~:iu_; thr~,Return::i.ng to the province o:Z' Zu;YLl., from v1hich I 11ave been diverted by a discussion of the aff2irs of Minda-

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-243-nao, I may say that there are three judicial offices here. They are the a.lcaldia-mayor of Zubu, which is the principal office in the province; the corregimiento of the i:::;lc1nds of Leyte, Carnnr, and Babao: and the corregimiento of :Sotuan, which is the portion of the island of Mind2nao that used to bo peaceful. Summary of the tributes --160,000. Each tri bute consists of a man and wife. I wrote this in Manila, in 161$, to give to Governor D. Pedro de Bivero.

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-244-CHAPTER SIX SPANISH COMLERCIAL POLICY IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEEHTH CENTURIES 1. Laws Regarc.ing Navigation an:i Corr:.merce The following B.re s'..lmmaries of some of the laws enacted by the CounciJ. of the Indies neoncerning the navig;:ition and cor,lIIlerce of the Philip-pines, China, Nueva Espana, and Peru.n They are taken from the Recoila_cion de Ley_,3s de los Reynos de las Ind:1.a., lib. IX, tit. Y:X.XV. From them one may get a. gaod idea of the charac~er and tendencies of Spanish commercial policy toward tr:.:e Philip9ines in the six-, teenth and seventeenth cen-suries ..1. LAVJ XXXJ! It having bcien co1nr11itted to, and charged upon, the Governor and captain-general of the Filipinas that he should endeavor to intro due e, in the ex change and bartE::r :for the mercr.andise of Ctinn, trade in other products of those isl&nds, in.order to avoid, when possibla, the withdrawal of the grgat sums of reals w:1ich are taken to .foreign kingdo:i1s, t}1e governor executed it in the form and manne:c that he considered most fit,ting; end a method called pancada was introduced, which has been observed and exe-cutect l -B. & R~, vol. XVII, pp. 27-50. T1:ie laws here enumerated were included in Title 45, not Title 35, as erroneously stated in Blair &:, 7~ober~son.

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-245-until now. It is our will that that method be observed and kept, without any change, until we order otherwise. (Felipe II Afiover, August 9, 1589; Toledo, January 25, 1596). LAW LXVI We order that a duty be collected on the first and subsequent sales of all the merchand::..s e shippE:id from Filipinas to Acapulco, and the pesos per tonelada on freight accordir~g to custom; for this sum and much more is neE:ded to pcly the troops, and equip the vessels that engage in "'.!ommerc8. In this there sha11 be no innovation. (Felipe II --Ahover, August 9, 1589). LAW V We ordain and order that there shall be no permission to trade or traffic between Peri, Tierra Firme, Guat e:;iaJ.a, o:"' any other parts of t Le India.s, and China or tLe :Filipinas Islands, even thow~h it be by license of the vi~eroys, audiencias, governors, or magistrates, under penalty of confiscnt:;.on of the merchandise t::1c1t shall o e shipped. The masters a'nd pilots shall also incur the confiscation of all their property and ten years in the galle-/S. (Feli pe II -San Lorenzo, Decen0sr 18, and February 6, 1591.) LAW VI It is Ol!r will that t h'3 trade and corr;me~ce of the Filipinas Isla:ads with Nueva Espana 'be carried on .for the p!'esent e.s ordbineri. Un..:ler :1.0 co'!.'1s7.dera tion shnll t!1.e amount of merc:1andise s1-:ipred arnm:111 v from thosJ islanC:s to Nueva Esoafia ex8cr:~d t'.JO hundred and fifty thousanc. eight-real piS!ces' nor the return of pri::-icipal and profits in ooney 1 the five hundred thousand :9esos i-Jhich a,:e pe:..mitted -unde:;." no pretext, cause, or argument tha~ can oo advm1ced, which is not e::pressed. by o lG.W of this t:'..tulo; and the traders shall necessarily be citizens of the Fi-

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-246-I lipir.as, as is also ordained. (Felipe II --Madrid, January 11, 1593, Felipe III -December 31, 160~-; Madrid, May 4, 1619; Lisboa, September 11+, 1619). LAW LXIV It is advisa~le for our service to have constant records on what. pa.sses in the trade and commerce botween the Filipinas and Nueva Espafia, in order to ascertain and discover whether it continues to increase, and what kinds of merchandise are traded, their prices, and in what money or materj_al, Ac cordingly we order the ''Jiceroys of Nueva gspafia to send to our royal Council of the Indias in each trad ing fleet, a copy of the registers that the ships brought from those :Lslanc:s, and also of those of the ships sent thithe~; and all shall be made with great distinctness and clearness. (Felipe II -lYiadrid, January 17, 1593; and Toledo, June 9, 1596,) LAW 1xv:rr We declare and order that the Chinese merchandis8 and artic1es which hc'..'tve been and s~aJ.l be shipped from Filipinas to Nueva Espafia, 'can and shall be con sumed thf:;re only, or shipped to these kingdoms after paying the duties, They cannot be taken to Peru, Tierra-Firme, or any other pnrt of the Indias, under penalty of confiscation of all those found and apprehended in the possession of any person whatever, and shall be applied to our exchequer, the judge, and the denouncer. {F'elipe II -Iv~drid, JEmua:ry 11, ; Felipe IV -l\lfadrid, Fe:Jruar:, J_O, 1635), LAW I In.::i.smuch as :Lt is acvisable to avoid trade between the West Indias and C hinei, and rer-;uJ.o.t e that of Filipina3, ns i'i.:, has :i.ncrensed considerably, thus causing the decrease of that of trwsc k:Lngdo:ns: therefore, we prohibit, forbid, and ord8r, that no person of the nt1.ti ves or res ide:mt s oi' Nuevet Espt,1.fia, or any

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-247other part of the Indias trado or be allowed to trade in the Filipinas Islands. Should anyone do so, he shall 1.ot)e the I]lerchanclisc with which he shall trade, and it shall be applied, one-third each, to our royal exchequer, the denouncer, 3.nd the jude;c 1-vho shall sen tence him. In order to show favor to the citizens and inhabitants (of Filipinas) bnd that that trade may be preserved to sufficient extent, we consider it best that they alone muy tradu with Nm~vo Esp.:;.fio., in the manner ord&.;i.ned by the other 1mv.s, 1;1 ith this provis ion, that they convGJ their ?Ood::::, or si.::nd them wj_t,h oer.somi who si.-iall come from the SJ.id islands. They cannot .send them by way of commission or in n.ny other form to thooe who 2ctually reside in Nueva Es pafia, ir.i. ordor to 2void the frauds of consj_gning them to other persons --unloss it be because of the denth of those who should come with the good:J from the soid islands; for in such case it can be done. And we ulso order that the inhabitants of Filipinas cannot consign their merchandise to g(merals, com1:1arlders, captains, offici2ls, soldi0rs, or sailors of the vessoJ.s of that commercs, or of any other vcsselc, evcm though these be inhal:Jit,rnts of the said isl.::mdr; as well as the pcrson:3 a :Jove rn.ent ioned. ( Fel ipo II Madrid, J'anuary 11, 1593. FeJ. ipe IV -Mndrid, Feb ... 0 \ ruary 1 1635;. LAW XXXIV We orde:r and co1:D1and that no pe:rson trc1do or traffic in the kincdoms or in any port of Chinn, and that no good,s be shipped from that kingdom to the Fi~ lininas Islan~s on the account of the merchants of th~se islands, The Chinese themselves shall convey thej_r .12:oods c..1.t t hoj_r ovm D ccount and rL1 k, and E,ell them there by vJho::;.os::ile. Thu gov..:irnor ,wd cA.ptain general with the council of tho cit;: of I'Ianil.'1 shc1ll annually appoint two or thres persons, wtID~ they shall deem best fittod, to appraise tho value and worth of tho merchc.1ndisc, 3.nd shall tal:e the g:ood:3 at whole sale from the Chinece, tu whor;i they shall pay the price. ~f.'hen tllcy sholl distribute it 3.incrng all th0 citizens and nntives of those islands, in ~ccordance witl the"r cYp-it,1 <'() ,!-}1t t,hu,v Lilr1-,. ~Ll'I c,hcH'O in thu .I .J.... Cl._ ,._ (:.I,. \.J~ .r_ .) .,/ C.J ,-~ 1.) interest D.nd prof i ;:-, that E..1ris 1)s f roi11 this t;ro.l'fic and

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-21+8-tr1de. 'rh(} pGrso:rn thus appointed :3hal1 1:ecp n book, in vrhich they :~hCt 11 cnt er the c.:i1110:.1nt of. money inv~3st ed un eh t ::.me, the price at which c::u.~h clcJ.ss of mercha9dise is valued, among what per3ons the merchandise: is clividc!d, ::.111d the ,Jrnount t}10.t fo.11s to the .shnre of each. The govnrnor shall take p.1r ticular oains to ascertain and ~iscover how the said depnties rnake use o:c i~hcir commission. Ifo shall not a,llow t11c3rn to be rechose:n the folloviir~.g ye,::r. Ho shall send annually rt report, Digned by them, of all the Jforosaid to our council, and another to the vir.eroy of Nuevu Espat';a. (Felj_pe II -Madrid, Jan-uar:v 11, 1593). LAW XV From Nuew.1 Esy.lafia to Filipin.1~3 only tv:o VGSsels can .:::ail aEnm:i.lJ.y, up to three hundrerl. toneladas' burden. In them shall :::ie c,~:rri.c,cl tho re3nforcen;ents of men c1ncl SU!:)I,lies, anr:l. they shall b2ctr a per-mit. .F'or thiJ pur:,o~~'J there shall be three s}1ips, one of which sh,:111 l'E:main 'in readineus 3t tLe port of Acapulco, while the other two make tha voyaJe. For t}w securit~r of the voyage, thoso who go on ac count of our royal t :c'e2,3ury s hull ondeavor to n oe th~t the cost be drawn from the frei~hts. From N~ova Espana not more t ban t1<1O hundrGd and ,,fifty t hou:Jend z8:3(}[] de tj.pusquc: s.~L,J.1 be takc:;ll in the VGSSel~ durlDf; ,rny one y2ar.. Jhccttsvcr above t~1nt amount ~L.s takcm sh1.ll. bo confL:;c,::Jtcid ,:::,nd applied L1 thrJe equal r~artr: to the ox:cl-,e q1J0r, the juclge, .:.:md +~ he dennuncer. We order t:.he ,<:;o\rcrilOl:' of Fili;)ir.as to inspr:3ct the shint: w:1en the/ 1::i(;ll port, ::Lld ex,~cute the penalty. (F'eiire II -i.l.l}cir:L:...~, J,11111.L,ry 11, 1593. :i?clipe III -V3lladolid, December 31, l604)r LAvv YJ.,IV The npportionmcnt o-:: the perm:itted amount of two hundred and fifty thous3nd pesos, concedod to the inhabit&nts of the F'iJ.irinrrn Is1an(is, nust be mado among th,,3rn, and the tJhole aViou:1t must be rr:;gis-L,crccl. Endeavor shull be ~ade to lmve lees than one third part

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-249-return in gold; and the governor shall prevent ~nd take precautions against any fraud or decej.-;;, ond shall take what meusures he deems expedient. This olso we charg~ upon t~e vicsrof of ~u~va.Esp~~n in whatev~r pertains to hun, (1;101:Lpe II -Mndrid, Jtnuary 11, 1 ::;93. ) LAW LXXI W f'J ordnr and conun.:md, ~-:.hat under no con:::d.der:..1-ti0n in any manner can a~y ship ~o from the province of Peru, Tierra-Firme, Guntomala, Nuevu Espafia, or any other p,cirt of our VJ'cstern Indias, to China to t:cade or traffic, or for any other purpose; nor can any ship go to the Filipinas Islands, except from Nueva Espafla, in accordance with the laws of this titulo: under penalty of the confiscation of the ship; and its value, money, merchandise, and oth1Jr thin,?S of itf3.CD.rgo 3hall be sent to these kinvdoms in accord2nce with letw 67 of this 'titnlo, nnd-thus it shall be oxecuted. We prohibit and forbid c..ny merchand:Lse ocin:s takon from Nueva Espafia to the provinces of Peru and Tierrc-Firme, that shall have boen taken there from Filj.pinus, even if the duties should bo paid nccardin7 to tne rules and ordinances; for it is our pur~ose anct will thQt no ~oods shipned from China qnd the Fili~inaJ Islands t,; .. .l \ b d th d J'.' P -~ '''' e con3ume u1 .e .sei provinces oj: cru nnei 1:i.erraFirme. Whatever shc1.ll be fom:d in the posse:.Jr;ion of any pernon, we orde~ to ~e c?~fiscated~~ap~lie~1 ~nd regulatod, a:3 contained 1.n t.ri::.s la-iJ-. \l10J.1.pe l.I -M.1drid, January 11, 1593, and tluly 5, 159:;. Felipe III -Valladolid, Dccer.:1ocr' 31, 160h,.) LA\'J XXVIII The vicoroys, presidents, and auditors, and all other officors of justice shall make efforts to find all tho.se 1.1bo sl1all have berm sent "co Filipinas to re;-:dd e durin;-:: the t :i.me of their o bl ig:at, ion, who have remained L1 Nu0vn Esprtfia and other parts o.f the-ir u,..,i,,o'in:icn ;:iric"1 ,_.h:,Jl fore'" the:~m 1:rith all ri-. ,. L ,..., ~,_, \.J -J ( \.J .,(_.1, -I..> I ..... gor to g,) to rer.ddo 5..n those :L:,lands, procccdinr, again~t thuir p0rsons and properties nnd executing the pcn:::tlties t.h[:it they sh.sll hnve incurr0d. Tlw

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-250fisc&ls of our Audioncia in Manila shall plead ~hat is ndvisAble in re~~rd to the aforosaid. (Felipe II -Madrid, February 20, 1596.) LAW LIV We order that the governors of Filipinas shall not allow slaves to bo sent to Nueva Espafia as u business transaction or for any other reason -except th:3.t, when tho govm'nor e:o cs t,hcir2, rlis successor m3.y give him permission to t~ke as many as six slaves wi~h him; to each of the auditors who shall make .the voyage, four; a~d to other respected persons, merchants with capital, and officials of our royal treas ury who co and do not return,two. We order the viceroy, alc'llde-muyor and officials of Acap1ilco, to se,2 to the fulfilJ.rncnt and execution of this la:w, and to confiscate the 1:,lEives in excess of this number. (Felipe II -Hadrtd, April 10, 1597). LAW XL We orde1~ that tbere be uut one cornmEtndcr ond one lieutenant ( who s11Gll b c c1 dmiral) for t frJ tv10 ships from Filipinas to i'JU(;V.':l. Espai'ia; th(lt eacli ship shall take no more than one milit3ry captain, besi,Jes thcJ ship mast.er and as 1,1any as fifty effective and useful. soldiers in each ship with p3y, and the suilor~ neces sary to make the voy2ge properly each way who shall be efficient and examined and one pilot and assistant to each ship; for both ships one-pursor (x.:1~1dr2_E_) and accountant. All appointments to t~e said posts shall be made by the governor Bnd captain-feneral alone, without the ir.tervention of the urchbi,shop, or O+' "ny o~"'c"r r -rs"'" no+,1i't'--,t,nr-1'nrr '0 '111' cl"'>l 7 have ,;.. u. l.11 LG 1J l:~ 'JJ..1., \J \'1 I.i.v u .... .._.i (!.~ n l c.:{ 1..J ~-i J,o::t--~L -., b d ,,r d l een provJ.ae to tne contr2ry. vv::; or _c::c ta.-c cr::oice be me.de from amon:i; the most respected ::1nd influential inl1abitants of those islands, .:uHl of tho::,CJ riiost suit able for the scd.d offices a.nd the duties U,at, the ap pointees must exercise. If they shall not be such the matt or shall b'3 made an articl~ Jn t;1n governo1~1 s resicencio. (Feli)'.:10 III --Barcelonn, ,Ju,ne 15, 1599; Va:.ladolid, December 31, 1604; San Lorenzo, April 22, l?O. 8 M ,.J .. ,d i''--?'2 1" -)o ) ,) lUU.l ]_ !,JHY ,.,_)' C),c,

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-251LAW XXXIX Since there are skilled and examined pilots for the Filipinos line, those who are not such shall not be admitted in our ships nnd other craft. (Felipe III --Valencia, December 31, 1603,) LAW LXXVI We char~o 2nd order the viceroys of Peru to see that nll th0 ordlnonces in regard to the prohi-bition of Chino:..,c stuffs be ful.fillod and uxccuted exactly. For their execution ::ir:.d fu1fil1m0nt, they uLalJ. appoint an auditor of our royal Audiencia of Los Rcye3, in 'dliom they can place ent,ire c::onfidoncc. 'They shall see that ho proc8eds thorot::.ghly and executes the penal r,ies with tlw required ri~or, without any dispensation, The auditor shall privately try these cases in the said city and its districts in so far as he shall h.:rv8 caus0 to invoku the 1.av-i; nnd all other justices in their territories shall do tho same. (Felipe III -Valladolid, Dec2nibcr 31, 1601:). LAW =~xrx Inasmuch cm the majority of' t;1ose go._;_l:E: annualJ.y fr0m Nueva Espafia ~o Filipi.nas do not stop there, but retu:cr. immodiatcly, nfter inv,2s l;::.ng ~heir rnone;; theri::.fore, we ore.er the vie er:Jy of dv.evo. Espan.1. to pornd.t no oivi to go to :F'j_li.:oL,,,s.s, rnJ.e3.s he give bonds that he will bocome a c it l7, en .J.ncl 1 :i VtJ thei-e for more th&n oicht yours, or unless he b,j sent E18 o s0ld:ie:r to the ,tovern.)r, 011 th0;J0 who vjolote this, and their bond;3tnEm, sh,'.::\11 tic e:v.:ccuted the p~nalti~s __ ~hat ~l;ey_ :Lncur, vJ~thout pardon. (Felipe III -~ VaL.'.adol:1.u, DecNnoe::c jl, J..60!d. LAW LXIX In. the vousols that we shall permit to s~il from Peru to Nuav2 Espofia and tho port of Acapulco or f:rom Nueva Esn;c1fia to Peru and its 1>orts, no quan tity of Chinese ~5tuff,s can bE: l1drm, cold, bought,

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-252-or exchanged, even though it may be reported to be gratuitously as a gift or charity, or for the service of divine worship, or in any other qunl:ity or forrr, in order that the prohibition may not be evaded by such pretexts and frnuds, In case that any shall be convicted of the above as chief factors, associates, or particulars, or of aiding or giving advice, they shall, besides the confiscation of thtJir goods and boat, incur on their persons the civil and criminal penalties imposed on those who handle contraband goods, and of perpetual banishment, and dGprivation of the post that they shall havo obtained from uo in the Indias. In regard to the above we charge the conscience and cure of our servants. (Felj_pe III -Valladolid, December 31, 1604 (?); San Lorenzo, April 22, 160S (?); clauses 16 and 17.) LAW LXX If any quantity whatever of Chinese stuffs be found in any boat sailing from Nueva Espafia to Peru or in the opposite direction, the inspector, royal officials, and the other persons who take part in the register and inspection shall be considered as perpetrators and offenders in the crime; so that, taking example from t hum, others ID[.t y abstain from similar transgressions. Tho c2ptains, ma,stors, bor.i.tswains, and other officers whose duties extend to tl1e manage ment of vessels, shall also be considered as otfenders and accomplices. (Felipe III Valladolid, DeGember 31, 1604 (?); San Lorenzo, April 22, 160S (?); clause 18.) LAW LXXVIII Permission was given for two ships to go to Nueva Espana annually from Peru for commerc(;; and trade to the value of two hundred thousand ducados; which was afterward reduced to one ship, with certain conditions. And inosmuch as the trade in Chinese stuffs has increased to excescive proportions in Peru, not withstc1ndirn~ so nany ;):cohibitions expedient to our royal s erv:ic t~, -;_:, he ,v elf o.re und ut ::Ll i ty of the public cause, and the co1 nderce o.f thesJ o.nd those kingdoms;

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-253-and a fin~l decision of the viceroy, Conde de Chin chon, having precoded, and a vote of the treasury to suppress absolutely any opportunity for tl1i~ trade; therefore we order and command th8 viceroys of Peru and Nueva Espafia to prohibit and suppresa, without fail, this comm2rce and trade b etwean both ~dne;d0ms, by aJ.l the ways and_r!1eans possible, and that it be not carried on by any other regions, for we by this pressent prohibit it, This prohibition shall be kept strictly and ,shall. contin11e to orJ srJ kept. (Felipe III -Valladol:i.d, DocGinber 31, 160,+; Scm Loren:30, Juna 20, 1609; I;C1dri.J, Ivi:ar8h 2J, 1620, cla:1se 1. Felipe IV -Mn.drid, Novemher 25, 1634; Mt:1adrid, March 29, 1636, a cl~use of a letter to the Conde de Ctin chon, ) LAW XLII We order and comtir.:md that the g onerD.ls, captr' -, p-::, tQ ~-d f'-;-'" -',:,"q f' tl::i'-il1,'-' .'::' -.h'ps aJ.n;:;, aG\jn ..,, c ll O., __ ._J_Cl .. .1.,_ O". ,ue .1:~ p:in.00 S l. give bonds, to vJhc.t .sum the governor Bnd enptain general sh&ll deem best, for the greater security of what shall bo in their chargo. They shall give their residenoia of e&ch vova~e before the auditors of our royal A.udiencia of I,il9_nIJ.u and shall :cender satisfaction in .the aforesaid. {Felipe III --Valla dolid, DecombGr Jl, 1604.; Ms:drid., ~,fay 23, 1620. Carlo.s II ( in this Re..9opj)JlcicS11) 1681 the date of first E' di t ion of B&Q..912.:.1:kQ..C iq,r;_ d 1 ..Y.Q_ J LAW LXXIV We order the viceroys of Nuev~ Esp~ria to maintain very special care of the observance nnd eKecu tion of the ordinances for the commerce of the Filipinas li.ne, est.::i.blished. by the laws of thi.s t itulo; and to keep at the port of Acapulco, in addjtion to the royal officiRls who shnll be thero, a p0rson of great honesty 3nd trustworthiness, with tte title of alealde-mayor, so that overy'ching he done with very e;reat cautj_on, nnct justice be observed~ Ho shaJ.l not per.mit mo:ro silver t0 be -taken to F'j.J.ipina.s than v:hat concP.ded. by these 1.1vrn, ,l\}ith or without license. lFelipo III VaJ.1ado2.J.c, December JJ., 1604,)

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-254-LAW LX The registers of all shipments from Filipi-nas shall be opened in the port of Acapulco, by the person to whom the viceroy of Nueva Espana entrusts it, and the officials of our royal treasury of the said port. They together shall examine and investigate the bales and boxes, and shall make as close and careful an examination as shall be nee Gssary to discover what may have come outside of the register and permission. They shall send the registers to riojico, as has been the custom, with all investigations made at the port of Acapulco, by a sufficiently trustworthy person, or by one of our said officials. In Mejico everything shall be again investigated, and the duties appertaining to us shall be appraised and collected; and all other investigations requisite to ascertain and discover what has come unregistered shall be made. All that shall have been sent without regis ter and in violation of the prohibition shall be confiscated. No permission shall be given by this means, pretext, and occasion, to cause any unreasonable injury to the owners of the goods. (Felipe III --Valladolid, December 31, 1604; San Lorenzo, April 22, 1608; clause 11.) LAW IX We declare that in the five hundred thousand pesos granted by permission (to be sent) from Nueva Espana to Filipinas, must and shall be entered the amounts of legacies, bequests, and charities (obr. ;~,), with tho wrought silver and all other things carried thither; and nothing shall be reserved~ except the pay of the sailors1 as is ordered by the fol lowing law. (Felipe III 0an Lorenzo, Aucust 18, 1606. J LAW X We grant permission to the sailors serving on the trading shis between Nueva Espana and Filipj_nas to carry in money the actual and exact sum of their pay, in addition to the general permission, Thus

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-255-shall the viceroys of Nueva Espafla provide, unless they perceive some considerable objection. They shall see to it that the said sailors or other persons shall not be allowed to exceed the amount permit ted by this law. (Feli-oe III --San Lorenzo, Aw?.ust:. \ ~19, 1606.; LAW XVIII The cargo of the ships of the line, on both outward and return trips between Nueva ~spufia end Fi lipinas, shall be stovrnd in the f'orehold;, clnd only the sea stores, the sailors' and mess chests, the rigging, sails, and all the necessities, between decks. Likewise rigging shall be takon to the port of Acapulco, in consj_Jeration of the fact that the city of YJanila has it at cheaper rates than the port of Acapulco -whither it is carried from San Juan de Ulua at very great cost and expense. We order this to be so exe cuted, nrovid::nc: there is no inconvenience; and if there shuuld be-any, we shall be advised in o~der to provide the advisable measures. (Felipe III -San Lorenzo, April 22, 1608.} 2. Memorial of Jw:m Grae y Monfalcon on Philippine Trade In 1635, Juan Grae JVionfalcon memorializeci the Kinr.; on the conditions and neods of the Philippines. His 11f-fomorial" is a valuable source of information on the tr.sc~o .'.1nd com merce of the PhiJ.ippines in the eurly pc:~rt of the sevsnteenth century. 1 1 owing: Pertinent portions of the document are the fol-----1 -B c.~ R v o 1 IXV pp 1+8 51 ; 5 2 ~ 5 9

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-256-Don Juan Grao y Monfalcon, procurator-gene-ral for the distinguished and loynl city of Manila, the metropolis and capital of the Filipinas Islands, declares that the preservation and protection of these islands are of the utmost consideration and importance, and cl.ese:cve the most careful attentiori, on account of the great adv~ntages and profits which they afford to say noth:Lng of the princ5.pal consideration, namely, the service of God, and the propagation of religion and the Catholic fa~th. In the aforesaid city and in the other islnnds that faith is estahlishecl, anJ will steudily become stronger, ir1crensinc; and sprendin7: not only among those but other and neighboring islands. This is especially true in GreDt Ch:i_na and Japor:., which from continual intET course and friendly relations with the said Filipi-nas Islands may -if the Christian faith is preserved and permanently maintained in the latter, and as deep ly rooted and as pure anf constant as at present -look, in the :3aid matter of r1:d.igion, for_felicitous and great results. The same fjnay be sai,g/ for v:hat concerns the service of your l'vlajesty, and the profitable and advr1ntageous increase of the roy,;1.l estate, since even the profits which :rour Majesty at present enjoys and possesses in the said city and the other islands are many, 2nd of great importance. For in one village alone, which t hoy_call Par_ian, an arguebus-shot from the said city Zof Manil_g/, n~orc than twenty thousand Chinese Indians called Sangleys,-and :i.n the other islands over ten thousand more, hnvo all come from Great China and Japon for their own private af fairs and interests. It is they who build up and maintain the 2reater ourt of the traffic and commerce of the island.s. From that result the trade with J\Tueva Espana, and the ships which sail thither annually, laden with many .Q.ifferent kinds of merchiJ.ndise (carried Lto lVanil.Q/ and bartered by said Sangleys) such as much gold (wrou~ht, anc' in sheets); diamonds, rubios, and othe,;} gerrrn, beside[3 <":t gro.1.t quantity of pearls; many silk textiles of all colors taffetas, d2masks, satins, silk.grograrns, and velvets -and raw silk; a quantity of whit;e and black cotton cloth; amber, civet, musk, nnc1_ storo.x. rrhence arises annually great gain to the royo.1 treo.sury, on account o~ the many considerable duties which are paid and collected -both whon the ships leave the said city of lVf..anila,

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-257-and their islands and ports, and in that of Acapul co; and later, when they enter Nueva Espafia and the City of Mexico. There, when the ships leave for the said Filipinas, the duties ore doubled, as well as in the sc.J.id port of Acapulco, by those duties anew i.n currP-d and paid, the .[trade of the7 said Sar!gJ_eys being e great part in this receipt Tactguisiciog/. Of no less considGro.tion is the tribute which t:he .Sane:1 eys pay to the I'Oyal tre!.:lSl.l.ry for thoir l ic CD$ 8, and ri,;1,ht of entrance and residence in the said vilJ.age of~the Parian, and in the other isl~nds where the~ re-side. Since the s1id Srn12:levs number tJlirtv /thous7 '-' J .1 -anj they pay in most y8ars an &nnual sum of t1,10 hundred and seventy thousand r(aals of ui3i1t ( w;.:ich means nine reals of eight for each license), which.are placed in the royo.1 treasury. In the islands of Pintados and other islands which belong to thu said Fili pinas, there are one hundred and fourteen thoucund two hundrod and seventeen Indians, a:J..l payi_ng cribute to the royal treasury. Their consarvation is very necassary, as they are no longer wild and 2re excel-]_ ent wo r:rmon, c1 nd for that re,rnon are people of uti1 it y and profit for any occasion that may arise -es pecially ,"J.s thtjrc: are o.13o many gold mines in '.:~he said islands, whence ia obtained a quantity of gold. There are also other fruits of the lnnd in great abundance, es9ccially wax, cotton, large cattle, swine, fowls, rice, and civet, besides other innumerable products and means of gain. All of this tells and publishes the great importance of the said city and its is lands, and of their prese'rvE:tion; and the many :i.ncomparabl e wrongs t1hich wou1 d follow if the :3uid city, the capitnl of the others' were to br:)come dcpo:?u.lated, ruinod, or destroyed. It is vory noar to that, because of the great c:,nd continual misf0 r~ur.es unci di sasters which U\e inhabit,:1nts of it 1wve ::mffered and are suffering, caused hy fires that hnve dcstror~d.almost the entire city and the property of th0 said in habitants, Clnd tho shipwreck ~nd loss of muny differ ent vessels, which have bean miserably vJrocl:ed dur ing the usual voya~e from the said city to Nu.evu Espaaa; with the destruction of the goods and wealth of the said inhabitants which 3.rc carried in tho ships. The effects fro@ so many and so large loises last and will l~st alw~ys; for those losses hav~ ruined and impov Grishod t ho inhab 1.tants t0 a cler;rc?-c very dif-

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, -25$ferent from what one can imagino 2nd e:r:plain. Consequently, if the generosity, magnificence, and powerfuJ. hand of your Majesty d.o not protect it, one 1 t f '"'' + 1 ...1.... can ana mus ear cn.e very cer.,aJ.n ruu1 anu c,esvruction of tho said cj_ty and of the other islnnds, which are under its e;overnrnr:'nt and pr0tcction Although the said city and its inho.bitants have b d ., f d ( een an are a.L',,-Jays V(Jry care uJ. -an igi_anc ,:1.s is very well l:nown), de.fer:ding, at the cost o:f their liv8s and r.wods, the J.and f:com t;he incessant bornbc:rd~ ments, sur~rises, and attacks of the said Dutch, with the forced obligation of very generally keepin~ their arms j_n readiness all the tj_mc; enduring a [:ervile lifG full of annoyance and dan~er, although they could leave it, and it would be buttor and more worth livin~ if it were less crievous, and freo fromso many dangers and difi'icult::.cs: nevertheless they endurEi them, in considc~ration of the service of your f1b,j 1.:.:sty, and in continuation of the many services which they have rendered in the defense and praservation of that co11ntry; arid hop:Ln,I ch:.\t the grec.ttness and J.i'oe:ca.lity of your MajestJ i;,-Jill l)ro"::.ect and relieve +:,horn, so that they may ;iccornplish their purpose bGtter. Particularly do they ar;;k that you ordor to be repealou th,:l col~_ection of the tvJo por c cnt, the irnpo sit ion of which was ordered by a decree of tha former year six hundred and four on the merchandise (3:X:portG<~ from tho said islands to the said Nueva Espafia, in addition to the three per cent paid on them by tho merchants of the said city -which hea~d and received notice of the said royal decreo in the year of six hundred &nd seven, wjile Don Rodrigo de Vibero wns gov0rLor. At that time thG decre2 was not made eftective or fulfi1 led a"-' the difficul ty '.;rid ,rs~oa.,_ '}l cad'7'F1t, :.:,;J'QC' that ..L_ I, :.) J.. V l.J lo... ,/ l ....... '--,._: I\..) accompany it were recognized. Cor1sr3quent~:,, ie, re mained. in that condition until the ye:::.r ;3 L: hqndr8d and eleven, when the coll<::ction of tLe 3,:i~.0_duty was ae:,J.in charted to Governor Don Juan de Sirvn [L. 8., Sil V.7. He, tryin~ to carry out its provisions, r2cogni~ed tho same difficulties, for the many reasons adv&nced by the city, which were so just and relevunt that they obliged ~im to call a treasury council, Having there discussed and conferred upon those reasons, and it having beon se2n that they were so urgent and necessary that they stric:tly proventcd. and ou~ht to prevent

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-259-the execution of the said royal d~cree of 604, he sus pended_it for the time 'oeing, giving your lvlajesty no-tice /thereof?. The decree remained in this condi-tion until the year six hundred and twenty-five, in which the royal officials again discussed the matter o:' the collection of the said two per cent, during the government of Don Fernando de Silva. He, recog nizing the same obstacles, and that those obstacles were much groater then bocaus() of the vrnrse c:ondition and the notabJ..e change and damege to v-11hich the af-f airs of the said city had come -the p :ropert:r, t:caf fic, and means of gain of its inhabitants wl--.:.ich a g1eat reduction and difference from that whicll they had in the said year of six hundred and seven, concurred with what had been provided by his predecessor, the satd Don Juan de Silva, !lrid ordered tLat no inno vation be mado in it. The same w::1s done by the governor who succeeded him, Don Juan Niflo de Tabora. Tl1us, t, he said governor.s, as each c0nfront ed the matter, always came to see very p~ainly the said difficulties, which at present are not only of the abovementioned character, but ore impossible to ovsrcomi-:l bcc&us 2 of the oondit ion of uffairs, the pove1~ty of the inhabit~nts, and the great decrease and diminu -sion al tr.e trede arid cornn1erce of former tim0s. Tlwt b l f .t' t ,, J is given more promi~enca y t1e e. :ors 01 cne visi-tor, Licentinte Don Francisco de Rojas, v1Lo ;nnde strenuous efforts to have the collection of the two per cent carried out. ~evertheless, he oaw with his own eyes the said disadvantages thnt re,suJ.ted from the said collection. One of them was the rosolutitn of the inL1abitants not to exDort their rrDods and merchandise; nor could they do so, b 8CDW3 e or'-'!:.he great lo,sses, both past and present, which they h&ve encoun~ered. This is the sreatest damage that can ha~pen to the royal treasury; for if the export .::md c0111cerco ce3.ses, not only will th('j S[.dd tvv0 pel' cent be lc1ckL1r:, but also the old three per c0ri.t whicb I1as always boen paid, as well as the other three ~)er cent v:hich was lately imposed upo.i the mercl1cmdise which the Chinose Indians brinz to the s3id city and the Filipinas Is lands. 1-1.cco:-diw:::lv, i.f the cornrr:orc.:e of the islands with Nueva Espafi~ tails, it i~ certain and infallible that that of :che saj.cl Chinese, v'?hich forms the whole export to Nueva E-SpafiG, will also fail,

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-260-Therefore, the said visitor, notwithstanding the great desire which he showed of p1..1.ttinc; the said collection into execution, did not dare to do it; but considerc:d it botter to suspend it, and report to your Majesty. Althoug:1 he t.r:1.ed to have it collected as a 7olun~ary sorvice for the future, the citizens, soeing the:Lr grcrxt lack of wenlth, could not conform to that moosurc, althou~h for that time only they gave a subsidy of four tnousand pusos~ on condition that it si1ould not sorve as a precedent f9r the future, and that ther,o E\ho,1ld bG no fuj_~thor !~c:;1k of the said collection Lol the said twc por cen:t/ until, after your I~jesty had examined it, n suitable decision ohould be adopted

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-261-PART THREE THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY CHAPTER ONS INTRODUCTORY SURVEY. SPAIN IN 'i'HE EIGHTSZNTH CENTURY In Spain a new dynastic era began at the opaning of the eighteenth century. The Hapsburg dyn:1.sty carae to an end uith the death of Charles II in October, 1700. A new dynasty, the Bourbon, tool: over the reins of power. The first 1uler of the new dynasty uas Philip of Anjou, grandson of Louis XIV of France. P V 1 ,.1)_ lp --------He ascended the throne of Spain as 1 Philip was related by blood to the Sp2nish Haps-burgs. His grandmother, Maria Terusa, ,v:Lfe of Loui[, XIV, was the daug!1ter of Philip Ii! of 3pain, an6-an elder sister of Charles LI. Shortly after the death of Chr1rles II, Louis ::rv, in a gathering of notables in his palace at Versailles, formally presont ed his grandson as King of Spain. Jose O. Rubio, ~n his ~-I:~tQL.:1,....dG Ei:3./ia, Ch. 1, vol. 5, relates_tha~ on "l,hat occasion, Louis XIV c1ddrossed the gathering in trrnso words: "Gentle1~1cn: Here vou have the kin::r. of Spain. ThG accidents of birth have ;alled him to this thr;ne; Spain wishes him to 1)e her JdjE: and hc:.s asked me for it with ear nestness. I acced0 to It with plensure, com9lying thereby with the will of Divj_ne Providence. n

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-262-The eighteenth cm1tury was covered in its entirety by the reigns of the first four Bourbon kings: Philip V, who ruled from 1700 to 17/+6; Ferdinand VI, 1746-1759; Charles III, 1759-1788, and Charles IV, 1788-1808. It was a turbu-lent period ror Spain, Throughout the greater part of that peri-0d wars raged in Europe in 'Which Spain became inV'.)lved with disastrous ~nd ruinous r~sults to herself. Shortly after the accession of Philip V, tho first of these European conflicts began, the War of the Spanish Sue-cession (1701-1713), As the name denotes, the irnraediatc cause of the war was the question of succession to the Span-ish throne, This auestion rose to the pro~ortions of a major international problem for involved :j.n it was the issue of the balance of power in Europe. Two of the claimants Then turning to Philip, Louis, according to the same author, continued; t1Be a good Spaniard: this is from this moment your primary duty. You should bear in mind, however, that you are born a Frenchman. It is your mission to preserve the union of Spain and France, as a rnenns of making them happy and o.f assuring the peace of Europe." Rubio goes on to say eihat the Spanish ambassador appro 3ched Ph1lip, kissed his hand, and, overwhelmed with emotion, ex claimed: "What a happy moment l Now there are no more Pyrcneesl They have been levelled to the ground and we now .form but one nation, n

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-263-to the Spanish throne 1.vere Louis XIV of Frcmce nnd Emperor Leopold I of Austria.2 Whoever ~10uld win the rj_ght of sue cession would gre2.tly enhnnce his power, position and prestige in Europe and thereby would upset the Euro~ean balance of power. Hrin5ing to bear al:l_ the force ond l1sight of his influence, Louis XIV succeeded in securing the selection of his grandson, Louis Philip, as heir to the Spa_nich thror..e. The bringing of Spain with her vast interests and possessions in Europe and thE.:: Indias under the control of France was viewed by England as a serious threat; to the peace of Europe and to her own securj_t y. The French action, there-fore, combined 111/tth other acts of Louis XIV, whicL E11glanJ. considered hostile and unfriendly towards herself, brought on the War of the panish Succession. The war wus ended by the Treat~, of Utrecht (1713). Under the terms of the Treaty, Spain ceded Gibraltar and the island of Minorc~ to England. Besides, she was forced 2 -Louis XIV's claim was based on strong erounds of close blood relationship. His mother, Anna, wac an elder dau;:i_;ht er of Philip III of Spain. Besides, his 11,i:Lf e, Ma.ri-':l Teresa, -was a Spanish Hapsburg, an elder dnught '31' of Philip IV. Leopold I had caually valid rear..:ons in support of his claim. Llke Louis XIV, he was a grandson of Philip III of Spain. His mother, Maria Anna, was a youncrJr daught or of Philip III. Also, like :Souis XIV, ho was a son-in-law of Philip IV. His first. wife, Margaret Theresa, was a younger daughter of Philip IV.

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-264-to gro.nt certain commercial concessions to the British in Spanish America. Knovm as the i_ie!:to, _the privileges ac-quired by the British under the Treaty of Utrecht were: (1) the exelusi ve right to supply Afr;i.can slaves to Spain's colonies in the New World, and ( 2) the ri!~ht to send one trading ship a year of 500 tons to Spanish America. These results of the War affected adversely Spain's vital interests, The loss of Gibraltar was a serious blow to her power and prestige in Europe for it deprived her of a portion of her own territory, whose location at the entrance to the Mediterranean Sea had great strategic importance. And, the granting of the ,a;S iento meant that her long established monopoly of the trade of her American colonies was broken and that her commerciwl supremacy in Spanish America was threatened and endangered. The situation arising in Spain as a result of the War of Spanish Succession may explain the suddon ehango in the trend of Spain's policy towards theManila Acapulco tr,::i.de in the years immediately follcn'Jing the conclusion of the war, This development was brou0ht about by royal decrees promulgated in 1718 and 1720. Under these decrees, limitations were placed upon the trade betweeri the Philippines and Nueva Espafia which would,in fact, virtually put that trade out

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-265-of existence~ Considering the fact that, only a few years before (1702), the Spanish Government in a spirit of liberality, allowed an increase in the volume and value of the trade of the. Phil ip9ines with Nueva Espana, thl'; reasofl for the enactment of the legislation of 1718 dnd 1720 wns auite dif.ficul t to understnnd. It would seem, howev0.r, that tJ1e :restrictions were intended to off se~ the lo..ss es i..hich the merchants in Spain expected they WDuld incur ao a result of the concessions Spair. was forced to make under the 'l'rec1ty of Utrecht. In its anx:i0ty to protect and safeguard the interests of these merchants, the Spanish Go-i10:cnment was com,trained to c;:ct in the way it did, though in doing so, it would sacrifice tli~ interest/.?. of those j_n the Philippines who engaged in the H.'.Jnila ... Acapi..llco trnde. For nea.r~.y thtrty years after the s:i.gninsi: of the tre-aty of Utrecht, thare was peaco for Spain. The J)()riod> however, was m~rkod by a series of .:ontroversies and micrundG:r-sta,ndings with Engl:::md growing out of alleged abuses by British traders of privileges granted to them by the Treaty of Utrecht. Spanish war vessels patrQllcd the hi:h seas in an effort to enforce strictly the provisions of the treaty, stoppj_ng and i:;earching British vessels suspectcct of engo.ging in contr.:.iband tr~da, Continued dispute.s over freedom o:f

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-266-navigation on the high seas as well as over British rights in Spanish America ~nder the Treaty of Utrecht finally brought on wa~ between Spain and England in 1739. The conflict soon involved other European nations and finally developed into a full see.le European war. The War of the Austrian Succession.(1744-48), as this war came to be known, was terminated by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. The war was indecisive in its results. The 'l'reaty of Aix-1.a-Chapelle proved to be merely a temporary respite for the leading European contenders. Matters were arranged on the basis of the principle, statu$ guo aQ!._ bellum. As for Spain, the war brought neither honor nor glory. On the contrary, the net results proved qnit e disadvantageous to her for she was forced to 1l~e to a1t ex-~tt.' tension of the asiento privileges for the years "chat were interrupted by the war. Ferdinand VI ascended the throne of Spain in the midst of the War of the Austrian Succession. He followed the course laid out for Spain by his predeceBsor) but, as soon as the war was over, he decided to adopt a new course in matters of foreign policy. Peaceful by temperament and inclinations, Ferdinand wanted Spain to keep away from the quarrels and rivalries of European nations. He believed

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-267that the needs and interests of Spa.in at t:.1a.t 'cirne demanded strict adherenco to such a policy. When, therefore, the Seven Years War broke oub in Europe in 1756, the S~anish government in line with this policy, declared itself neutral. This war was the decisive conflict in the long standing rivalry between England and Franco for colonj_al and mar::..t:.im9 supremacy. Ferdinand, up to the time of his death :t.n 1'7'59, adhered faithfully to his policy of neutrality. Ferdinand1s successor, however, Charles III, hts halfbrothcr, did not choose to remain neutral in the confJ.ict. In 1761, he concluded a tifc,mily compact"-idth the Bourbon Kini:; of France which virtually riw.de Spain a b8l:1..izernnt in the war then in progress. At the time Charles III decided to enter the wRr, it was no longer uncert~in hmiv that war 1;,:ould i'in,,lly c3nd. :tn Europe, France wa.s decidedly on the lo sin,': sidG. In America, trie fo.te of the French colonial ornpire had been sealed by VJolfe' s v~ictory over lviontcalrn on t.ho pJ.ains of Q.uobec (17 59). ~~11le i"n Ir1di~ B-~,tJ"c\1 rllCCG"SOS over J\JJ .. _._ ..L .. ,~u, .L ., .u ... u ~" the:Ll' Fr0nch rivt:ils nt Plnssey (175?), at Easu1ipatan and Wandiwash (1758), dn~ at Pondicherry (1761} had established definitely En~land's supremacy there. Charles III, there-fore, entered the war ~t 2 lliJSt inopportu~e moment, thereby

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-268placing at serious risk Spain's vital interests. His de-cision was, to say the least, quite reckle3s and ill-advised, He placed his bets on a losing horse, As a result of Spain's joining the w:J.r, military operations were extended to the J'hil.ippine3. A Bri~ish expeditionary force from India took lV'.o.nilri in October 1762 and occupied the city and its environs for the duration of the war. At the Paris peace conference, England chose to re-store :Manila to Spain. British.statesmen, for reasons of their own, decided to return Manila, toget110r with Havana, Cuba, to Spain and to get, in lieu of these, Spanish Florida, In the period of the American H0volution (1775-1783), new diplomatic problems arose for Spain. At this time, however, the ministers o.f CharJ_es III acted with greater caution and prudence in dealin3 with problems of foreign policy. The revolt of England's AmGrican colonies wns viewed as offering a eplendid opportunity for Spain to re cover the possessions she previously lost to En,;;J.and, par-ticularly Gibraltar, Florida, and Jamaica. On the other hand, due consideration was given to the possible adverse effects upon Spain's interests in Arnorica of a successful outcome of the American Revolution. In dealing, therefore, with the diplomatic questj_ons growing out of the

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-269Americ:i.n Revolution, the sclvisers of Charles III, ta:Vinc; into account the.so con:.:ddoI"utions, were not inclir.ed to act ha:itily. This was so particularly in connection with the question of Spanish rcc'J_r:~nition of American independence. In 1777 Grimaldi, Spanish foreign ministur, turned down a proposal for an alliance with the United States on tho b~sis of Spanish recognition of American independence, Grimaldi1s successor, Floridablanca (1777-1792), endeavor8d to get back frorn Englund Gibraltar as well as Florida and Jar.:a:Lca through diplomatic pressure, He threatened to -1.nter7ere in the I conflict which had arisen between Fnmc e !J_nd BnvJa.nd ns a result of France's. concluding 6f a treaty of alJ.iance with the United Stutes (1778). In so doing, Floridablanca ex-pected thot Enrdand would try to buy off ~Jpnnish intervention by cedin~3 Gibraltar or by giving some other valuable concnssion. By such a .n1ove, :Jpain might, attu.:i.n her objectives wtthout goJ.ng to war. England, however, ignored Spain's threats, ~hereupon the latter, b3cked by a new French alliance, declared wa~ on England (1779), In joining France in the war a:;.::tinst England, however, Sp3.in m-':lde no commitments ree;arcU.n0 recognition of American indoren-dence, She was interested mainly in the recovery of Ja-maica and Gibraltar, She foiled, however, to g0t these

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-270-back from England, although she recovered under the peace treaty (1783), Florida, The reign of Charles III was marked by the ascendancy in Spain of new ideas and tendencies in Spanish commorcial policy. Shortly after the termination of the Seven Years War, Spain iriaugurated a ~lan whereby direct trade could be established between Spain and the Philippines by way of the Cape of Good Hope. Annual trips wero to be made by vessels of the royal navy as a means of fostering trade be" tween Spain and the Philippi~es. In 1785, the arrangement was discontinued only to gj_ve way to a more amb itiou~ plan, That year, the Royal Company of the .Philippines (Real Com-pafiia de Filipinas) \vas organized. The Company was pat-terned after the Dutch East India Company and the British East India Company, 1,ihich had contributed much to thl:J success of Holland and :England respectively in t'heir commercial and colonial ventures in the East. The Royal Company was expected to accomplish for Spain what the East India Companies had done for 'their respective countries, Charles III was succeeded by his son, Charles IV {1788-180$). Ckirles IV came to the Spanish throne on the eve of the French Revolution. 'l'lte ltf:Vo 1 ut ion overth:cew the ancient regime in Franco and set. up a new political and

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-271-social order based on the principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity. The French Revolution gave rise to a succession of events of far reaching significance in Euro-pean history. The conmlications which these events created eventually involved Spain and, incidentally, Spain's dominions in America and the Far East.

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-272-CHAPTER TWO THE MANILA-ACAPULCO raADE Montero y Vidal in his Historia Genernl de:) Filipi!la.. (l\1adrid, 1887), r.:ives a brief survey of the commercial history of the Philippines. In the following passa$es, the author tells some of the important incidents in thG hi.story of the Manila-Acapulco trade.1 In the early years of Spanish rule tho Phil ippines tradod with Japan, Cambodia, Sinn, tiw Moluc-cas and the Mi:tlay Archipelago. A few years after, with the opening of commerce with America and Europe, the volume of tr3de considerably increased and the commercial relations of this country extended to India and the regions around the Persian Gulf. Manila became the entrepot of Oriental goods which thE."i [~alleons carried to Nueva Espafio destined for the port Natividad, and, after 1602, for tho port of Acapulco. The merchants of l'Jueva Espafia and Peru, seeing the advantages of the trade with thc~hilippines and the favor~ble reception in Spain of Asiatic ma nufactures, gave such ll8rked preference for Asiatic commodities that t~1E) European tr&de bozan to decline, thus giving rise to loud protests on the part of. the merchants of Cadiz and Jevilla, who had 1een accus-l -Vol. 1, chapter 58, Montero y Vidal used as his. main source of informo.t.:i.on the Extro.cto historial by Antonio Alvarez de Abreu (Madrid, 1736 ):-'11h.eautho-i~J-the ~fil-~i?.2 vJas a men,ber of the Council of the Indies. The eclitorc of the Ph:iJj.ppine Island. hc:,ve repro due ed the ~::tracto in synop sis form in volumes 30, 44 and 45,

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social order based on the principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity. The French Revolution gave rise to a succession of events of far reaching significance in European history. The complications which these events created eventually involved Spain and, incidentally, Spain's dominions in America and the Far East.

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C HAFTER 'I.WO THE MANILA-ACAPULCO 'rRADE. Montero y Vidal in his Historia General de Filipinas (Madrid, 1887), gives a brief survey of the commercial history of the Philippines. In the following passages, the author tells some of the important incidents :Ln the history of the Manila-Acapulco trade.1 In the early years of Spanish rule the Philippines traded with Japan, Cambodia, Siam, t11e Moluccas and the f/Ialay Archipelago. A few years after, with the opening of commerce with America and Europe, the vol~me of trade considerably increased and the commercial relations of this country extended to India and the regions around the Persian Gulf. Manila became the entrepot of Oriental goods which the galleons carried to Nueva Espafio. destined forth~ port Natividad, and, after 1602, for the port of Acapulco. The merchants of l'Jueva Espafia and Peru, seeing the advantages of thP. trade with the Philippines and the favorable reception in Spain of Asiatic manufactures, gave such marked preference for Asiatic commodities that tlic::i European trade began to decline, thus giving rise to loud protests on the part of the merchants of Cadiz and JevilL1, who had bBen accus-1 -Vol. 1, chapter 5 8, Montero y Vidal used as his main source of information the Extracto historial by Antonio Alvarez de Abreu (Madrid, 1736 ):-Th.eauthor of-the Ell~ was a member of the Council of the Indies. The editors of the Philippine Islands hc:,ve reproduced the Extracto in synop sis f orrn in volumes 36, 4~and 45.

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-273-torned to monopolize the commerce of America, going so far us to propose the abandonment of the colony, in order that the "silver from the realms of H. M. may not fall into the hands of idolaters." In order to stoi) these complaints, a royal order was promulgated forbidding the merchants of i\Jueva Espafia and Peru to obtain, directly or tlro~~h agents in, Manila, Chinese commodities, and aJ.lowing only natives of the Philippinas to s6nd articles of China to America, in two galJ.eons of 300 ton3 each. The decree moreover limited the ve,lu.e of tne ea.ego, which the galleons could carry to Nuevu Espuflo, ~o 250,000 pesos annually for the outfoing voyage and 500 ,000 pesos, for the return trip, rigorous penuJ.ty being prescribed for the violation of these provi~ sions. It is interestin1.:; to note the reason for these restrictions as all~ged by the cedula of January 11, 1593: (Law I, tit, 45, book 9 of the Recopilaci6n. Also Law VI of the same title and book.) "Because it is necessary to hinder the trade of the West Indies with China and to moderate thQt bf the Philiv9ines whose trade with those realns haa increased so much, iT which shows so well the spirit of that age. This cedula, which was obnoxiou:J first:. of alJ to the authorities who were. charged with its enforcement, was not rigorously obs~rved until 1605, and this led the Manila merchants tp assign on the invoices values which were much lower than the renl price. Having been informed that the galleoiw wero carrying more than what was allowed, cllld exasperated by the appanmt competition which the commerce with ... l Pl 1 d t 1 .._ ,.. v 1e u 1pp1nes pi-esmTc e agaJ.nsr, i1eir Uh, eres vs, the mcrchints of-Oadiz and Sevilla secured in 1635, the appointment of D. Pedro Quiroga as specj_al commissioner, to proceed to Nueva Espana and to investigate the alleged infractions. This official f1tlfilled his mission with such severity and excessive zeal that the traffic diminished ccnsiderably, with the result that for some

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-274tin~ there was no cargo for the. galleons,2 In 1637 only a single tender left, despatched on the account of the conde-duque de Olivares, who enjoJed the privilege of taking part in this trade up to the value of 150,000 duros, and, according to informa tion, the con~issioner acted less rigorously with respect to the vessel, The discontent of the people of Manila was groat as it was just, inasmuch as they depended for their living on thnt commerce. In a respectful and well-reasoned exposition to the court, they presented their complaints, rn1d obtained, September JO, 1639, an order for t:11::3 abandonmerit of the r'f.:)p;istGring, 'Weighing and measuring of the goods embarked on the Acapulco galleon, except on a positive informa tion that the merchandise exceeded in value tho limit fixe:.d by law; but the traffic had by that time somewhat debilitated by reason of business parali zation and of dama::;es which were occasioned by the fiscal rig:or of :~he comnd.ssionor. In the year 1702, as a result of repeated petitions on thl"3 part of merchnnts in Ivianila and ::i.n f:fie:;d co, the value of merchandise destined .for Nueva Espafia was raised to J00,000 pesos and 600,000 pesos 2 An idea of the rigorous manner in which Commission er Quiroga fulfilled his mission may be obtained f rom'-a ro yal decree dated February 14, 1640, 1.vhich reads in part as follows: (From the Extracto historial, Vol. JO B. &:, R., p. 87.) ---- not content with detaining whatever t~ie shipi..'l carried, he weighed and opened registered bales and chest -contraty to the usage at all the ports, against the regulation provided by royal decree~; and the appraisement that~ made of the merchEmdise was so increased ai1d exorbitant that what was at its just price in Mexico worth 800,000 pesos he rated at four millions. For the commodities which in Manila cost at the rate of nine pesos, the said Don Pedro appraised at twenty-two; and nruch of the cloth was sold in Acapulco, in his very sight at six pesos, while he had collected the full amount of the royal dues, on the basis of twenty-two, at which he had valued the good.

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-275-respectively, for the outward and return voyages, in two galleons of 500 tons each, but the laws prohibiting Spanish merchants .from visiting Chinese ports and those of Mexico from engaging in the trade with Manila vrnre continued, as well as other restrictions which rendered illusory the increase o.f 50,000 pesos, New complaints formulated at the beginning of the 18th century by the shipowners of Sevilla and Cadiz, denouncing that the galleons were bringing to Acapulco double an~triple the cargo permitted,rand explaining tha'~ t~1e' abundance of cloths in America had caused a notable decadence in the te::~tile industry of the Peninsula, resulting in the disappearance of many active factories in Toledo, Valencia, Sevilla and Granada, caused the promulgation of the c edula of January l1, 1710. Urider the de.cree the importation of all kinds of silk from China, whether manufactured or raw, was forbidden, the Acapulco trade being limited to linens, spices and other.articles which were not carried from Spain. In spite of the fact that this ceaula found a strong opponent in the marquis of Valero, who was at the time viceroy of Mexico, and who, having suspended its execution, made it clear to the kin,~ that, without the trade with Acapulco, the island colony would perish, as its products were insignificc1nt and the cargo of the galleons consisted almost wholly of Chinese cloths which the Mexicans preferred to whose of the Peninsula, because of their cheaper prices and better quality, the government, in accordance with the recommendation of the Council, renewed, on the 29th of October, 1720, the former order, prohibiting absolutely the introduction of Chinese silks into any of the Spanish ports in both hemispheres, with the tyrannical proviso that within six months, all articles of silk found in Nueva Espafia must be consumed, and that those remaining after that period to be con sie:ned to the flames., Upon hearing, in 1722, of this terrible decree, the authorities, the religious corporations, and representatives of business and of the com1nunity, in unison, transmitted to the king through the delegates, Dn. Francisco Diaz Romero and Dn. Antonio de Echeandia, well reasoned and energetic

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-276-expositions, praying not only for the repeal of the measure, but also for the increase of the value of the exports in proportion to the growth in population of the capital.3 After a long controversy, in which the merchants of Cadiz and Sevilla presented all the objections they could thir.:c of, and supported by the "overseers of the manufacture of silks in the cities of 11oledo, Ecija, y Murcia," the government, after he~rin~ the oninion of the Council of the Indi~a and in ecc;rdance~with the latter's recommendation, repealed, on the 17th of June, 1724, the codula of 1720 with, however, certain restrictions. Modifications were made in this measure by &n order of October 21, 1726, which permitted for a period of one or two yc~ars, and later five, the importatj_on of Chinese silks as in f~rmer years, and empowering the Andaluzian commerci.:il interests to name a representativ.e who would supervise the loading and unloading of the galleons at Acapulco, with a view to avo:lding tro,ns gressions~ This regulation went into effec~ on the 29th of August, 1727. In 1732, the Marquis of CasafuertE-), who became Viceroy of Mexico, made known that he h:=i.d received from Dn. Jose Pasifio, by order of His Majesty, a memorial under date of 1727 on the Spnnish commerce, calling attention to the damages which wnre being caused by the existing regulation. In August 1731, the Viceroy received a new royal order re:3ulating in proper form the extension of the trade with America, 3 In these expositions the point was brought out, among other things, tlE\t the :Manila-Acapulco trad0 did not cause any injury to the national industries of Sp~in, as tho merchants of Cadiz and Sevilla repeatedly alleged, for the manufacture o1 siPten fabrics was not ono of the truly national industries of the Peninsula. As a matter of fact, the greater portion of Jche silken fabrics brought from Spain were not from the mills of Spain but were imported into the Peninsula from England, France and Holland. The principal products of Spain such as wines, brandies, oil, wore not at all affect~d by the ]){Janila-Acapulco trade. (R~"t.QiQ....hl.toria1,, lbid.)

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-277-The order provided t~at no innovations were to be made until the five ytJar period of the existing regulation should o:::pirc~ but that thereafter the exnorts of merchandise were to be fixed in accordance ;ith the provisions of the cedula of 1720. It is unnec~ssary to overrute the discontent and alarm that this news produced in Manila. The expositions and controversies were repeated; it wns shown in an unquest ion~:ible :r.ianner tha~ the hc.rm that v1ould come to the commerce of the Philippines vJould not be of advantage at all to Spuin, but would be to foreigners, who at tho time were shipping in China goods valued at 4,000,000 pesos, for introdu~tion to America. The new delegates fr0m the Phili,.nes, Dn. Lorenzo de Rugama y Pcotlacio and Dr. l'iiigl:el F0rn~1.ndez Munill2, at the SCI.me time set forth before the Court their arguments. Finally, after hearing n lor.:'; Te port from the Council of the Ind:i.a s, the Govern;,1ont in a cedula of April G, 1734, p:cornulgR.t ed at Buen Retiro, definitely allowed the importation of Chinese "l.l1K"' at the, S''retr11e ,.,, e'ra-'--iir.r t,ho-r;-0,--1rnum =n101'nt \..I O ) V (..l. .._,._,_ \ V C.... ..lt:J .... '\.-. L:.\ .-! of the value of goods for Acapulco to 500,000 pesos and thc:t of the return to 1,000,000 pecos in silver. With the promulgE~tion of this decree, the intranquil ity of t.J.--tE' rc.sidents of T-'fanilc, c e::ls ed, ,s.nd the fc1rr1ous Aca.pulco galleon returned to it;3 norma.l state. 4 4 -Upon the supprecsion of the Acapulco galleon (the letst one left Mo.nila ir, 1811 and retnrned from Jka1J1llco in 1815), the trade was thrown open to private indivi~uals, In 1820, merch2nts 1-Hire :d.l.ovJ_~d to (D'.:port fr,)rn the Philip pines, up to 750,000 pesos worth of goads anm1ally, with the privilege of using, besides Acapulco, the ports of San Blas, Guayaquil and Callao.

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-278Let us show in b1i ef how the trade was conducted. The governor-general was authorized to distribute as many boletas as there were compartments or divisions in the vessel, the number of which, on the average, was 1,500. A good portion of these belonged to the governor-general who was entitled to 45 toneladas, to the religious corporations, the re:ridores, and other privile6ed individuals. Many oi:' these, for one reason or another, sold their boletas to tho merchants. A gal'Ieon ranged from 1200 to 1600 tons. Its armament consisted of small pieces of artillery which usually were kept in the hold of the vessel to leave more space for the cargo. The bulk of the cargo consisted of Chinese arid Indian silks, cotton clot6s, and ornaments of ~old. These were sold in Acapulco at a profit of 10010. The actual value of the cargo usually exceeded the limit fixed by law. Almost all the merchants borrowed money from the Obras Pias to invest in the Manila-Acapulco trade. In the return voyage, the galleon carried no less than two or three million pesos in silver. The arrival of a galleon in Manila was an occasion for much rejoicing and solemn festivities. Besides the situado from Mexico, those vessels carried official correspondence, arms and amri.,:unition, bulls and stamped paper, rilita:r.y personal., missionaries and public officials. The salaries of the officers were fabulous. The commander, who held the title of general, received a royalty. The income of the captain was 40,000 pesos for each voyage; that of the pilot, some 20,000 pesos~ The mater on board received a remuneration equiv~lent to g/o of the sal-es of t,he merchandise. This, t-oeether with what he gained from the merchandise which was brought in on his own account, gave him an income of no less than 350,000 peso9 ._..,.,.. __

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-279CHA? 'EER THPcEE THE BRITISH OCCUPA'l'ICN OF MA111LA (17G2-l?Gh) Montero y Vid-11, in the work aJ.ready citr)d, gives in the followh~g pc1.ssac;es t11e story of this i:3pisode of Philip pine 1-:istory.1 ts a result of the Facto de Familia signed at Vers~illes, A~gust 25th, 1761, by Charles III of ,Spain and the .Jourbon Eini:i:s of i1'runc8, Nap:i.us; n,ncl Parma, Spain vrnnt to \J.:tr on ag.-1inst Greet Jr::i.tnin, Janu,q1"y 1762. Certain Arner:j_an r,10rGhGnta from Eaclras informed the Archbishop (1\;an-,1~1 Antonio llojo) that pre parations vJere '.)e:::_n::: rnn60 there :for t:1e capi~urc of 1"~ n t ,~ ,_ ..: --~ ,, 1 t '. .., 1 a r,a l .. L).. ,1. cervd .. 1.ll v ... Orlv receJ.vea J _,_(:_; 1.i;__.r giv.i.r.t:; the same inform,:ttion, vvhilc the iUJg:usl~inia,1, F. Cuadrado, recelved anoth1Jr which told of the dc:clar:.:ition of war between Encland and ~pain. On 6eptcrnber l\tL, 176~~, appeared. at the bay o.f J\!I::1nila, ___ ___.,,__~ 1 Chao'cer 12.. an English pnilebnt .,.t .... ; -,r,r-,..--.,-,-i -:~7~r-p-171.-ie ..L. J ,L ,.J L, _, .L.I. : ._, .. \..:..: ._, i.. L, .( Th(; 0vent8 of tLj.s -::)( riod c1.re dn< v!ith :i.n r-:reater clet::til by various Somdsh c..1_,t;101'itiot3: ?c6r"J ,rordan ce Urr:o.,, i Citi'() 'T _.,-~-, l'Jc:,'-, j-,.'ir1-1, ., J\''l)''t'11 c1r1--T1ria .. L ~' .l. ~!_ ... ____ __;,~_(.<.,.i:! ..C:::_1. :,.~2..,l~f ____ f~ ... }<~,_/: .. _~~-l) ,'.:) .,.:,.i 1. \..Jc.: .. .1.u:::t.1.!C 1n i-l~scfia ~:,obr, la i}Lw1r,:i_ tle 7_,rn I,w::.uses, c1;11on.. c ~hur~,. A C ~~Ic~Giono-Y"so u;_;:;c;dc1c 1Lfii ~i:.""s-rn:-~~;i J r:lT;J h O ,'l :~:,Le C) Vent s of this u2riod j_s f,-.>1md in B. & H. Ii~ conta:L,s accounts of eyewi bwss es sncr1 c1 s Jo::rds'h, Dr
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-2S-Obay, obtained information of the number of wnr ves sels present, and then left without paying the usual courtesies to tho authorities. Notwithstanding these warnings, the ArchbishopGovernor took no precautionary steps for the defence of Manila. On the 22nd of the same month, r.1.n English squa dron of 13 war vessels, which the authorj_ties mistook for a fleet of Chinese champans, arrived at the bay of Mn nil a. 2 '11here were on board 1,500 European rna-rj_nes armed with muskets, 800 Sepoys also armed with muskets, and 1,400 la borers, a total of 6,830 men. 'rhe force was under the joint command of Samuel Cornish, Admiral of the fleet, and General William Draper, Commander of the land forces. Manila counted with only 550 available men of the garrison of the Rerr.::.miento del Re_y:3 and 80 native art ill eryrnen. Nevert.hE..:l ess the Government guve a negative reply to the rude demand for surrender. With out loss of time, it organized four companies of militia, of 60 men each, The English landed September 23rd, at the litt~e town of Malat e, 2-1/2 km. distant from Manila. They occupied without opposition the convent and church of the said town and the churches of En,1ita, San Juan de Bagumbayan and SantiD.go. On the 2/+th, tho main body of the British forces landed. The bastions of San Diego and San Andres ,opened .fire on the invaders, but their discharges had no effect against the strong walls of the churches and convents which th8 enemy -----=-f 2 The British expeditionary force was despatthed rom r'fadras, India, where the British had, shortl:;-bofore, won de cisive victories over their F:ench rivals. 3 -The Regimiento d.el Rey was organized by Governor Arandia in the year 1751+. It was composed of twenty companie of on~ hundred men each, under the co~mand of captains, li~ tenants and ensigns, The regiment, however, had never been brought up to maximum. strength, At the time the British arrj_ved, the Regimionto dol Rey was greatly reduced by death, by desertions and by the detail of some of the soldiers to duty on the galleons and other posts.

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--281occupied. These solid edifices outside the walls greatly interfered with the defence of the city On the 3ctnle day ( 2L~th), a ga.11 ey entered the bay by way of Mari vcl es, having been cl.espa.tched from Palapag4 by the co~mander of the galleon FilipiPo, bearer of the funds from Acapulco A frigate &nd four ships of the enorn.y went out after her. In try ing to escape, she stranded on the beach of Navotas. Her captui~ and a few passengors wore taken prison-ers by the British. H~vi~g learned from the caotives of the situation of t&e Filipino, the Engllsh despatched vessels to look for it. The British Lliled to find the FilJpiDQ, but they captured ins te1d, the Trinidad, taking from it a rich booty. Draper wrote the Archbishop demanding hi:3 rendition. To d:tscuss this demand, a council of war was held, under tlw prmddency of the Archbishop-Gover nor, at which were r,res/:rnt n:embers of the Real Au diencia, officers Of the armed forces, and oflicials ::>.f the city government. The council unanimou.sly resolved to defend the city to the last. On the 26th, 3,000 Indic1n lancers from the provinces of Pan~an~a, Bulacan and Lqguna arrived to aid in the dG.f enco of I'l'.fanila. On the 30th, six hundred more men from Bulacan arrived, le,~l by J::,he capitanes and principales of their respective to~ns. The authorities of :Manila, forcseeinc the irr: minent capture of the city by the English, agreed, on the 1 st of October, to o.ppoint the rr:3.,::;istrate, Dr .Simon de Anda y Salazar, as Lieut crwnt Governor and Captain General of the Islands, so that he might pr,3s.erv0 the country's loyB.lty to, the King of Spain. __ _..,.__ ___ 4 Palapag is a ?Ort in northern Samar, The com rr:ander of the .f~lip~LJ19. :iacl been advisect by the viceroy of Nueva Esp~Ba of the outbreak of war between Spain and England and that he should. toke c:1.ll duo precautions,

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-282Early in the morning of the 3rd, two thousand Pampangos sallied forth in three columns. The first under the command of Dn. Francisco Rodrir:ue z <1nd their brave corporal, ~funala3tas, occupi;d the church of Santiago, but upon being assaulted by the British, they made precipitatci retreat. The second, under the orders of D, Santiago Orendain, marched towards Ermita and.from there launched a surprise attack. The British repulsed the attack killing two hundred Indians, Orendain saved himself by fleeing from the t3cene of the combat, a conduct which aroused against him suspicions of treachery. The third column led by the volunteers, Eslava and Justo, and supported by two l)1c!rnts of musketeers, was to have attacked by way of the seashore, but it. was unable to fight. M.any-Incaanc from the provinces, discourc1.ged by the ill-success of this attempt, and, above al-1, because the En:;:lishmen, in reprisal of the loss of some of their officials, hanged rr.oro than seventy Pampangos, returned to t, heir respective towns. At dawn of the fourth, Admiral Cornish ordered three vessels to approach and shell the city. Their guns together with those of the Camp 3t Sun.tiago and Bagumbayan openod a breach on, the walls. Drap0r then sent a third message to the Archbishop-Governor demanding anew the surrender of the city, The council of war insisted on its resolve to defend the city to the last. At thG same time it ~ommanded the treasurer, Dn. Nicolas de Echauz, to depart for the town of Paet~1, Lagurw, with the sum of 222,000 escudos which he was to keep in safety, The open.breach on the wall was defended by officer Fallet, a French officer in the service of Spain, He turned traitor and facilitated the assau]. t of the eneray through that point. A column under the command of ,Tlfayor Felt 1 ed the assault through the breoch without difficulty or opposition early in the morning of October 5th, 'I'his colurm opened the gates of the city to two other columns which penetrated the walled precinct, sowing on its path destruction and death.

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--2$3-A company of Spanish militiamen on guard at the Royal gate was s1.u':)rj_sed ar.d inhuma:,ily put to the sword. 'l'he pe:cturhed residents of Mo.Pila in tumult rushed to all streets and avf3nues towards the P:,u.d.g hopin.3 to save th0rnsel ves by swimming or to cross in lizht canoes t0 the oppo3ite shore. An enemy column opened fire on these unfortunates. While tho frightful olaur:;hter was 6oir.g or1, Drc:p0r advanced at the heed 0f E, third column by way of Cello Heal towards tte palace. H3ving taken possession of the pal El c e, he desr-,atched Col. lvluEs0n -~o d 0mo.Ld from tho Archbishop his surrender. Rojo, presented to Col. Munson a no'ce proposing terms of surrender. 'J.1:b..e proposals were as follows: 1) Security of peruon and property for all in habitants bf the country. 2) F'ree exercise of the CathoJ.ic reli/~;ion throughout the Archipelugo, 3) Fre8dom oi.' indu::.:try and commeri::o for all the inhabitants of tno country. 4) Preservation of the Real Audie~cia to administer justic0 in the name of his Catholic Maj osty. 5) Recognition of the ranks and preservation of the Spanish garrison of tho city. The c:onditions. undE~r which Manila finally t::,'.lpitulated, October 5, 1762, were as follows~5 Art. 1 The Spanish officers of every ro.nk shall be esteemed au prisoners of war, u;;-io11 t,:icir parole of honour, ~ut shull have the liba1~y of wearing their swords. Th0 rest of the t~oops, of every degree and quality, must be disarmed, disposed of as we think proper. They shall be tre,tod vdth humo.nity, Art. 2 ALL the mil:l.tary sto1fls, c.tnd mo.e;azipe~ of every kind, must be surrendered, faithfully, _____ __ 5 B. &:, R., Vol. 4,9.

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-284to our Commisaries, and nothing secreted or damaged, Art. 3 His Excellency the Governormust send immediate orders to the fort of Cavite, and the othor forts under his command, and dependent upon Manila, to surrender to His B:d.tanni.c Ma.jesty, Art. 4 Tho propositions contained in the paper delivered on the part of his Excellency the Governor, and hi,s council, T1JJ.ll bs listened to, and confirmed to them, upon their payment of four mill ::i_or:s of dollars, the half to be paid irnrnedj.atel y, the other half to be paid in a time to be agreed upon, and hostages and security given for that purpose, The English commander gave the city to three hour pillage which was prolonged for more than twen-ty four hours. While it lasted the drunken sol-diery committ,ed great outragGs, violating women, robbing houses and destroying obj~cts of art in churches and public edifices, assisted in this nefariou~ act by the Chinese and prisoners, whom the English imprudently set free. 1 2~ Anda and the British.~ D. Simon de Anda y Salazar, who had accepted with enthusiasm the honorable mission to maint2.in the Islands for Spain, had left. J\J'.tanila at 10 o'clock in the evening of October 4, He arrived at Bulacan at dawn of the 5th. Immediately he nssembled in session the Alcalde MB.yor, D. Jose ?2sar:Ln, the provincial of the Agustinians~ Fr. Remigio Hernandez, the ex-provincial, Fr. Aguirire, other religiou~::;, a.s wuJ.l al.i the Spanish residents of the province and the native autho1itics~ Exhibiting his titles of Lieutenant Governor 2nd Cap tain General, and Judge Visitor general he called upon all to hilp resist the invaders and to.defend at all cost the native territory. In the afternoon, news arrived that the English had taken Manila. Uhereupon, in considoration of the realities of the situation, the Auditors bein3 held prisoners, -and in fulfillment of the laws of the 1 .,. Montero y Viclnl, Q.12., _:Lt., Val, 2, chap tor 2,

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-285Indias which prescribe that the Real Audiencia be conserved in only one Auditor, and also of thG provisions of the law ~hich prescribes that in the ~b.s enc e of the Governor nnd Captain-General of the Indias, those positions are to devolve on the Au diencia, Anda procluimed himself Governor and Cap t:1in Qc,nerc:,.L, OJ'' 1-< ,,,1'r1-"'S 2 -A I,,,., .,. C), J." _,_ '-,:_~ --~~ ..... 2 Tht.i lmvs refcJrTed to hore are as follows: .(a) La-;,v 57 of the Recopilaci1J[!, chapter 15, book 2, ena.cted lVIay 25, 1596, recnacted April J, 1629: (vol. 49 B. & R., p, 135 footnote), "We order tho.t in the absence of the president or viceroy, so that he cannot govern, our royal Audioncias succeed to the government, and t:b..at the ~overnment resid-e in them, as it could in the viceroy &r president when they performed those duties, 'nie senior anditor t~hall be prosidm1t, and he alone shall make and enact all the measur0s belonging to and annexed to the president. And if the president should be captnin-gr:meral, tt18 senior a1.1ditor Gball aJ.~o exercise that office until his succesaor is appointed 07 w.:3, or until one is sent who shall have powers to act as such by our our orders, unless the opposite or contrnry is ordered in some Audiencia by the laws of this book." (b) Law 58 of the .f/.eQ.Q.J2._ilacio,n, book 2, chaptc~r 15, eno,.cted April 2, 1664: (vol. ~.'i, 3, & R., p, 31.3.) "Inasmuch as reprosent:.~tio:::i has b0en made to us of the inconvenience resulting from the vic0roys of Nucva Es paila anticiputing appointrnBnts among persons who reside in the Phi1ippin8 Is1.::;nds so th,1t, in case of the) nbsonce of th0 prt3~:dd E:nt or ':;;ovcrnor and captnin g enera1 of the Is lands, those persons rrl::ry enter upon and u::er~ise those charges until the arrival of the person who is to govern ad interim or by royal appointment a~cordinP;ly as we may de cide; there.fore -we order r.nd cornm:md th:;.t in co.se of the absence of the govornor and C8ptain general of these Islands, by de3th or any other accident, our royal Audiencia shall govern them in political af~airs und tho senior Auditor in military. Wo order th8 vic<:iroy of Nueva Espana to use no longer tlrn nuthority that he h2s had hitherto by virtue of our Decree of Sept. 13, 160S, und the other decrei:~d given to him, to ne-w po:rsons appointed oy means of the ways hith0rto practised."

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-286He ~t once set out for Bacolor, capital of Pampanga, and performed the same act. With marvel .... ous diligence he made preparations for tho heroic struggle which wa3 to imr.1ortaJ.ize his name. He or ganized companies of volunteers placing them under experienced soldiers who trained them in the 1-1.r.rn of arms, and he improvised gunpowder factories and foundries. Immediately ho took the offensive against thf'J British. He forbade the ned..ghboring towns to fJend provisions to I,ianila; he made himself master of ad vantageous positions in Bulacan and Pasig; he built trenches; and he heJ.d in check the boastful tnvaders, forcing them to remain within the walled city, In order to cotmteract the power and a:uthority of Anda, the British entered into an agreement with the Archbishop whereby thG latter wu's to rc:ta:Ln control of the poiitical 3overnment, with themselves managing militnry affeirc. The Archbi,'3hop umJittingly fell into the trap, even going so fnr as to attempt to havD th8 Spaniards and Filipinos submit to the sovereignty of Great Britain. He even ordered Anda to comply with the treaties which he had con cluded with the English. In answer to this cownrdly conduct, Anda forbade compliance with any order of the Archbishop tenciing to subject the Islands to the domination of England. With such elegant proofs of character and civic valor, day by day incre::1:rncl the popularity of this heroic magistrate, ar:.; did the size and strengtll of his fbrces. A brave Asturian, D. Pedro Jose de Busto, who at, the time of tlu.:i capture of JYbnila and of the issuance of the call of Anda, was engaged in.the exploitation of thE Angat {Bulacan} iron mines, offered himself, at tho head of his wol'kmen, at the service of that illustrious patrici3n, ( c) Law 180 t~t: 7' ~, book ~, of th_: 3,e;~zjlag_iQ.D., enacted August 14, 16/.~0. \vol. 49 B. &, R. 1). l_:,.,.1 .Loo ,Jnote.} "In some of our Aucl.iencias of the India.r.;, it hns happened, mid it might happen, that the auditor.s of it,' ri1ay be absent, and only -:JnE: aud:l.tor remain. : \ifo declare in such case that the Audiencia is to be conserved aud contained with only one auditor."

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-287 Having occupied the environs of Pasig, Busto hindered the shipment of provisions to }~nila from Lu La3una, Draper, aware of the grave cons0quonces of this resistance, planned to assault the rebels. Hi::: purpose was to rGnder free the navigation of the Pasig river. Witb this end in view, ThomafJ :aackhousc loft Manila on the 8th of 1fovembor. At Maibonga ho had a skirmish with Busto. The latter WB.S forced to retire to Mario,uinn. v1ith his rnr.m. The .i:!:nglish crossed the river and despatched an envoy to the natives of Pasig to demand thoir submission. The gobernado:r cillo of this town replied, with more arrogunce than prudence, that Pa[d.g 1v:::1.s not like ManiJo., and that if the Spaniards treacherously delivered the latter, he would defend his town. The British att&cked, and the Indians fled in ~reat disorder. Somo savod themelves by swimming across the Bamban riJer; but those who remained were iniquitously put to tlie award. Sultan Ali-~1din happened to be in Pasi~ nt the time, was taken prisoner. The British fortified themselves in Pasig, which they occupi~d for the duration of the war. Draper believed that it was an easy task to bring the ?hilippine Islands under the rule of his country with the submission of the Archbishop nnd high officials of the Government, But he realized that ht=J was in error a.s Anda remained povrnrful in Bulacan and Parr.i:ianga, ::1raper decided to invade the l .. ,., h 1 d 1 provinces an.a. attaci<. t:w .::i:9ar11.s .,.oc:1 er J .. n .1is own camp. On January 15, 1763, an expedit:Lor:.ary force under Slay, Captain of grenadiers, se~ cut for 3u lacan. 11Ten vessels c~rrisd to the t()Wl~ of Nalo-1os four hundrEd :Snglishmen, three hu0:idrc~d M'llabar 1\fogros, and i.:,wo thousand Chinese rebels vlith arms and munitions, They occupied the ccnvcmt and church of th~ Agustinian fathers, and there t~ey ramained three days gathe:d.l\'!: dato. rogording our forco:J; data which were furnished, with manifest tre,1chery and villainy by the Chinese and mestizos. From thomJ the British learned how small our force was, which consisted only of 'ninetecm Spaniard[3, three hundred armed Indianr,, six falconets and one canon of regular calibre, which was mounted on the belfry of the

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-288church of Bulacan, and three and one-half-arrobas of powder. nJ Slay was to have gone directly to Bulacan, but because of contrary winds, he proceeded by way of Pumarana and the inlets which connect with l1alo los. To reach Bulacan, fearing an ambuscade, 11they went across the rioe fields, f':i.ring riflo shots at the bamboo groves lest there be people hiding there- Ii p z ,... in. uniga. Busto learned of the size of the :2::nglish force, and, know'ing that he did not 'havo sufficient force to engage th0m, he decided to abandon Bulacan. But the ale al de 1/fayor, the curate 1 a Recollect .. friar who happened to be there, and the artillery offi cer, Ibarra, did not accept his plan. '11hey wanted to defend the convent and the church. As the vanguard of the ene~y, made up of traitorous Chinese, reached the bridge, of Maysantor, Ibarra fired from the belfry with such perfect uim that he disabled more than one thousand Chinese. But a cannon ball from the enemy carried off the head of the valiant Ibarra, and the Indians grew faint-hearted in their defense. The Alcalde Mayor also was hit on the breast and died within a few hours. The enemy captured the convent, putttng to the sword all who were found therein. The curate of Bu lacan, Fr~y Jose Andres was speared to death as weil as a multitude of defenseless Indians. The ReGollect father tried tq escape, but found only doath in the attempt. The British after setting fire to th0 church and convent returned to J.1,1anila with more shame than glory. In the meantimet the commander at Pasig, Back house or Becus, as the Spaniards called hi@, went to Laguna and Batangas in search of the money believed to have been landed by the galleon FiliPt.rt~, At the 3 Notes from the manuscript of P. Stu. J.l!Iaria exist ing in the archives of the Sc1n Agustin Convent, fJianila.

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-2S9mouth of Tae:uig tlL Ind.ions sunk n few champans to obstruct the entrnnce of tho Britioh to the L~guna Lake, which obstruction Becmi earJ:i.ly ror:iovod, Becus traversed v~rious towns of tha two above-mentioned pr~vinces, .seizing three thousand pesos in Lipa, Having laarnod that the money, which was the object of his expedition, had been transported by ssa to Santor) a town on th~ contr&-c~sta of Pam panga, he returned to PasiG, I The r.Gcc.dpt of the 3,000,000 posos which constituted the main cargo of the Fil~pino, enabled Anda~ tu form a rcspectabl e mil i.tary forc e, consistiD:'"T, of five hundred Spaniards; three hundred Franch deserters from the EngJ.ish camp, and .four thousand armed Indians, With such o force, Anda ordered Busto toes tablish his headquarters at llfal:inta, 7 kilo,,1eters distant from .rv:anila. Busto strengthened this place with redoubts and palisades and mount eel on it. fi vo small pieces of cannon. The French sar[eant Bret~fia, who was one of the deserters from the enemy camp, di rected the construction works, From MalintD., Busto rnado incc:1sfJ.1.nt incursions into the environs of Mctnila to tht~ annoyanc c of thtJ enemy. An English forcEi under Drake s;illier.l forth again~t him in June, 1763, On reaching the environs of Malinta, they open8d firo against tho SJaniartls, The latter formed th(~msel vos in line o:Z bDttJ.e and fired 6ff the small pieces of artillery which defended their camp. Tho crook of l:i[c::tysilc sr~po.ratf.Hl the cdv,ibatant s, .::n:i.d thir-neither tL.e ono no:".' the other dared to cross. 11Both vJere prud :mt enough to remain on their :i.11:!spective r3ides of tho rivor, thus saving the lives of thoir soldier.::;. 11 ( P. lYiartinoz de Zuniga). Two or four of Bustos mon d:i.ed and seven wounded, of whom five. J.ater died, The Eng lish suffered the loss of t~irteen wounded, of whom .five or .s ix, 1 at or di G cL On July 3, 1763, an English frigate anchored o.t the Bay bringing copiE:s of the armistice Teachod by France, Spain and En.g:1.and. On the 23rd came news of the sir.;ning of tho pr,)tocol, '11he Enr;lish vwuld not recognize any aut,hority except that of tho Archbishop, their :rnr pri:::;on0r.

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-290Hence, they delivered the papers to him, Rojo informed the British that "in matters of such grave concern, they should deal directly with Anda," On the arrival on August 26, of new copies of the protocol, the Enclish leader transmitted them sealed to Anda as 11Commander-in-Chief of' the forces of His Catholic Majesty." Anda re.fused to receive them as the title of Captain General was omitted, Whereupon, the British, in a proclamation issuGd on the 19th of S0ptomber, 1763, made it known that they were ready to suspend hostilities o.nd that it v1as up to Anda to prevent the further shedding of blood. To this proclanation Anda replied (E:ieptumber 2a, 1763) from Bacolor that he was not advised in a formal manner of the protocol; that it lJa.s tho1:e who, following a course which did not accord with the orders of the sovereign, prevented indirectly their execution, should be held responsible for the eonso quences. Anda, who then had under his command a large force equipped with considerable supply ol' ammunition, transferred his headquarters to Polo, 9 kilometers distant from tfunilaFrom there he kept the English practically isolated within the walls of ffunila, causing them to suffer fr_om. extreme want. On the 30th of January; 1764, Archbishqp Rojo, died. The English gc::ve him a solemn funeral, their troops paying him military honors A few days later~ Anda received, via China, despatches froLi the King of Spain, informing him of the conclusion of a treaty of peace wi;th the King of .England.li-Immediately, Anda transmitted this des---------4 -The preliminary peace treaty was signed in November, 1762. The definitive treaty of peace was signed at Paris, February 10 1763. 1bis was the famous Treaty of Paris of February io, 1763, which made important territo rial adjustments in different parts of the world. At the peace conference, it was arranged, aniong other thint;s, that Spain was to cede Florida to England and, in return, to retain her sovereignty over the Philippine Islands.

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-291patch to the English'iovernor, proposing to him the appointment of a mixed commission to arrange for the formal surrender of the city. The commission arranged the formalities in the town of Tombobong. Later, another English vessel arrived with or ders for th$ evacuation of thf; city. /.bout tl::e same time the frigate Sta. Rosa arrived at ll'larinduque bring ing with her a new governor-generc.il, D. Francisco de la 'rorre. To him Anda spontaneously surrencle:ced surrendered his authority, J.V1..arch 16, 1764, La Torre, desirous of allowing Anda to enjoy the honor he very well deserved of recetvin,z the keys of the city, pretr.mded he was ill, and tbe brave lead .. er had the satisfr.1ction of making his triumphal entry to Manila at the head of' his troops and with military pomp, and to hoist the Spaninh flag at li'prt Santiago, amidst booms of cannon. ---... ---

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'"'92 -.G -CHAPTER FOUR FILIPINO REVOLTS DURING THE 18TH CENTURY 1. The 1745-1746 Uprisings. In the eighteenth century, as in the precoclh1g ones, uprisings of a more or less serious natur8 occurred in dif~ ferent parts of the Philippines. As in the p&st, the old sources of popular discontent, the exnction of the tribute and the imposition of personal services, hacl. much to do in bringing about these revolts. In the eighteenth century, however, other fuctors arose which, together with the griev ances over the tribute and the polos y servicios, provoked the people to acts of violence and defiance against constituted authorities. The uprisings of 171+5-1746, which occurrecl during the governorship of Gaspar de la Torre, were an outgrowth of controversies over land boundaries in many provinces of Central Luzon -Batangas, Cavit e, l'fJ.anila and Bulc1can. The story of the Batangas uprising is told by Concepcion in his Histori53 General de Filj12,,i]1Q... The follovdng passage deals with th~t incident:1

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-293"With the pretext thnt the fathers of the Society (of Jesus) had usurped from them cultivated lands, and the untilled lands on the hills, on which they kept enormous rwrds of horned cattle -for which reason, and because the Jesuits said that these were their own property, they would not allow the natives to supply themselves with wood, rattans, and bamboos, unless they pnid fixed prices -the Indians committed shocking acts of hostility on the ranches of Lian and No.sugbu, killing &nd plun'.lerin':s the tt=:mants of those lands, with many other rnvages. Nor did they respect the houses of the (Jesuit) fathers, but attacked and plundered them, and partly burned them, ns well as many other buildings independent of these." All was plunderinz, rapine, destruction, and debauch ery; the natives also rebelled against the exactions from them of tribute nnd personal services. llThe contagion spread to the village of Taal, and more than sparks were discovered in other pl3ces, although efforts were made to conceal the fire. 11 The alcaldemayor and the Jesuits tried at first to pacify the Indians, urging them to wait for the official visit of Auditor Calderon.; but they could do noth:i.ng, the nativeEJ being rendered only more'uaring by this o.ttJempt. Troops wore t::-wn sent from KJnila agD inst them; in the battle mentioned in our text several were wound ed, among them the comii1anding: officer, Sar;z;ento-rnayor Juan Gonzo.lez de el Pulgar; but he succeeded j_n routing the enemy, The cl-iief of the insur6ents, one Ma.tienza, took refuge in a church, but was captured and disarmed. thurein. Reenforcoments were sent from I-!Ia nila, and the rebellion was soon quelled. The leaders of the rebellion w0re punished in v&rious ways, according to their prominence or influence; ~rnme were shot, others sent into exile or to the galleys; and arnnesty was granted to the j_nsure;ents who wonld lA.y down their arms and renew their acknmvlcdgment of vassalage~" _______ ral de FilJ;:)JblS, (ManiJ.a-Sampaloc, 1'/88-1?92), l~vols. 'Concepcion' s Histo,r:y from vvhich the fore
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-291+On the disturbances which occurred about the same time in other provinces, nn irnportan-t;, sourc~ of information is the Royal Decree of Hovember 7, 1751. The full text of this 1 decree follows: To the president and t:rnditors of my royal Audiencia of the Filipin0s Islands, resident in the city of Manila: Don Pedro Enriguez, an auditor of that same Audiencia, metde a report, with sworn state ments of his proceedings, of what he had done under the commission which was conferred on him by the government there for the pacification of the villages of Taguig, Hagonoy, Parafiaque, Bacoor, Cavite el Viejo, and other places attached to them which lie near that capital, all which had revolted. (He reports that) they were pncified by merely the proclamation of a general pardon {except to the chief instigators of the revolt) which he published, and by the promise that their complaints should be heard and justice done to them; but the village of San Mateo Glso revolted, and he procoeded to its puni3hmcnt and left it in ruins, becaunethe people had not surrendered their arms; it was, however, already (re) peopled with inhabitants who were more numerous and of more peaceable disposition. A similar insurrection or revolt occurred in most of the villages of tho provirce of Bulacan, and these like the former, by nn agreement which they had .forE1ed :Jy a public writing with the village of Silang protosted, as they aftorwa1"d made evident in their petitions, against the injuries which the Indians received from th0 managers of the estates which are owned by the religious of St. Dominic and those of St. Augustine, both calced and diq calced -usurping the lands of the Indians, with-out leaving them the freedom of the riiers for their fishing, or allowin,(\ them to cut wood for their necessary use, or even to collect the wild fruits; nor did they allow the natives to pasture on the hills near their villages t.he carabaos which they used for 1 -B &, R. vol 48 pp 27 3 4.

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-295-agriculture. Accordingly,(the said auditor) determined to free then from these oppressions, and de cided that they should not pay various unjust taxes which the m,'.1.nagers e:xDcted from them. Having proved to be capable in the other task assigned him, he received a commission as subdelege1te judge of the ad justment of land-titles, in consequence. of ~hich he demanded from the aforesaid relieious orders the titles of ownership for the l~nds which they poss0ssed; and, notwithstanding the resistance that they made to him, repeatedly refusine (to obey), he distributed to the villages the land_s which the orders hnd usurped, and all which they held without lecitimate cause he declared to be crown lands ( re0.l <~ngas) as occurred with the convent of San Pablo, belonging to the colced religious of St. Augustine, assigning to it (i.e., the crown) a farm for horned cattle Jnd two caballe rias of land which were supposed to belong to it, according to the testimony of the village of' San Ifa teo. He also took other measures which seemed to him proper for thG invostip;c~tion of tlle fr,]uC::.ulent ProcRedi'nryS l0n ill ~0t1r~n~nt n-thP l~nrin J0I1 J.,,:., l, __ E.) .. ,8c,0 .. \.:;.8i. ~J. ,.~ .,;.,Cl,ll .. ,::, _, vL~ estate of Bifian, which is owned by the relizious of St. Dominic -fraud which w&s cnnwitted in the year 1743 by the, court clJrk o.f that Audienc::i.3. (of l\/f,3.rd.la) with notubJ.e fraud and trickery, in which p,?rticipc1ted the two s1.H'VGyon=: ( appointed through ic;nor.::.m.c e or evil intent), to ths grave injury of the vi~lase of Silang. This had caused the disturbances, revolts, and losses which had been experienced in th8 above-mentioned villages. The afore3a~d proceedings (by t~D auditor) were considered and exsmined with the closest atten tion in my Council of the Indias, with th9 decrees that were also sent by the Audicncia there in the co1:1rse of the :p!'oceedings in a s,~cond rppe,1l int,\;rposed by tllf~ vi:lc:it;1;e of Siltmg --decrc1cis obte.ined in that suit by the natives of tllet vi] la~c o.gninot the college of Snnto Tomas do Aquino, in regard to lc1.nds usuroed (f:tom theni) and annexed to tho estate of Binan, {1Jhich the religious own. On the :.:ubject of the disturbance among the aforesa:Lri IndJ.uns, Governor Don Gaspar de la Torre, his successor the bishop of Nueva Se~ovia, and the provinci.~J.s of the aforesaid rcligiout orders set forth the allegations made in tho name of the orders by Father Fray Micuel Viva:s as their :procurutor-gfmeral at this court, and .. ,1

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-?96-h J by Father Pedro Altamirano, who acts in that capacity for the Society of Jesus for its provinces of the Indias (on the point that the province of San lgnacio in these islands had no share in the commo. th t tions in ose v1_ ages, as was snown oy various Jes-timonies), and the explanations made by my fiscal, who was cognizan'c of the wholu matter. It has th(;refore appeared expedient to me to advise you of the receipt of your letters of July 30, 17h5, and July 17, 1746, and of the acts which accompany them; and to notify you that by a despatch of this date I approve, and regard as just and proper, all that was performed by the aforesaid Don Pedro Calderon Enriquez in virtue of the commission and appointment which was conferred upon him by Governor Don Gaspar de la Torre by the advice of the Audiencia thore, in order that ho might proceed to the pacification of the insurgent villages in the jurisdictions of Si Lmg, Imus and Snn Nicolas, Cavit e el V:Lcj o, o.nd the other districts wlr~ch united on account of the con troversy over the ownership of the lands which the rel igious-Dom;inic ans, and both calc ed and discalced Angustinians -~ are endeavoring to keep. I also give him thanks for the judicious conduct and meas ures which he employed for the .aforesaid pacifica tion; and I :Likewis1:) approve what he accompli;Jhed ns subdeleeate jud;;e of t}1e settlement of land-t:Ltles, in regard to the survey nnd boundaries of the estates which, in accordance with their ler.r,itill1-3.te titles, belong to each of those orders, in view of the more accurate cJ.nd reliable information (obtained) from the interpretations of the four surv~yoro whom he appointed --the latter be:i.ring in mind, to this end, thu measures put into execution by the cmditor Ozaeta in the year 1699, in nccordance with the chart P:r:'inted by the pilot Bueno, in his book entitled. Nave.e:acion e,specula_t_iva v prcictica (i.e., "Na-viga tion, theoretical anc't practical "J( which ch:H't serves in those islands a:3 the ;::;tandarcl for th(:i curvovs) --assjgnin0 to tle :ifore" "''-1.Ld re11.a'io-u"' _,_.h t 1,hic" 'oe-[_,CL.... C}(. 4,~ i,.,) l.J .l t...i _, IY. --,. lanes to th$m by their (legal) fitlcs, which is the smne that was ordained in the executory Cucree despatched by the Audiencia there. I also approve what he did in adjudgin,g to my royaJ. crown the lands which the aforesaid religious orders hart usurps~, and in alloting lands to the Indians for the sum of two

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-297-thousand pesos, at times and terms stipulated with them, From the aforesaid investigations char~es re sulted against Don Junn Ifunroy, ;ourt clerk ~f that Audiencia, who was enfaged in the survey and adjustnwnt of boundnrics mc:icle in tr:ose s.J.m8 l2nds of :i3:.iiDn in the year 1743 --in which, by the declarati~n of the two surveyors who took part in it, is evident their ignorance of such wor~, and of the r~~cs and measures (to be used}. Although (~Q, after?) the lands had been measured and a chart of th9 osta~es had b Gen drawn, the cornput:;tions wero n:aclc:: by the said Monroy, and the, surveyon, sicned it, supr:,o:3:i.11g that it was correct; but it was acknm,1ledfi:ec1 th8.t in that same Jnar, lbter, another survey and ad.justrncmt of boundaries was made bv the aforosaicl. court clerk and one of the s:::id S~.lrVeyors on some letnds OVCr Which were lawsuits -some, in particular, uith the re ligious of 3t. Augustine -in 1-vhich survey there was assigned to each cattlo-f3rrn 3,024,574 souare bra3as of land, thi$ being different f~om the pre7ious survey, which was con~uted at 8,695,652 braz3s. In this was proved the .fra.ucl 1i:Lth 1r,1rdc}1 the si::id I~Ionroy Etcted, in r;iving to the said relj_gious more than hc:.lf of the 1 d ,. 1,., h b rl ,, .l.., c,..: J .,. A' r-. +i -r:rl -it l : "' __ an ;JJ!lC .. ) .onto=-L,Q IJ.L .an,~,. ..,coru._llc .i/, 1,l..) appearod to ri1e proper to com6cmn him to two :rears' suspension from his of:ice, and to lay upon him a fine of two thousund Jecos, opplied to the fund of fines poid ::..nto the royc.l tror,sury; and for this o::action there is issued, on this s~me dute, tho proper despatch to the Hurque::., de '1egalia, a wtnister of the said my countil and tribunal of the Ind~es, nnd exclusive jud3e of rcnt3, settleroent cf ~ard-~itlos, and co:lection of fines and conde12n3tions. By an other despatch of the s&me dat.e, t;hu r;;u,rcrrnnr~iit of those islands is commanded 1,o ex<2rris:: rE:reaf'ter the utniost vigil.cmce in order that t~w Indl.,::;,ns o:C' the srdd villagcis may not b(~ molented by ,)-1e roJ .. igio112, and that tho le.tter shal.l be kept in cl-wc1 { ,_n the unjust c1cts wrdci1 they cay in future ,1t,[:.c1T1~)::, afairn::;t not only those Indi2ns but other nntivas of ~l~se islands. In this, the government nrust alwcys bear in mid th, ::,'' -,.;i ,. ,. d---~ ,, -1-'-, 1-1-"' ("' ... n .. e re.Lt,er a\Jcci co,;w-ii.:J.n ., t::,lV<...,n J.n t,J.1L .<..-
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-298-treated and shall not suffer oppression or extortion; and shall direct that my fiscal there shall appear as their representative ond in their defense on every occasion which shall present itself in this regard. Considering how important it is that the Indians shall ~now of the recourse which they can have when they are oppressed or ill-treoted, and in their ~ontroVf::lrsies, it vrnuld be very expedient that the government give them information of this, so that they may not be ignorant thereof, and that they may use these (peaceable) means without going to the extreme, as they did on this occasion, by employing-armed force, For this time, my royal charity and cleniency overlooks their proceedings, considering their heedless disposition; but when they shall have been advised of what they ought to do in such cases, and in others of a different nature, if they fail to use those means they shu.11 be chastised with the utmost SEWerity. I hove resolved to notify you of this, in order that you may be acquainted w:ith this my royal decision, and in order that, so far as you are concernod, you may make known my decreG; o.nd I command the most prompt and effGctive measures, to the end that it may be fully and duly carried into effect; for such is my will. Dated at San Lorenzo, on November 7, 1751. I THE KING. 2. Filipino Revolts During the British Occupation. The fall of Manil2. into the) hands of the British creat ed for Spanish sovereignty in the Philippines a grave situation. The prestige of Spain as a sovere:Lsn nation was lowered in the estimation of many people. Consequently, those who were discontented, for one reason or another, with the Spanish colonlal rule weru encourar:;ed to attempt to

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-299overthrow that rule. In many provinces of the Philippines sue h attempts W(;rc mu clc. Of these, the ones that guve the greatest cor..ccrn to Andu' s government were the Pc:nga: .. 3inan and the !locos revolts. The story of tho Pangasino..n rGvolt ic told by Montero y Vidal in the following passages from his Historica General F "] .. 1 de 1 _ip 1.rws. Whil.r~ Anda wc1s fighting against tr:.e Ji::L?:1:L,li, various provinces rose in revolt. Tho people wanted, for one thing, to emancipate themselves from Spain. '.L'hey took advantage o.f the si tu:1ti.on to ov,-;,~:::-:c .Jr;rsonal wron~~ and to free themselves from the tyranny of opprestdv0: officials, of hat(;d priests, and of tlH?ir local chieftc:dns (mu.nicip9s) and ca.be:,~uD do baranc;oy, 2s -well a,s from the :~ribute and personal ccirvic2s. In ?c:me:asinar: ;: hG town of Bj_nalat:.ofr3an too~: up arrns1 Novombcr 3, 1762, the rebel;:_; dem.nding the remov3~ of the tri~ute u~d the Alcalde mayor, ~nd the :::ubstitution of the justices or municipos ol' the towns. Moreover, tlwy wanted the Spaniardn to n.'bm1dcn _t nc pro vine e disrc\'tc:rdinr: the counsel, requests ;:,_r,d 0~,rfu supo'1 ; C c,!.. ()l' )f tl-1 f'at11er D,orn ri CP'l'' ...:-1 ... V \"::.CA ~-.... ~-..1_ u U .... .L),_; L V ..1.. ... ,., .... J..... ,..:1,.,_ 0' who took chargo of the cur8 of souls in tho prov~.nce. Andn commissioned D. Ju&n Antonio Paiielo Lio go to Pangasinan to investig:xt; e ( re.:::Ldonciar) the chief of tlw pro-wince, D. Joaquin Gambon, who was nccur.:;f3d of arousin~ the passions of tbe Indians by his ilJ.eral exactions, 1 Chapter 3, vol, ?,. A contemporary nccDunt of the Pangasinan revolt which Montoro y Vidal used is Hictoria del 2lzam:i,cnto de Pnnr:o..sinan (manuscript) byJuan Baut{sto de Areuoceso TI:suot:fnT:in)-.-,rho author W3s curate in various oueblos of !locos, and, at one tima, servod as actinr bishop.of Nuovn Se3ovia.

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-300-Gamboa, as well as Commissioner Panela, and the Vicar, Fr. Andres 1,:Ielendez, had to meet come of the demandE; of the Indians. One of the concessions grantod was the appointment as.master of camp, or supreme chief of the municipalities, of the Indian, Andres Lopez. D. Sebastian Navarro and the Alcalde pedaneo, D. Jose Quirm1te placed themselves at t.he h(rn.d of a loyal group to put down the uprising; Anda doDpatched for the same purpose an expedition, consisting of forty Spaniards, u ~,guudron of horsemen from Pampunga, "' d 1 t d f'l t a regiment 01 improvise mi J. ,ia, an a y1.ng par y from the province of Bataan, under the comrnnnd of D. Fernando de Arayat, rrhe rebels, 10,000 strong, were asc.embl(:!d at Boyambang to prevent the pasE;age of troops across the Agno, Arayat took their positions, put them to flight, punished the nearest tovms, nnd then roturned to head quarters at Bacolor. In the fight four Spaniurds and several Indians from Cagayan were killed. Following tho departure of Arayat, the insurrection v-ia s rcne':Jed under the 1 eadership of Juan do la Cruz Palaris, native of Binalatofigan. Ho put in commotion the whole province specinlly the toivns of Cal as i.10, Mangaldan, .Dugupan, San Jacinto, IVianc:~oag, Santa Barbara, Malc:,sigui, Bayambang, Pard qui, and the town of his birth. Asintan refused to join the uprising. Alcalde Gamboa and the majority of the religious fled from the province, including~. N8lendez, who was supposed to enjoy great pr0f,tige and influence among the. Pangosinanes who, on this occasion, spurned the advice and supplications of their priests. P. Melendez and other religious of the province availed themselves of their friends and protegees to persuade the rebels to pacify themselves and to seek pardon f'rom Anda, assuring them that cer tain concessions ~ould be granted, such as the removal of Gamboa as J\.lcalde :Mayor. In effect, a number of principc:lles went to Bacolor Soptem:)er, 1763, and, through the rnE:diation of r. Melendez anrl. his fell ow rnemb ers of the order, obtr01ined from Andn the pardon thut they requested

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-301-Anda relieved Gamboa of the a lcaldeship of Pangasinan appointing in his place Dn. Jose R~fael de Acebedo, who arrived at Pangasinan, November 5, 1763. The new chief of the province issued an order to the gobernadorcillo of Binalatofigan to demand the delivery of the pie ce.s of artillery that had been taken in the first uprising. Palaris, together with the leaders of that town and those of Bayambang, Calasiao and J.Vlaf.i.galdan, refused to comply with the order, It was necessnry to use force to compel them to ohey the order. They, on their part, put themselves under arms. They seized in Binalatofigan the chief justice of the province, D. Francisco de Vargas Machuca, and, in the presence of F. Melendez, "whose pleadings they neither respected nor heeded, they treacherously put him to death." Upon hearing of the seizure of Vargas, the Alcalde Mayor rushed with four hundred men for the rebel town, in company with D. Ignacio Barzaola. In Calasj_ao he fou6ht a formidable battle with morG than 4,000 rebels. Finding it impossible to overcome the~, he took refuge in the convent of the town. there he was besieged for several days. 'rhe rebellious crowd set fire to the church and convent, and the alcalde and his companion had to take refuge in the steeple of the church, where they remained five days with hardly anything to eat. They were saved only with the arrival of a force commanded by Pedro Bernardel, which forced its way through hostile towns. With the rather delayed arrival of r8enforcements under the Alcalde Mayor of Cagayan, D. Manuel Aria, the critical situation of the loyal troops changed for the better! ThiP-Pangasinan rebelliQn was finally put down (March 1764}. .. The principal leaders of' the revolt were executed. Palaris was sent to the scaffold in January, 176j.

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... 302-(b) The Ilocos Revolt The story of this revolt as told by the same Spanish 1 1 author is given in the fol owing passages: On the 1st of February, 1762, D. Antonio Zabala y Uria, native of Mexico, took charge of the Alcaldia of Ilocos. The province of Ilocos at the time included what are now La Union and Abra and the two Ilocos provinces. Like many other provinces, it suffered from abuses on the part of Alcaldes mayores, who, with the privilege given them to trade~ monopolized the trade in their respective provinces ..:: Besides this grievance, the people o.f Ilocos hated the tri-. bute, especially the comun, consisting of one real fuerte which every tribute payer was required to pay every year. News of the English invasion and of the outbreak of a revolt in Pangasinan made the province ripe for the great commotion which occurred in this vast region. 1 -Ibid. A contemporary account of the revolt is Relacion deios alzamientos de la ciudad de Vigan, written by Fr. Pedro del Vivar, an Augustinian fripr. Padre Vivar was, at the time of the Ilocos uprising, curate of the town of Batac. Montero y Vidal's account is based chiefly on the Relaci6n of P. Vivar. --nieepisode is also treated by Isabelo de los Heyes in his Historia de Ilocos, (Manila, 1890). 2 'rhe privilege to engage in commerce was known as "indulto de comercio." Alcaldes-mayores enjoyed this privilege except those of Tondo, Zamboanga, Cavite, Nueva Ecija, Islas Batanes and {\nt:ique, who, however, received larger emoluments of office. The amount paid for this privilege varied according to the importance of the province as a commercial field, from about 1/6 of the annual salary, as in Zambales to 1/2 of the salary, as in the provtnce of Caraga. The post of Alcalde Mayor was eagerly sought after because of the many opportunities for profit that it offered.

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-303-The petty lawyers (abogadillos) and petty chiefs ( apoderadillos), who a bound in every town, advised their clic,nts at fixed places to take advantage of the inexperience of the new Alcalde to securf2 the substitution of the copitarrns or local chiefs. They obtained what they wanted. Their success encouraged several other towns to make si-milar demands. 'I'he people of Laoag went, to the extent of taking the law in their own hands. Zabala was :forced to proceed against the-: promoter, Tomas Corcuera, thereby causing di~aff8ction among the latter's followers in that important town. At this moment, there arrived at the capita]. ofIlocos, returning from Mnnila, a mischievous Indian, named Diego Silan, a native and resident of Vigan. He propagated among the natives those ideas which he lwd learned from the traitor Oren-dain? {in whose house in Manila he stayed for some time J, and from his relatives, particularly Lopez, master of camp, who was one of the promoters of tbe uprising in Pangasinan.3 3 "Diego Silan, promoter of the uprising, was born December 16, 1730. He was the son of Miguel Silan, native of Pangasinan and of Nicolasa de los Santos, of Vigan, both of whom being of the princ ipalia class. He was ba:pti.sed in the town of Vigan January 7, 1731. His baptismal name was Di0go Baltaz,ar, and his god-fath8r was a principc1l named Tomas de; Endnya. As a lad he served the cura of Vigan, Dr. Cortes y Orriosolo, who sent him down to Manila in a Chinese champan. The cha~pan was wreckiad on the coast of Bolinco, and the infidels of those mountains killed all who were fli-1ved from the sh,ipwr2ck excL:pt Silan whom they kept as a slave. An Augustinian Hocollcct in BolincJo heard of the shipwreck and being anxiom3 to deliver the lad from perdition, ~e made great efforts to ransom him. Silan, now fre0, proceeded to Pangasinan, where he made himself known to his parentn, with whom he remained but, later, he left for Vigan where he learned to read and write. For a tine lrn stayed unemployed at home with his par-ents. Later, he married a widow, t1n.ria ,Josefa Gabriela, servant of D. Tomas .Millan. He mnintainod himself and his family with the little that his cloric gave him, whom he served as his master, and wit 11 what tw gn ined carrying

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-304-Silang, among other things, preached that the Spaniards no longer ruled in the Philippines, because the E:i:v:lish had taken nossession of IV.ianila; that the tribute should not he paid; thnt, inasmuch as the Spaniards could not protect the IJ.ocano:.3 from the En~lish, it was necessary to oreanio a council in the province to defend themsel7es fron the enemy; that it was necessary to remove the ,contributions and services which weis;hed on the nativos, and to free themselves from the exactions and oppreosive acts of the Alcaldes; and that, once the principales and the common people were united, they must resist the British, safeguard their own interests and the welfare of the Catholic religion; that in all these undertakings they could count with th9 2ssistance of the Pangasin~nes. In Vigan tho bad seed sown by Silan rapidly germinnted. The Alcalde had Silan arrested, but the Provisor, D. Tomas I.iillan intervened on Silan's behalf and tho latter was r3leased. With impunity, Silan enga6ed openly in arousing the people. The principales, animated by their hatred towards the Alcalde, followed him. Various meetings in the rancher::i.as were held. In one of these meetings, the following resolution was approved: letters and messages to all kinds of person. In this ser-vice, he came to acquire a largo circle o:f acc:uaintances, and being found a bsolutel:r trust1A1orti.1y, h,:J was nppointed to carry the letters and messa:.;es for this province ,;,hich came annually on the boat from Spain, beinc sent every year for this purpose to Manila at the timcc tlvJ boat ,.:1as expected. It was in this capacity that ;_1u came to liifc'1nila in 1762, and as the Filipino {the galleon from Nueva Es pafia) was delayed, it was necess2ry for hin to tarry there, stayi"fl:?;,,, some time in tl1e hoaso of Orendain whom he used to call mastor, sometime in the co1LVent of tl1e Agustinian fathers, until the arrival of tho British. After the occupation o.f Lanila, ho came to Pc1.ngasinan and planned with his parents to 'Start an uprising. Having entered into an understanding with the mn.ster of camp, Lopez, a relative of his? rcg&rding the proposed insur :cection, he came to Ilocos. \P. Pedro del Vivar, QE. _s:!i.t.)

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-30511That the Alcalde Niayor, D. Antonio Zabala, bo removed nnd Provisor D. Tomas Millan should t'.lke his place;that as chi0f justice one of the four principales of Vi,cun be appointed; that personsl services bo removsd; that the Bishop be asked to expel the Spaniards and mestizos from the province; that Silan should celect the best men in thG province and set forth to regain from tte British the flags that Spain had lost; and thai whoever opposed these plans so necessary for the tranquility and peace of tho province, the interests of the Crown of Spain on~ the welfare of our sacred Catho lic faith, should be r::onsid-ered as a traitor to God and to the King; and thr,t, finally, the neccss.::iry expenses should be taken from the comun, WDich is jr +-ne k:r.:>eD"'n2: of tbo /\lea-dC0 111+ l V -~ j_ '-' C'J J. 0 The principal followers of Silan were: in. Abra, Pedro Beebee; in Laoag and Bacarra, Corcuera; in Paoay, the capitan of the same, Jose Crictobal; in Bar,ac, San Nic:ola.,s, Sarrt:it, anc.i Dingras, a m:111 by the nam0 of Botar~as On tho l!+th of December, a crowd of t::.mogu.J.s and principol es unc'.er the leadership o.f Sil an, all armed, appeared before the Alcalde an1 demanded his resi2nation. The Provisor interveced a~d tried to pacif; them, but to no avail. The Bishop, believing that the resignation of the Alcalde would pacify them, urged tho lat~er to give up hie post :i.n favor of the Provis or. Zabala comnJ.i cd dnl i ver-5.ng to the Provicor ti:ic' canr:3 ( bast on) and '~ho f1m
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-306ful life. In answerf they asked to certify that they were free from any responsibility in the affair regarding the Alcalde; that he deJ.ive:c to them the firearms, which they claimed they needed to fight the British, and,lastly, that he send away D .Miguel Pinzon and all the Spanish me,stizos, except D. Francisco !'!iorales, D. Manuel Prieto, D. Esteban de los Reyes, and D. Nicolas Pio. The Bishop answered them, reiterating the concessions made and promising to intercede for them with Anda so that they would not be held liable for the removal of the Alcalde. But as regards the banisl1ment of the Spaniards and the deljvery of firearms, the Bishop advised them that the persons in auestion had not committed any fault whatsoevei, and that it was not possible to deprive the new Alcalde of firearms, inasmuch as he was called upon to defend the province. Silang insisted in his demands, whereupon the Bishop, issued an interdict. But t;his move had no effect upon Silang and his followers. The Provis or fortified himself in his housfl; gathered there the firearms, and surrounded himself with his partisans, prepared to defend himself. The rebels set fire to the city. The Bishop and some of the religious left for the towns of the North intending to go to Cagayan The r0bels assaulted the house of the Provisor, and killed three Spaniards, two Indians, nnc. the 111es tizo l'-Iiguel Pinson. From the house they reE:ovGd the powder, c~nnon, lantacas, and other weapons to the house of bilan The Bishop issued. a circular urging the na tives of Ilocos i:Torte to take up arms against Si1.an. ThosE: of Bc,tac c;J.adly an,swered the call of the prelate, as did those of San Nicolas, while in Laoag itself, principal center of 0il..Q.;LsrgQ in the North, che Eishop1s appeal was favorably received. Corcuera, whose fidelity was undQr sus picion, was at the head of the loyal group. He

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-307-brought about the arrest in Paoay of Botargas and his son, who wore hanfed in Laoag. The Ilocanos of the North marched towards V:5.gc1n. Those of Bacarra, under t h<.:3 comr,1c1.nd of D. Francisco Dominto, went Ahead as far as Cabuyuo not aware that 2,000 followers of Silan were ready to meet them. A c~irmish fo~:owed and thirty of the loyctJ. f orco w:Jro killed. Upon hearir.g of the result of the en .c;a::;0jilcnt, th.e loyalists from the other towns fled panic-stricken, With the capture of the house of the ?rovis~r. and. th_e ~ir0;a:cms, ?:~lan fuund hirr:.se~ .f in a P?sJ.tion -co or~ng under lE~, control &ll tnn tmms in the southern part of t~e province. He promulgut0d orders reli9v:Ln3 the people from t.he tribute and the personal services, aB well as from all forms of service to the principales and cabezas de b2-rangay. S t f'. 1 annex ir~osea a ine each of the reliJious of Ilocos standing his avowed. re:Jpect for mir...isters. of 100 D8SOS on Nor.t e 1 i1otwi threlj~gion and its To defend hi~self against an expedition from Anda and ap:aj.nst nossible machinations on t]w part of the rel igJ.ous, he i.1ad. all lines of conmun5.ca tion by land and by sea closely guarded. Sil.an, now in possf:ssion of rnoney, je~veJ.ry, cottle and commodities of all l:inrfo. and beint warned by Anda that he vrnuld be considGTCC cl, ~:ro.itor s1.1ould 110. not yield to the 1.:1:;1~er1 s a1.1tl1,:ni.ty within nine days, decided to offer his services to the Brit,ish. TThe Br:Ltiah sen~ to Po~gol {p~rt next.to V1can) n tender c.::1.:crying letLcrs anu ::::i:c0.scncs to Sil an. 'I'hey adrni;Li.st ered to him an o:rt:1 cf allegiance to the 1:ciri.g 0f Gre.J.t Bri tuin .:-uH1 arranged for ths delivery of the province of Il0cos. They conf er:ted U'.Jor: htm t h3 title of S:;trFen:.~o mayor and Alcc::;ldeL !'.lEtyor. Tl11?y also le-f:'t Wit11 him 138 printed blan\: titlec for governo:"E::l Emd su.bordinato officials

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-308In his capacity as "Sargento Mayor, Alcalde Mayor, and Captain in the War.for His British Ma jesty," he issued a circular making it known that he was going to deliver the province to the Bri tiah, in view of the fact that Simon de Anda was about to send an expedition to overrun thorn with sword and fire, and that he found it necessary to seek the aid of c.ho Enc,:lish who woi).ld orctect thorn in the enjoyment of their freedom from' the tribute and personal services.5 He included in his circular the text of the proclamation in English of Cornish 2nd Draper in which the latter offered English protection to the Indians, proviC:.ed these did not join the enemy, the Spaniards, or give thorn any help whatsoever. The British also promised to ex8mpt the Ilocanot3 from the tribut c nnd to respect the Catholic religion On the 14th of May {1763) Silan wrote to P. Juan Olalla, provincial VicQr and curate of IJJag singal, informing him that he had an order f:i..,om the governor of :Manila to d
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-309tors and agr1inst unwarranted procoedinss against their persons, and urged them to osseniliJ.e in the converit of Lantay. In comDliance vd"",11 this order, the curates of tho tow~s of the north assem-bJ. ed &t Ma1rsinR:c1l. F:com tiwre the fJllowers of Silan tran;fer;ed then to Bantay where they rernainoo. in compan:r w it:1 Bishop Ust,uiz. This peaceful prelate, together with the other reli~icus, Vffote on M.:1y 25 to 3:ilc:m indicat ing his lack of jurisctiction OV8r them, and mak. \ tl,., l _..:i l th in~ ,nm sec 10(; SyJ.r.1tua__ :..i.an:age v11ucn, wren eir ci.eparture, their pa:L;.]hiCJners would ,:rnstain. He -asked him to leave them free to discharge their re Jigious duties, E\r:d ":;hc\t they in turn, nwouJ.d. 110t interfer,a v-Ji th l1is !_?;,)Vornrner~t and wo11:.d. estRblish t' '. 1 1 t ., +- d d 'i'n D .rum ~oruia re. d ,ion;;.1 1or Jne goo an se-curity of tbj provinc:c, i; Silan ordor0d the inf5.dels to go to V:L,e:an at oncG and rurnor hac~ it thaJ0 :..t wa~; his pvrposo to kill thra rel igi.ons w:10 wsre shut up in Lant,o.y. A C a .; 1,-, C ., _,_ ..: r ., ,. -:r. ,, l V n -"' "' ,:, '1r f up D..1.S1: ffi-~SL,.1..ZO r~c1mec, bl0,1-.,.,_ 1-_,o..., 1 QTl t:D.,,l" 0 .S ilan due to g:i.1ieva:v~ cs :c e c ei vi::;d from -~:r-1.0 tyrant, planned to kill 8:Uar.. Knowing t:b.at, Pe:-:1:co Bec:Je;C, an ol.d f::."icnd of Sil~n and one of his Jic11~0Lants, also had iust comDlaints apc:,ins"':", him, Vicos made L, .L ~;..-', l., 1 tl' t 11m an accomp ice in 11s proJec. Beebee .qnri. Vicos ar~r~::r,d to c::1r.c,r out their plan on +,11r:0; 28th of May. ''Tha reli?;'.:.ot:s +~orethe1" witl1 the B:i.sho-o sr.en-t, alm":.lst all. tLeL time pray:i.ng f1:;:cvently for the fucces.s of tr'.e e:01~.er-prise," sQys F. Vivar, who was nne o~ thos0 confined in Dantay, and "Vicaa confesseJ and ~ook holy communion c!etermined to kilJ. or r.:i8. ;i Tho Indians, under. the commend of Beebee, slowly app1-=1.chec'. the ho11sc o.f SiJan, Th:3-_.r were told that they had "'.Jeen sunmoned to :cccei1n fr.Jrn the Provisor t:1e coJ111.n o.~' tl'e 1novin.-~0. In t110 r:, i i:r. ""1 ---~-~1 ..1.,.,,. 1 ,, -,-3.-. t ..... 11t::l-h::, mea.-1liJ.ll,e., \ :I.CO:::; pass .c,l.c ..,flJ. ,n.gn J c.I.1 .J./ Wr:.._,rO .e rec0ived the ~lcssincs of the J:i.shop. He then procpedeJ to Vigan, proviJed himself wjth a blunc,erbuss ( t:tabuco), which he cone Jaled undei' his coat, and th.cn marc-hud towc1.rds the house ot Silcw.

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-310~ Beebee arrived at the house of Silan with his account book, sayin;; that he had como to set tle once and for all :.:.he question of the comun. Silan asked him, "ihi hav~ so many people coma?" Beebee replied that he hc.:td sur:1moned only a few, but, on finding out that he was coffii~g for the coruun, the people came in great numbE;rs j c.mxLrns to receive it and to see the:.r-Alcalde Mr.yor. Said Si-lan, 1In that case beat the drum and firo the cannon, and let the peoplo gather here, ,:.md we ,1ill put an end to this Bishop, Provisor and fria~s, if the~ do not give us tle .Ol;l1n.' SjJ_ang entered his room and Beebee prevented the guards from giving the expected signal. Just then, 11Vicos reached the house, mounted ;_:._ lancsi2e or bamboo bench f'ror:i which he could ov8rlook the sala, just at the momen~ that Silan was comir~ out from his room. Vices greeted him and Silan returned the greetings. The latter then turned a:i;ound to re-enter the room, Vi1;os at once took out "t,he blunderbuss, discl1ar3;ed 211 i~s contents and Silan feel dead. Vi cos wets :i.~eccivec~ with joy in Bantay. The religious sc:-rne:: a Te De1im aft,_n~ which they returned to their respective curacies. The Bishop in a procla~1tion g-ra.nteu pardon to all c=ind renewed his pledge to g:"ant to the people exemption from the tribute ~nd person~l services. But th3 rebels attempted to renew the uprising, choosin.e: S Sila.L' s successor, an unclo of his, Nicolas Carino, while the wife of 3:Uan did not cease to crouso the peonlG to aven~e the death of her husbanc~.' hoJ.dirrg meetings with the assistants and partisans of S5.1.:m. The result was that the uprising broke out ane;w. Pimentel, Beebee and Reyes wore attacked in 3anta and forced to flea. Carifio s0nt agents and l8tters to all partisans of Silun, and several towns placed themselves under his orders. The religious of !locos Norte were able to arouse their parishioners to proceed aga~nst the rebels of Vigan and their followers in Pnngasinan,

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and 6,000 of them ii.ssembled for this purpose. In Cnbugao they defeated the rebels and on the 11th of July entered Vig an in triumph. Carifro and the c~1ief l eader.s ,of the UP,rising fled. A portio1:; of the Ilocanos from the No~th proceeded tu the bouth and made themselves ma.sters of the situation there. But tl18 Provisor foolishly aJ.loWGd the more prominent fieures of the uprising to escape to Abra instead pf ordering th3 occ~pation of this part of the province. On the 20th of :3 ertE)mber D. Manuel Ignacio de Arza y Urrutia &rrivod at Vigan with 100 men. He at once proc 00ded to P.bra, tho meeting pJ.oce of the principal leaders qf the reb6llion. Those were 3u:cprised by Jl.rz.11 s uneY.pectr-;d asf31..ni1t, ond wore driven to th8 terrjtory of the infidels where they wore pursued ~nd captured. Arza brou3ht them to Vig an and had S Llnn' s wife, Sila:i1::o cou:Jin, 3etas-;,~5.etn Zn~aya, e.nd Hj_guel li'lores, of 'I'ayuin (A bra j, hanged. 0ver 90 in0ro rebels were executed and several others were punished. (c) Uprising in Other Provinces. In Cagayan R revolt broke out as soon as it ,,-,as learned that the 13:ritish tad ccptJ.rod Jvic:.miln. The timauas of Ilagan dPcla:;:ed theL.:::e~_vos indE-;pon dent and free from the tribute, Februa~y 2, 1763. They comrritted acts 0f violence s:i.E1iLr.' to t}.10rrn committed by the rebels of PEmg.:rn::_nc=;_n ;_,nc: I:::..ocos. 'l'he revolt extended to Cabagan. The lead ers were Dabo and LTuan Narayac. .. It was at this monen-s that the vt11iant D. Manuel Arza, who had ;JPE:D appoL1tod by Ar"d~ Jieutenant general and vi:3:i.tor of th1i~ prov:h1ce and of +-1-, .... JC'.' .p Tl ('"I Ct .-, d IJ, Cf''""l ~1"11-:.1 1'"'1'i T'Jd "ue plOVlnCLiJ O .. .~ OvO,., ,c.,n an.,_,_,c:;_,_Lc,.l, BII.1.\:('., j,T 1" 1 f' 1 1 h ,_ 'd l 1i1t11 nis own orcG, str0Lgt~0Lea y ~tl0 aa 1~1on of loy2l troops, he succeedec' in f'.Ll.bd ,-, __ ::_ng tI1e re-1 k" h d .. t' l. be s, ma ~J:.n~; t .e ring _. __ Ea eri...:; p,17 vn..:;n -:.tteH' ~.V(i)S

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-312for their disloyalty. Later, h~ left for Vigan, where he imposed, as we have seen, similar l'.Junishrnent on the rebels of that region. In La LagunQ and BatangRs, there were also registered criminal nets, thefts and serious attempts on thG persons of Spaniards, friars and the Indians themselves. A few bc:n.ds of bo.ndits in-fested the roads. 'l'he tr1ct18GS o.lceldP, of La Laguna tried to enforce the orciers of the Archbi shop which cornL::mdcd that the British sliould be left unmolested in their journey through that province. Ho punished the gobernadorcillo of Pagsanjan for disobeying such absurd mandate, and the latter in veangeance killed him. In the provinces of Tonda and Cavi~e, althou_gh more .submissi vc to authority, robberies, assassinations and other acts of violence were committed. There were also slight disturbancos in Ge. marines, Samar, Zo.rnboa11f:a and Panay. In the lat ter province the reli:i;ious ho.d to assembJ.e nnd to depose the alcalde mayor, Quintanilla, who was e. partisan of the Jritish. The curate of Aclan, P. Barte, took his place. Anda approved this course. Cebu also suffered from disturbance of pub lic order caused by the mourrt:=l.ineerEi. Alcc1ldo Labayan with the help of the Agustinian fathers, succeedud in suppressing the movement and hanged the leaders of the revolt.

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-313CHAPTER FIVE ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS, 1767-1776 1. The Question of the Curacies Duricg th8 Timos of Archbishop Sta. Justa and Governor Anda. In the following passages, Montero y Vidal tolls of the incidents which arose during this period out of the quest f t Ph. J l ion o ne 1.1pp1ne curacies. On July 22, 1767, the new archbishop, B,.;t:dl:io San.eh 1 s,. t J, '-''t ,r R _,.., .. ,, t k .. ,, "'"'. .J:> I -0 o.e 1dJ:l. a Uva .I UIJ.LD, l)O po,, .. ,8,::,,_,J_on O.!. the see of Manila, and immediately undertook to ::mbj ect the rcgult.1.r curas to his d:.i.occ?.Si.HI vis:i.tation, thus revivinc the Cama8ho controversy of 1697-J, 700 with tl:rn relirious orders; but Santn Ja.sta had the support of th9 civil aut:1ority, which. had orders to enforce the royal rights of patronagn:2 ------J. B. &; .a.., voJ.. 50, pp. 29-h3, beinc: a stmrr:1ary of the account by Montero Y" V:~dal. Anda bec::uncJ governor and captain general of the Philippines for the second time dur-ing the years 1770-1776. 2 Right of patronage ( ius J22,tr.or..sJt11p) -a. determi nate sum o.f ri~hts a:1d obligations en,.:;a:i.led upon u definite person, especially in connection with the as.sj_;cz.:rn'1ent 3.nd administration of a b orwfic e; not in vi:rtue of his hiernrcld.ca1 position, but by the legally regulated. grant of the Church, out of gr2titudE towards the bencf3ctor. R.ights involved: (1) right of presrmtation. --the rno.:::t important privilege --In case of a vacancy in the bone fico, the patron may propose to the ecclesias tical superiors E1mpowered with the rj_ght of a collation, the name of a suitabl E) person (persona idonea).

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-314"The covernor of the islands, on his side, communicated to the provincials of the relic;ious or ders rigorous commands that they must cmbmit to the royal right ,s of patronnge: that vd.thin a short timeJ_imit they should present their list1.:; of three no.mes each (sus ternas) for appointments to all the curacies; c:1.d that in future the:r might not remove any religious from his post without informing the viceregal patron of the causes, whether public or privnte, :for such act:i.on,113 'I1lie Dominican provin.ce, in a provincial council of August 5, 1767, yielded to the archbishop1s claims, and during the following year ho visited oll the parishes administered by them; but some individuals refused to obey the coun-cil~ The other orders obstinately resisted the -------' (2} honorary rights: precedence in procession, sitting in churcn, prayers nnd intorcessions, etc. Obligations: (1) C'J.r'G berir.Jfj_cici pr.eserve unimpnired status of bei.-isi'ic o-:-{ Satholic E:-1c::J.~}00-::d:i.al, 3 -As Viceregal Patron the Governor au.1 ~aptain-General of the Philippines possessed these rights: (1) Decide questions relating to patronage, { 2) To be' informed of all resignatiuns or vDcc:mcies in prebonds, curacies and benefices, (3) Pre~ent ~uitable individuals for appointment to oonefJ.ces. (4) Admird.ster oaths from Bishops-olect to recognize the ri;d1t s and r 2 --:c.,1 ias of roval patronage. (Book I, TitJ_e VT). (5) Intervene in all affairs of ths spirituel gov-+ r"'I t, ernmfalu, i.1 repreaentat J_on ol -,r.e :::Lng, J.n accordance with the laws. (6) To aak, jo:i.ntly v:ith the Audim1ci2., the prelates to visit tneir dioces~s end to be in the cou~icils. ~~aw 14'?, title XV, Bo?k. II). (7) Intervene ~n any c1s~uss1on between ruligious, using, in t11u first instance, his good offices, a~d if this is not sufficient, toe~pJ.0y al]_ the foeans permitted by law, until order i::, reestc:~blisb.ed. {Law 50, title III, Book III). Escosura, i\fon1orin So-ore [_:i}j.pin,1.s, PJ:)_ 55-56,

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-315-episcopal visitation, declaring that they would aban-don their c~racies if it were enforced. Ttereupon, the archbishop appointed secular priests to the vacant cur3cies, including those of the Farians, Binondo, and Bataan, which were in charge of -r,he Dominicans. As the number of Spanish priests was so small, the archbishop made up the deficiency by ordaining natives from the semin~ries; but this rneasurs caused great re sentment among trie regulars and their supporters, and 8ta. Justa hi:r1self was disappointed in its effei::ts, as the nat~ve clergy were generally so unfit for the office of priest in both education ::rnd mo,'."'oL.:,. Complaints to the king were m&de by both the religious orders and tnB archbishop, filled. with mutual accusations and recriminations; and R8on withdrew his sup~ port frorn the latter, ceasi~g ~o press the clai0s of the royal patronage -in:'luenced thereto, according to Montero y Videl, by the j_n-t-:..~igues of the Jesuits, who were enemies to Sta. Justa~ .. "The religious c or porati ons, not:,wi thstandir;g the support which they generally 18nt to AndJ during the v,;ar with the English, regarded with d :'..s pl8EJ.sure his appointment as governor of Filipinas. Thc1t st:i:j c t magic:trate, obeying tte dictates o.f his conscierice ( which some persons att:r;:ibut e, tut w:l tbo11t sufficient grounds, to feelings of personal rev0r.ge), had ad dressed -to the king on April 12, 176d, a::1 expos5.tion which treated of '~he disorders which exist in Fili-pina s, and which ought to be corrected.. 1 In -:.his h b t' aocur.1ent .. e points out most s,3r::..ou3 cJ use:3 among ne friars; in the University, which was in tlrnir charge; among the Jesuits; among the ChiDes9, r,r ot8c ted by the friars, who preferred them before th3 Spaninrds, drivir:g away cind expelling the latter from the:i.r villages; and he censures certa:i.n frr:mds and practices in the publfo cS16ministration in spec::.fied branches of the civil service. The severi:::.v with which Anda laid bare those abuses drew upon hi; the hatred of the friars. In this dot,;:ume nt he de1:1a r:.deJ o r,3medy for the dis orders which he d::mounc eel$ pointing out the method by which this might be effected, and declared tl-at 'for the radical correct:::.on of these evils it is indisoensable to drEd,11J UD and ::.ntroduce here a form of procedure whi8h is cJ.eer, and capable of securing the jm,t system wh::.ch correspor ... ds thereto, conferring upon the governor all the powers ne-

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-316ccssary for carrying it into exec~tion, by these msasures which prudence and the actual condition of affairs shall dictate to him.' He addsd: 'The choice of a zealous governor will materially contrioir~e to laying the foundc:,tions of th&t great vrnrk; but it is nsc,3ssbry t,o reward him and give him authority, so th2t he can work 00 ad7ar:.tage, and without the hindrances v./hich ba1Te of:,~m> by rneanE, of secret c ornrn.unica tions, c umd ng and disloyal mant=.;uVers, and other ~alicious proceed~ngs, frustrated the best ~nd m-st c~reIn'l77y-f'o-rnpd D7~r~ '11},-is e-rne;,~ion .,U C.t. -, ......... L -l.,.,J._~, ~_-LC'.-~0 J..1.l..!-.r...,;:_.1'-'v by Anda was ce:>:'tainly taken in00 account, for in th2 trcyal private: inetructions wl:ich v;ers giv9n to him when he was appointed governor o: F il:;iina 3 vJE) see that he was ord~red ta put an end to spGcified ebuseE and disorders, the klng using the s~me tGr~s which Anda had employed in c.escribing those Eovils." "The Arcl1bishop Santa J;.ista, a mo.n of unpa:"alleled firmness and energetic character, from th2 first mo+ ., d 'h f' =~. +-' men~ ssaL.8 c .e. new gov':::1:T?r o~ J:I LL:.p1na 0 on ._,ne question o: the d.1.O8'2San vi::::;.tGt::.on, to wn:'.Ch t;-1e friars cont inu9d their oppos it ::.on, and dJmc:,nci.ed 11.is SUDpnrt l.!1 Order +o 1ncke ~+ 9P?0ct1,cl d~nr Tuj~Q .L __,, u c. ...1.. __ ..:~-'-__ .,.t.r.;.c. .iJ._.1v.c .. J .:..1 re6arcied obedLmce to the :aw3 Em a ru.la of co::1dL.ct, and who brought ord2rs fror.1 thr:; com::; to 3_1bject the r"-'gu'..,rs to th:~ royal pa"-.... or:~,,.r., adrl<"'r,5c,.:::,d ,,,., 8"p1i-,...,,.,, -LO. .. .11,;,::! V... -OE.)_.,,, ..A. .. '-J" L...,...,, ct.L.:. .1i... ci1j communication to the t,ureriors of all ":;hE: r8J.igious institutes, requirL.11: their ob<"~C:ienci.:; to tlie mandate of t~!iJ sovereign, end assign::.ng a dcfi?1ite term, w:1.ich could not be prolonged, .for the pr3s0nta tion of their l5-sts of apDoin-;:; '3ef', in ordu:r that, the curacies migh-t:. be fi::1.:::.ed in th::s ma'1ncr. i-i.11 -i::.he Crdt,r~ 0~ .re.g,7qrc. O'"'enl,r rE0fu::,er' _, ..., T--iel,;J r..t-:,,i:erCP. _, "-" ..1.. v1. ... c. \,.., 1.-' .1 ... -..:~ u _.,\..l .1v J .J... _._11 '--' ...;\. _,_ _. _, Of +his o t O ;1-~ a-+', D --; ..~,rQ .,,1,, V s r exc~p., ... n~ ..,ne OuL_r1J.,u ,,_, -\1.1.0~. l1lOY'8 circumspect, and endeavo~ing to avoi~ the d2ng1re whic t they f or,::;saw in resistanc s, ag::<:ed to s1.1".Jmi t to this command -altho:.12."h manv of trs DE:ri.:s'1 priests of the crd3r soon-'were ;i so::iecient to this decision of their 3upe rior s. TT The archbiehop convlff:ed a prov~.nc ial council at Mc:nila, which held sL:: sessions dL,rinr; the period May 19-Novembr-;r 24, J.771; variol;.s matters of eccle-sl astJ' r-a7 drn-i ; ~=a+-i .-"'h,r,,~.-. ;+ tl-'-::,f .. .-., ,. C, .c.n.,_s u-u, .. cn Coffi~ we. OJ..,:,; ., ... ..,, .. e cn.i.E of -which wc1s 'chE: dioces:.m visit. In th;:; fifth se-sion, the subjection of ~he p,91ish p:riescs to the

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-317-diocesan vit:dtntion and the roya 1 patrona,::;e was ordained; and at the final one it was ordered that the decreG of the council should im:nediatoJ.y be pro rr:ulgated, declaring that those of the council o.f Jv:exico ( vJ'hic h Urban \'III had ordered to :Je obse1vcd in Filipinas) .... ,ure not n~Yvv .binding:. In trK, first session the bishop oi Nu~v& C8ccres, Fr3y Antonio de Luna ( a Franc i accn) became inv o~~-" ed 5 n disputes ove"!:' the c.1 ppoint1r,ent of s e;,crec.c.11'j_e s, 2 nd was expelled fron the asseJ1b:_y; he ther, ret:l.rcd to his c~iocese, and during tha 0ntire: p2riod of the council oppos8d its proceedin.gs, with procE:sts, leg:Jl form,.:.liti,2s, and official edicts. Bishop Ezpele~a of Cebu died soon af::.r'3r th8 opening o:'.: the c ounc 5.:::., and the goverrnnent of th s dioc: ese devolved L-:.pon. Lun"l, but, it eeer-:i.s, not its ref:'esentati on in th 3 c ou.:1c:.l. A secretary of t h&t body, Fatter ,J' ea qc1.in L"agg.ia, wc:s sent to Mao.rid ae its agent and bearnr of its despatches; but the king refuc-ed to acc3pt his crJdcntials, and ordarEd him to go to his convent at Zcra goza, forbidding him to rsturn to Fil5.pinas. (To W3rd the er;.d of this council, ':-he arcl:bisnop, in concert with his suffragans, drew up a tariff for the parochial fe2s tc 0,3 collected by the cu:c1s.) The relj_gious orde:.1s ,finally sec1.1.:."ecl, through j_nfluer:.ce at the court, th0 r2voc,'3t ion of the orc.e!" p;i ven to Anda in regard to the regular curas, 1:rhish had re sulted in many of them being r'.Jmove:i fro:n the. I:1.dian vill.ages and replaced ty native pri2sts; hut no ch-::inge was m3.de in r0g2rd to t11e dioc:esan v:Lsitation. 'I'hP b 1 q 1110Y) of' lTu(' va sc err .ri r: "'<'r v "Vii" ~01 : c. 1 G-,'rc.; J i,.J t..,; .J. ... 1..c..t,:-;v-., ..... c., .1. CA., ... c..-:,-,..., c.., -1.., claimed tbis rie:tt, aLd c0r.ven0d a dicces,.ir1 cc;_p1cj.l in 1773; tr.e on2.y res1:tl.t "\'l~c,. -'::.o ar?u~E; 1 1:ot. c ?r.1-troversy bctw3ec Garcia and th~ Dorrc1n1cans,tc w~ich order h,:; belonr-0ci. ':'bat order a::.sCl hc:.d a c_j sp'..:.f:; wit:.h th~-3 erchoishop ovsr his ,:itterrcDc -cc vj_:,:;j,t +:.he beaterj_6 of Santa C.::italL1a; but in i7?9 t~rn ki:1g de cide
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-318-and of the urgent appeals of the Franciscans, Augus tini.:ms, ~rnd R,2coll2cts, the king ordered by a dc~cree of Dce:mb,2r 11, 1776, that what hc1d been decided on this point:. i.n the decre;:c.! of Nov'"mber 9, 1774, should not be put into exocution and that aff~i::--s should b8 rest~rod to their former status ond conditon, and th8ir curacies to th0 religious; that the regulations fo:' his royal potrri::.Eige anc the 2cr::l.-::?-s i:3Stic a 1 visitation shoulc. b 2 obser~1sc., '.)ut t:hat the latter might be made by the: bishops in pc:; rsor, or by rel~gi6us of th~ same ord~r as tho~e wh? sho~l~ serve 1.n the curacies, and without co.dccting visitation feGs. rl'he ki1;.g 1lso directed in ti'lc, S:li.d decree the: t efforts s}:ould be m,:1de, ~JY a 11 :r,os 3i ble means and methods, to form a large body of competent clerics, in order that, c0nformably to the royal dscree of June 23, 1757, these might be installed in the vacant curacies, thus gradually 8stablishing the secularization that had bet:n decreed. '1 The Do~inic3n historians, Ferrando and Fonsec3 in the following passages give, fro~ their Histor::.a d,o los PF. Do minicos, the Dominican viewpoint on the events of 1767-1776:1 Whon Raon insi~tcd on" en:o~cing t~le royal r~gh~s of potr~n2ge, orders al~ r~~istei him, re~~a~ing the &rgumcnts 'drnch tLey h&Ci J...L.1..eged to A:2r1rdi::1 ::.n the :i..ike crse. Th-2 Lomi:nicans dsclnrcd that they could no.+:, obey the gcvsrn0r Is commands urn::,5.l th~y could recf~ive orders from theL.~ c:upo!':.ors in Eu:~ope; Raon refused to wai~, and the proviTiciel d0clared th3t his cur3s would rather surrende~ their ministries, '.Jut would. continu2 to serve therei:'1 until the rov,:;rror, as vice-patron, should cornrn2nd that 'chese be surrendered to other cures. "This was sufficient to make the archbishop hasten to deliver to the s8-cular cL~rgy, first the ministries of thG Parian and Binoncio, and a 'terw'.:lrds those of t :ie province of Ba-1 B. & R., vol. 50, p. 30 :f.

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-319-taan, notwithstanding that he could have no ea use for complaint a,ri;:::ins t o'-.lr relir_;ious, who without resistance or opposition had accepted his diocesan visit, as he himself confessed in latters to tha king and tne supreme pontiff. He f0u.r..d a pretext for proceeding to the so~ulariz,?tion of tc3 curacies in Bnta'1n, in the b:mishme:r.t of the Jf~suit.s, whose expulsion from the isJB~ds occurred at the samJ time 2.s thu ev0nts w:iich 1m ars rel,:::-t.5_rw. it "As the ministries in the isL:md o.: Negros w2ro le.ft vacant in consequence of th~ expulsi6n of thb Jesuits, thp. go v~r!1or. a 1dresSE:!d hims el:: to our provir~c in 1, as~-cing ror rtin:..st::Ts to :.)Ccupy those vaca~t posts. The latter excused himself from this, on ~ccount of the lack of rei_igious; and the archbi2hop t1ads this a pretext for inf crming and counseling th,J gov,3rncr that, since the Dominicans ha1 offered their resignation of the doctrin&s in tte :province of Butaan, on ac-count of the 1; ont ro-;ersy over the ri6ht of p1:::tror..-age, the religious who were ministering in that d.i.s trict could be sent to the island of NeEros. He mffered to pre>vide secular priests :_n th::::dr place, and availed himself of thie oppor~unity to des~oil our religious of the curacies or minj_strics of Batac:m. In effect, this was done; and our religious were coLlpelled to abandon to the seculars this province of the archbisho:pric, in order to go to J.sarn a ne1r: dialect a~d minister to straLge peoples in the island of Negros." "The bisl-iop of C ebu had no secular pries~s capable of rep1acing the Jesuits (as deserving as persecuted.) who -,vere administering the island of N~gros and the province cf Iloilo, coLeequently, 0r reli[iois bega!i to mit~is-':,er in the v: .. :;_J_a~ss of r 1 tT [ -'ft h .102. o, r,.J_marc:s, hanc.ur2:-i&o, aLd 110-og, ::...n t a island of Fanay; and those of Ilog, Cabansalan, Jimamaylan, and Guilgon2n, in that of Negros. Witt great repugnance t:1e provine, 2 took charg2 e,f o.n admirdstra-tion of whic n the tleeuit fat!'lers had been des>Joi.led in so um:-orthJ a manrcer; and not onJ_y :Jn this-acco.1nt but on ttat of the grec.1-t. di.ffj_cult iGs '.ivh::.c h a2ose from tl1is sep&r~tion of rrovirices <:1Ld v~.11ag'JS, i'1 the regular vi2iting of them anc. i:.1 j_nt8rcoc.rso and the supply of provisions, our fath~rs &bandoned those ministries at the end of some years; and in the meantime the bishop of Cebu undertook to transfer their adn1inistrntion to the secular priests. Thus it ,Mas that by the year 1776 our religious had departed from all those villages."

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-320-2. The Expulsion of the Jesuits ThG reign of Charles J\II was marked by the ascendancy in the government of Spain of men strongly imbued with the spirit and tendencies of the Age of Reason. In common with the French philosophers, they wer2 :infrienclly c1nd hostile to the Catholic Church. I+:, vras tr.eir purpose a.nd cesire to des-troy the power ar.d influence of the Chucr~h in the political and cultural life of Spain. At thE~ir adv:i.ce, Charles III adopted and put into effect a strong repressive policy against the Order o: the SociGty of Jesus .. For the Jesuits had distinguished themselves for their militant and uncomprorni sing attitude in matters affecting the funde.mentel rights .:mcl pr8rogatives of the Catholic Crwrch. C:narles III \ and his odvisers felt that it was necessc::ry and imperative to banish the Jesuits from Spain and Spain's colonies to en able th8n to put into effect their pla~s of reform. Ac~ cordingly, on Febr'...l.ary 27, 1767, Charles III, :.i.n t~1e Heal Decret2__9_~~;jecU<~ ion, ordered the expulsion of the members of tLe SociBty of LT E:sus from Spa in and from a J_l of Spain Is dominions in the Indies. in pert as follows: Charles III Is roy1l ciecrr~e read P.av~_ng accepted th2 opi::-i.ion of t r..e raen~bers of my Royal Council in Extraordinary, whj_ch met on the 29th of lc1st ,Junuary for consu~.tatiori concEirning past occurrences and concerning matters which persons

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-321-of the highest character have reported to me; moved by very grave causes rel3tive to the obligation under which I find myself placed of maintaining my people in subordination, tranquility, and justice, and other urgent, just, and necossary reasons, which I reserve in my royal mind; making use of the supreme economical authority, which thu Almighty has placed in my hands for the 1>rotection of my va.ss:1::..s, and the respect of my crown; I have ordered that the Jesuits be expeLLcc', f:corn alJ. my dun,inions of Spa:Ln, the Indies, tlf0. Phi~ .. ippine Islands, end other a o.j ac ent regions, priests as v-J\il'll as. coadjutor;::: or lay-,Jrot hers, who may have made the first profession, a:,1c.~ the novices, who may v-Ji,1h to f ollov-1 them; and that 211 ::;he proportieo of the Society in my dominions be to~en; and for th1;1 uniform execution of thL.1 decrnc: throughout these dominions I give you full Gnd o~clusive ~uthority; and that you may form the necessary instruc tions and orders, according to your best judEment, and v1hat you may think the most effective, expsdi tious, and peaceful method for carrying out these instruments and orders. And I 1,.vish that not on1:' thf~ magistrates and superior tribunals of thes0 kinsdoms may execute your n~ndates punctu2lly, but th2t the same understanding may b (3 ent eri~d.ned cons crrdng those which you may direct to the viceroys, pre:Jiclents, ai.1-diencias, gover,nors, corregidoras, alc&ldos rnayoi'es, and o.ny other matistrc1tes of those kingdoms 2nd prov inces; and that iL response to their respective re quests, all troops, militia or civilian, shall renrler the necessary assistance, without any delay or eva sion, under pain of the delinquent's falling under my royni indignation; and I charge the provin~ials, presidents, rectors, and othcir superior.s of ;:,~1e Society of Jesus to ac(~ept these i)rovisi0ns punct11aJly and in carrying them out the Jesuits shall ~c tr8:J.t(~d with th r-t"'"t r:i:J'" 'd r,tt ,_ I-... ,"w ,,,>~,,,.,.!St-8 i::;rea ,~,:, Tvf:,c,r ~.t erh,J_on, 110D8.,t.,., c,.,.lC cto,:i.,. ance, so thut in eveJ7 respect ths action t.::.ken r,1ay be in conformity witl1 my sovereizn int E::rt i01lf,. You ,., 11 l,-,. h-l i n d f' ""' .; t c:, 7 .._ I'.] f' .l 1 11 n+ vJ l. 1,8 E;p I., .l.::; ..,_n ,:lllil 0 .L Cl e 8 CL, -'-U. .. l.~.L !.C as I yery confidently oxpect from yo11r ~e.J::., a ctivity, end love of my royal service; ::uF1 to tbis 011d you will give the necessary orders and instructions, ac compnnying them with co pies of my .coyal decree, which being signed b-y you shall bEJ given the same faith and crf;dit. cJ. s tho o:."ig inal.

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-322-On Mnrch 31, 1767,. Charles III informed the Pope, at thnt time Pope Clement XIII, of tho nction he had taken again.st the Jesuits. The king's letter to the Pope read as 1 follows: Most Holy Father, Your holiness is well avJare th.Jt the fir::;t duty of a soverei8n is to watch over the peace and presor~ vation of his stato, and to provide for the good government and intern,::i.l trc.nguil ity of his fJubj ects. In compliance -.,1 ith th1s principle, I huve b eon U:tJ.der the imp(,rious necessit:,r of resol v5-ng u.1)on tho irn:;wdiate expulsion of all the Jesuits 1Nho w2r8 estc'..J.blL3hed in my kingdoms and dominions, and to send them to tho state of the c hurc:-i, undl':ir the immediate, wise, :n1d holy direction of your 1:1ost holy bocmtitude, most worthy father and 111.-Jster of aJ.l the faithful. I should falJ. under the obliquy of throwin,~; n. heavy char1?:e upon the apostolic privy COUTiCil, by ob-1:i_ging it to exhaust its trec.t::;uros j_n t hu sU:'.)lJOrt.inr..; of thoo(:) poor J c.su:Lts who happer. to tave been born my vassals, had I no~ made previous provision, as I hRve, for the payment to each iRdividual of a sum sufficio~ to maintain him for life. J On such understanding, I pray yodr holiness to view this my determination simply D.s a1i indispcns::ible step of political economy, tr:drnn on1y after ifl,Tture exctrninnt ion, and the mor3t profound reflection. Doing WG the justice to believe {a;J I prey you will), your holinGsr,; wiJ.J as;mred:i.y g:r.a.nt. you:c holy apostolic benediction on this me3sure, os well us on all my actions, which have for their object, J.n the same wc1y, tho promotion of the honor and glory of God, (Signed) YO IGL REY 1 -J. P. and '\'J. P. Robert.son, 1.Q:t:t~r,:"3-f_rg__m Par:P-.PT. (1838), II, 81-32. Quoted by G:Lc:ven, R~adin.i:~Q .. JJ.l.Jiif[QD.JllQ. Arnericnn Historv.

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-323Pope Clement XIII was deeply gri8ved by the action taken against the Jesuits by Charles III. In a brief but rneaninc;ful letter which he wrote to Cha.rles III, the Pope made known how hG felt towards ~he Society of Jesus. The text of the Pope's letter ic as follows:2 "Is it the Catholic Ch2rJ.es III, whom we so much love, thDt is to f :iJ.l to the brim the cup of our.bitter afflici~ions; to ovr;rWhG1m our untw.ppy old a1:,e witr1 grief o.nd tears j and fin,r:tlly to preci pitato us into tlrn to;nb? Vfo say i.t in the pr8s once of God and man, that the body, the institution, the spirit of the Society of Jesus, is abso lutely innocent; and not only innocent, but that it f t 1 d ] 1 '-l is pious, it is use u1-, J ., 1.s rlo y; o.n c:, --~ ,, ns whether considered with reference to its laws, to its maxims, or to its objec-i:;s. Those v1ho ho.ve a.ttempted to detract from it,s merit.s., h[(VC only called down upon their J.ie:3 c.nd contra,ticti0r1s the cont3rnpt and detestation of' ell _good and imixtrtial men. 11 Following the expulsion of the Jesuits, the Bourbon rulers of' Europe too}:: steps to have the Soci.oty sup})resr.ed altogether, Charles III sent c1 special delerate to t,ho Vatican to work for the Society's suppress5.on. Acting under strong pressure from the Bourbon Kinss of Spain, Fr3nc0, Portugal, Sicily and Parma, PoprJ Clement XIV i:::;sued o. cl ecree of suppression in 1773. At thG tim8 of the suppression, Rev. Father Lorenzo r; Tb; ., N .:=;_...::Q

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.. 324Ricci was the General of the Society of Jesus. On Novem-ber 19, 1775, in Saint Angelo, Rome, vJhere hG v.1as at that tirne staying, a virtual prisoner, Fn'\;,hGr HiccJ made a brief sco.tement touching on the supprc-s::d.on of the Society. The statement read as followc:3 In the presence of Jesus in the Blessed Sacrament WLo wi::'d. soon pass jud::i;rnent on in1,), I ckclare that I he1vo not don8 anything +..:.o justify the suppression of t~e Society. I know this to be a fact being fully informed of the aff~irs of the Society as ~uperior of the SE\me. But, as God alone knows, I caL not be responsible for everything. For this reason, with my last ruoment fast approaching, I declare that I am not in the least diJ~urbed about w11at has happened. I l0c1vc everything in the hands of God. I p3rdon all, from the bottom of my haart, and I aak God for all manner of blessings for every one. Lastly, I declare that all thnt I have stated has been made out of regard for the SociGty and for the Faith. 3 -Archive General de Simancas. Rubio, op. c it., vol. 5, p. -~---Quot cld in ~T 0

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-325CHAPTER SIX GOVERNOR BASCO'S AffMINISTRATION, 1778-1787 1. Basco's Plans and Policies Following th~ death of Anda in 1776, Pedro Sarrio'became governor of the Ph:LJ..ippines (J.776-1778)., Sarria was succeeded in 1778 by Jose de Basco y Vargas. In the following passages, Montero y Vid.&l tells of Basco' s plans d 1 1 an po icies, In July, 1778, the new proprietary governor an"j_ved at Manilo.; this VJRS Jose de Basco y Vargas, an officer in the ,Sp2nLsh royaJ. navy. 'rhe off:i.cials of the 11.ucl.iencia forth.-vith sent a remonstrance to the court, against their being subordinated to a man wb.ose rank 11gavo him only the :r.i::_:ht to be addr0ssed as 'you' while ench one of the rnar;istr::.tes (of the Audiencia) enjoyed the title' of i1Lordsh5.p,'" and they asked for the revocation of Basco' s appoint ment; but of course this was rei'used, and they vrnre rebuked for their officiousness. As u rcsu1 t, the auditors opposed all that Basco attempted, and even conspired to seize his p0rson and put Sarria in hi\'3 place, That officer, however, rE-:fusecl to join them, and informed the governor of the scheme; in consequence, Basco arrested the recalcitra11t auditors and other persons connected with their plans (including Cencelly), and sent them all to Spain. Now free from hindrances, he devoted hims8lf to the administration of the:.: government, the welfare of the country, and the development of its resources. 1 ... Q.. fi!:.,, in B.~ R., vol. 50, P 47,

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-32611In a docur,ient entitled 'A ,Q'.eneral econom:i.c plan,' ho extolled the advuntages --which are inher ent in the promotion and development of agriculture, commerce, and industries. Ho offered therein to bestow rewards and distinctions on the per sons who [_;hould exceJ. in agricultur01, in making plantations of cotton, of mulberry troes; and of the choicest spices, as cloves, cinnamon, pepper. and nutmef; to tho;3c who should .establish mahufa::tures of silk, porceJ.rlin, and fnb:cics of hemp, flax, r.u1d cot ton l.:U~e t, hose that w erE.i rec cdved frorn the Coromandel Coast, M,1lc1bar, and China; to those who would underta~e to work the mines of gold, iron, copper, and tin; ~o thnse who shouJ.d make discoveric-:i:i useful to tnn Str.1+:,e; and to those who should excel in sciences, the liberal arts, anu rr;echa.nics. He D.lso circ1J_lo.tcd j_nstr,_wtioni:3 in regard to tha method of cultiv2ting and preparing for use cotton, silk, sugar, etc. He also, in Camarines, ccr:ipel.lecl_ th,3 planting of moru ti::1n four mi]ljons of '"'11,lbe;,.,;--"r trer-,s whjch for ~nvc:rrl rGars .L. ,_.,,.._ .... ~ .; -....,, .,_ .., u _, \ .J yielded an ~xcell2nt product; but these ii~ort~nt plantations were abandondd after his term of of~ fie e (expired). H8 improved the scLool s, c,nd uj_dcd the diffusion of knowledp.o by J;,romotin:~ th o 1mnv1-ledge of the Co.stilJ.an 1.Emguarc. In order to ]:'epross the boJ. dness of ,::;he rLur-:.lerous hirrhV'Jc:'.YlTIGn who infested the roads in th8 rrovinces nearest to Manila, he appointed judg:es ,:-r/_th ;)oVJr::;r oS-: condemnation (j_l:!.ff ..2. d~J acorc:ad:..t J; thciso accompanied by a counse11or und an exc,cut:i_oner, by summary process tried the w.::.l efacto rs whom they nrre3tod in their respective clistrict,'3, and appl:Lc:d t:111 penalty -a measure so efficacious that in a short time there was con~lete security avery~hore. the Audiencia appealed 2gainst this monsure, end the king isoued 8 decree hotifying the governor tn ab stain from medC.::.lin1,; 5n the jurisdiction of thn.t court. In acknow:iedging the receipt of this soverE:ign command., }fosco remarked that 11infortu.nate ly it had arr::.ved too late.' f,s war h:1d been a.gain declared between Espaiia and Inglatorra, Bcsco caused the fortifications o,f Manila and c'~:rvit, e, nnci the forts in the provinces, to be ropc1il'od, chans ing a ~reat part of the artillery ther~in, for now pieces. He also reorganized the armJ, In

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-327-1778 the order for the expulsion of the Chinese w.J.s revo~ed, dnd. a cons:ideraole number of them returned to }fanila. A royal dee rem of Hovemb er 15, 1777, recom monded the estatlis:1mer~:::. of an institution in which vagrants and (l:Lsr3ol ut e purson::., mip;lrt. be shut up. Accordinfly, IJc.nueJ. del C8st:i.11o y Negrete, minister of ju::tice for the Phili9pines, drew up and printed ( Sc:,nr:JaJ.oc, 1?79) a monunl of ordinances for the man".v;erii.ent of a general refuge for poor per sons, beggars, 1domen of lewd life, nbandoned cldl-dren, and. orpLans. For this project he had ob-\ tained tLe opi~ions of learned persons, all or wham extolled it; and he sent this document.to the l~ng. Besides promotint: all interestr. of m.orality, ,:we the development of agriculture, industry, and commerce, Basco founded the noted "Economic Society of Friends of the C0untr.y. a A royal d E:cree dated Aurust ;t/, l'/80, had ordered him to convmie a2.1 tho learned or competent persons in the colony, 11in or,ler to form an association of selected persons, capuble of producing usef~l ideas;" but when this decre0 arrived, Basco had already founded the above society. On February 7, :.781, the active members of the ~eneral td.bunal (juntg_) of cornmE:rc e Lad assembled, and agreed upon tl:.e consti":.-;ution of the soc:Lot.y, a numher o.f them signing t~1eir name e. as its rnor1ib ers -,;1r.1ong them the IJhrque s de VilJ.amedian1, tr e prior oi' t:i1e consuJ.c::,te of conmrnrcci. 1"fhc body oi: rncrch'.lnts oncowed tb..e sociesy -:vith a permanent fund o.f 9t,O pesos a year, the value of two tonelad~s which were assigaod to it in the 12ciin{". of tho Ac.-~p1,'.lco ral-leon.11 ThG society v-1as formally inau:_;1uc1ted on M:i;:cy 6, 1781, under the presidf',nC y of .Ba,:1co, who rnJde an eloquent .si.ddrerrn. Itr, .first prs~ddcmt ,va3 the quartermaster-general of the islands, Ciriaso Gon~ales C&rvajal; according: to its f'j_rst re:iUJ.utions, it contained the following sectioils; natural history, agriculture, and rural econ0ri1y, factories and manu factures, internal and foreign c01J1merce, industries, and popular educaticn. "Stiruulated by Ea,sco, the society undertook with g~eat ardor to promotG the cultivation of indigo, cotto~, cinnamon, and pepper, and the silk industry, according to the ordurs published by the superior authority. Tim rarioh pri(;at

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-328of Tambobong, Fray Mati:rn Octavio, taught his pa-rishioners to prc:paro the indigo, present:Lng to the society the first specimens, which were adjudged to be of Lmper:Lor quality. In 1781+, the first shipment of this ,u~ticlo to Europa was rno de :Ln the ro-yal frag,1tn 11Asu.ncion11 'l'hG society also recom-mended that e~fort ~0 mact8to attain perfection in weaving and dyGing. ( The society d,Jclin8d gre3.tJ.y after the departure of its founder; and Aeuilar roughly opposod it. In 1809, it w:rn extinguished; two years later, orders were received for its re establishment, 'but this wns not accornplishod .Lrtil 1319. In the following yos r, its const it ut ion vrns remodeled; and in 1S21 it founded 3.t its own cost a professorship of .:.1gricultur3 ,:;nd an ac.J.domy of desit;n,. and establishecl spGcial :Lnst:cuction in d7/eing. In 1824, it resolved to bestow rewards on the most sucqessful farmers; nnd it introduced from China martins, to r::.rht the locusts ;:,hat were desolating the fields. In 1826, its constitution ex~erienced another revision, ln1t du.Ting :-nore them ha~_f a cent 1v 1t P''-' a 1,.., il --,c,; ;f' t c+, ce It U.1. ~ ,.:;c~Vv uru __ y clI1y 0--f::_.D. 0.,. l ::3 eXlu-Jcn h d f-' t:' 1--, .p T '-J t.. ..! v-, 1 n-.
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-329-himself), 'Instructions which are gj_ven to all the. commanders or heads of the patrols, the provin cial administrators, the market inspectors, and other persons vJho anJ under obligo.tion to prevent loss to the revenue from tobacco,7 These were di-rected to the pree11tion of smuggling, showing the way in which ::i..nve;.3t:.: .. vatLons shr",1 d be conducted -including the housr3s of parish priects, the convents, collegas, and beaterios, the quarters of the soldiers, etc. He crr:~at ed a board of direction for this revenue, a general office of administration or agency, and subor~inate offices to this in the provinces. Br.tsc0' s idea vms strongJy op-posed by var:Lous interects; but t~1e governor1 s energy was able to conquer this unjust oppo:3ition, and the monopoly was orgoni~rnd on Marc.::h 1, J_'ifi2; it constituted the basis of the prosperity of the e:::chequer in that country, and its most importc:rnt source of revenue. 11The z0alous gove:tnor v:i.sited the provinces in persor,, in ord,3r to ir.fon11 himsolf o:r:' their needs and to remedy the::rn, compelling ~ heir governors and other functionaries to fulfill their tru~ts as they should. He also oiganized various militcry e:~editions to occupy the Igorrot country. it 1 2. The Tobacco Monopoly, By far the richest of tbe str\t8 rnonopolies in revenue-producing capacity was ~::,he i~obacco no nopoly, which, moreove:t', proved not le.ss :;_rn})OJ:'tant as a factor in the general e~onomio ~erelopment of the is:_ands ttan it 1-vas for thE, t:.."o&su:'.'y. 'i'he es-tablis::irr,ent of tliis monopoly net -~v:i.th :.:r'~tcbbor11 re sista:1cc 0:::1 the part o:' the nc::.ti'Jt);~. '.~hoy 7_ooked upon tolac~o as a urimo nece,ssitf. bsin,: c:,ccus-.... J. ,. .... ..,, torned to its use a1rnost, from inLc1cy, a11cl n:1turally otjecced to the 1:Lrr.itation of its cultiv.:,tion and s2.l. e 1 C. :: Pl.ehn, HTaxation in the Philippines, 11 ,Egli..: tical Science Q.1arte:cJ.:1:, v~J.. 16, pp. 680-711; vol. l?, pp. 125-Ua.

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-330The maintenance of this monopolv involved: (1) the prohibition of the cultivatio; of tobacco outside of tertuin districts; (2) the strict regulation oJ' the m:iount to b u raised within those districts, which in turn, on account of the inertness of the nativeri, involved compulsory labor on the part of those or;c e Cff1.ga:r,<2d in its production; ( 3) the prev1antion of coiltr::ibcmd sales, whether of to bacco taken frorH th(; crop permitted to be raise.d or of other tobacco; (4) the purchase of the entire crop by the 0orernmcnt at 1:.1 price deter:nined by the authorities; ( S) tl.1e insp0ction of the growinc; crops; (6) the inspection and classification of the product as to quality; (7) the preparation of the tobacco under r.i:ove:r.nuent supervision; (3) the manu facture of cigars, cigarettes, etc., in sovernmont factories; (9) the prohibition of t~e exportation or {ruportution o; tobacco except by the ~overnment; (10; the collection and purchase of as much as pos sible of the tobacco raised in districts nDt fully under government control, At first the cu.ltiv2tion 0f' tobacco was con fined to t-he district of Gapan, in the province of l'Jueva Ecij a, to certain districts in the C,::1gayan valley and to the 1ittl G island of i.ili:i.rj_nduque. It was not until after 1C28 that it was found that the tobacco from the Cagayan valley was both 1)ett.er in quality and chenper to raise than that of Gapan. Belore the closu of the monopoly the o.uthorized tobucco-p1anting discricts ere in t tie provinces of Cagayan, ~a Isabelo, La Union, Abra, Ilocos Sur, Iloco s 1~0::.0t c .:J:1.d Nueva Esij a, a].l in northern or north-central Luzon. Collections of tobacco raised withou~ r;overnuent supervision were made in the Visaya.s afte;r 1[3~.0 and among the Igo:rot()S o~ the north after 1e42. The incom8 GnJ the expenditures of tho tobacco monopoly were the lar~est item3 in the budget. In 1880-dl the gross ~e-ceipts arnount,:;d to 8,571,200 pesos, against which were chorged; for tobacco purchased, 1,548,110 pesos; 0ther mater ... ials, 28,614 po.sos i expr.:nses of collection, 80, l!i-75 pesos; cost of marn .. un.cturo, 1, JOLi-, 061 pc1sos; cost of ~3Upervi:3ion, 152,,58;2 pr'~SOSj other 8Xf(}l1i:3US, i11-

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-331-eluding estimated p:coportj.on of expense of the gen ernl admini:3tnition of all monopoliN'i, 50 ,000 pesos; leaving a net revenue of nearly 3,500,000 pesos. 3, Thu R0al Cor.rrpofiia de Filipinns.1 That rp:u for s-oeculc1.tion in 0rien'tt.l Sens which seized -~11 tha ~ations of Europe also aroused ,, f h d '. td l opc.nn rom er J.n :u.1 e:renc e .,owar, s comrncrcia~. entcrpri3 eEJ ,2 The rnerc:.v-J.nts of Cadiz, encourae:ed by the profits which thoy ohtainr~u from their exclusive trGde -wi.th America, proposed to establish ani)ther monopoly over the trode of the isli.J.nc'Ls of th2 EDst, and obtained from t.ho rn0rw.rch due autho:city to establisl1 a company of the Philippine::-:: (Cor:1pafiin de Filipinas), 1mder Jche cc::duJ.a of March ?9, 1733. Un der this cedulo., -:.ho Cornpafiia dn Filipinas enjoyed many privilei:ses. But thE:1 merchant.G of I-frJ.nila were opposed to tlw granting of'i, th,.:::se privileges, As a result the proposed con~any did not come i~to being. However, the need of extending the trado of ~he Islands was stror!.R:lv felt in Mc:tr1ila. The oxi'!Prc1e,.. Of'-' f_T-!'01JJ'r,,' !-::l1"ld. ".Ln._,.,,,1-do'r(,]_0Dl0nf-'' peoJ]8 b _,, J. ,,_, C:\ ..) :, ....... <.:..") ._ C.1 -.. U J ...,, 'II --i .... :~ -and the ::Jpect::tcle of ot;--1er nat:Lons activoly engaged in trade in Oriental seas gave rise to the idea that JVbnil a should obtain comma d.ii:, iGE, right at the places where they were produced, Accordingly, the Gover---------1 :i<~::c erpts from chapters 9, 10 and 11 of LiL.1.i.9.tad do. Com0.:ccio ,~n Jas I2la~: Filtvinas, by IJhLuel Azcan..ga Y Palmero, d1~adric., 1671). The author, a FjJ_ipino-Spaniarrl, had b oen Al.c falde M2.yor of C af & yan and of Buldcan, and, at one time, Civil Governor of l'Jianila. 2 -In the early years of the 17th century England, Holland and Franc c chartered comm0rci::ll compcmies to engage in trnde in the East. Elrnd.::n1d hud her .. East India Com pany, Holland t11f~ Dutch East Indiu Company and France, the French East India Company. Through their re.spective India Companies, EngL:rnd, Holland and Franc c carried on their commercial and colonial activities in the Far East.

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.332 ... nor, in 1717, dispatched the frigate "Deseada" to the coast of Malabo.r to establish conm1ercial l"'elations with the :t:nbob of Carnot. 'rhe attempt, l10w-evcr, proved unprofitable nnd hence vvas abandoned. After the signing of the treaty of peace with England, the number of Europ2an vessel.;:, ?l:,ting Asia tic flae:s incroGsed, But the true nationalit7 of those v~ssels was so well known that the fiscal of His Majesty wac obliged to appe~l to the Real Audiencia asking for prompt .:1 nd severE: pun:i.sh1,>.?11t for those foreigners who were violating, in such open manner, 1::.he existing la,vs, 'rhe su1Jerior tribunal, with mucJ1 prudence, and t~ddn:~ into consideration the great harm that -would come to the cor,u,mnity by imposing penalty for violations which for some time were being tolerat0d, li.itd.ted itself to notifying the aforementioned l"renchr;-:en that, if they ever re turned to the port of Manila to sell merchandise, they would be penal:L~ed to the full extent of the law. This decision was based on the fact that, if the said vessels and the buyers of their cargo were to be proceeded ag2inst, action must be taken against all the residents ofthe city. The go,)d ldnl!. Carlos III for sure did not. look with indifference U,l)On the ab::mdonment and isolation of the ?hilippines, and the em:i_nent uen who surrounded him cou:_d not but see thci cause of this state of affairs ancl the rr;eans of combattj_r.,g :i.t. It was therefore .gr2ed to o.sta"olish o. r:irect communicat~on between Jviani2.a and Cadiz via th l~npe of Good Hope and to adept measures that would devcl6p the resources and the commerce of these Islands, ~ith a view to freeir..g them frcm their cl8pcndonce unon Mex~co. For this purpose, a war v0ssel was to be di~;1;2tc}1c::d annually from Cadiz to Mani:L:-1 with the privilege of loading there, on the accoant of the merchants of Manil-=t, native products and fall kinds of Oriental goods, j_ncl 11ding those of Chino. a~1d India. In line with this purpose, the rostric~ions on trade with the Far East were revoked. The frigate ?uenconsejg_ was the first to make the exp edit ior't und()I' this nrrang ement, arriving in Manila in 1765.. Partly because of unum1al attach-

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-333-ment to rout.inn ond to thot,e petty ctrntoms 1:hich create Gxclusivism and monopoly, and partly because of the restrictions connected with the new venture, the idea was not well received in Manila. The merchants refused to tate pa:ct in the lo a dine; of the veGsel anci it w~s necessary to load it on the account o:f the k:Lnp;, 1;1hile, according to rnuor, the goods were concealed so that the vessel could not tako on any cargo. Nevertheless, t, he vessels of the governrwmt continued to make those expeditions until l'li:trch 1785, when the frigate Asuncirn1 madG the Jl+th Emel 1.1~~t voy,qge. But this met,hod -of C a:crying on tracl.e }ic;td not been adopted except as an experirrent and as a means of opening the way to private interests, which were expected to take advantage of this traffic 2nd of tho newly opened route. The terr.1 of the C:Jm::,afiia Guipuscoana de Cara cas having 0xpirec:, end ::Lts rneGbers not desiring to continu0 the ~;v.s iness without, the former r,riviJ. eges, the stocktolders deci~Gd to transfer opor~tiono to Oriental regions as well as the capital still re-mainin8, The proposed bases of a new association hav:J.ng been presented, ~he king promulga"jed a royal order authoriz:Lng -~he c:ci:J&tion of the Real Cornpafiia de Filipir..as, I:.rch 10, 1785. Article 2 of this decree fixed the capita]. of the Company at C",OOG,000 pesos divided i::.to 32,000 shares of !"'250 a share. 'l'he rnonarc.;h sho1rrnd 3nch in-1~ erest :J.n the success of this Compeny tJat, not on~.y did he invite the B,;;,_:pco Nacio~1.82. dG f'.on Cnrlos and the ccmpanies in Sevilla and Hav&~a, LS well as thu munic i.pa.:i. ities to taice part in ::.t, l:'.i1lt al no he hirnsel: bouz;ht shares to the vc.;lue of 1,c,r;c,000 pesos, in addition to the shares which be~on~ed to him as a member of the Cornpaiiia de Cc:racac. The princ.;ipaJ. pur::)()ses of the Compcmy wcnc t') put into comrnunicat:i.on all our colonies .'.lmong tLem sel ves and with th-o Liotn.E:1' country, to e11cou:race commerce with the countr~es of Asln; to give greater scopi.=:, to the commarc e of th,3 Philipp~.ne;:;, and to take advantage of tie direct route b8twoen Cadiz and

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-334-Manilc.1 which the gov8rnment vessels ht::id used. Its operntj_ons were to cons:i.13::, in :,upplying Manila o.nd th.8 Isl anrl.s w :i.th all kinds of ,,,::oods from Europe and Americ~, domestic and foreign,-nnd to carry in return spice8 and othar native products, as well as manuf.::-:ctures o.f the .?h:i_li:;Jpine,s 2nd o:: other Asiatic countrj.es, in the tr~de with which it enjoyed, under li.rtir:le 23 of thE'1 aforementioned cedula, e::clusive priv:11 ege:J, Consoque~+,ly, t.11e Company could ~'~end, negotiate, and dispatch, like .siny other subject, vessr)lS registereii for the Ancricdn dominions, but it could do this only from the ports of the Peninsula o.ncl. not from Ivio.nila. l,Ioreovc:r, it could send expeditions to ChiDa and India to obtain the effects and products necesf:'.ary to itEi commerce, .:1nd to establish factories in the ports of those nations. The Company also had d.nother purpose nnd that was to stimulatrJ the developr1ent of the wealth which lay hidden in those Islands snd to encoura~a an ac tive exporting businGss, hence, under article 50 of the cedula, the Company was obliged to apply 4-% of tte net profit of' its opert:ttions to t.1-ir-1 deyelo:pmerit of agriculture a~d manufac~ures in these Is!unds, the board oi director.::; re.sidin~ in Manila i)oin;z :required to propose to "eh(~ c:ourt -vvhatevr:n~ it thoug:1t proper for the fulfillment of this imnortc.TG duty. Under the next article, thi:~ Company wo.s aJ,so otliged to carry, freo of <2hc::r?;e :Ln itJ ves::rnls, the professors of n3tural and exact sciencos and those artisans who, of tl1E,ir own ::"rce ,1,1i~l or by order of the ~overnmPnt, would Jo to the Islands, whether Spaniards or forotfners. Dnrler nrticlc 52, one third uf the crew of itc vesccls ~hould b0 natives of the Philippinos, In retu~n fo~-~~ose oblig?tion~, the_U~n~any was granted, in ada1t1on to the ~pec1dl priv~lcge of b3ing the only one which could carry on direct trade between tha por~s of the Peninsula and those of China and Indin, others o' nmch importonce. Of these, the one which was undoubtodly of most valuo t 1 ,, .h r1 was ne pr1v1 .. ege 01 ucnng t 8 lag of the roya

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-335 navy in all its vesseJ.s. Besides, the Cornpany could, during thE::, first two years, acquire foreign vessels and register them free of cost; introduce, also free of duty, all the effects destjned for its vessels; and obtain from the roy~l ar~enals all the naval stores wh~L.ch it needed, paying .for t,llern t11e same price whic11 the governL1ent. had paid. In tho selection o.f personnel for its vessels, the Company was also grant.ad adv,~rntr1g~~ous pd.vilcges, for not onJ.y could it employ under contract forcifn seamen, only ,dth proviso that tlie first .1.ncl. sec011d mates and at least on half of the crew must be nationo.ls, but also it was authorized to summon to the service officiu.ls of tbe royal navy. MorE-3over, for the b;:mcf'it of the Company ull the laws, practices, orders and royal decrGes 1Jhich,-pr0hibit2d the import2ti.on into the Peninsula of muslins and cotton and silk textiles were revoked, it3 vessel::-, bG:~ng autLorized to buy all ki.nds of cloths manufactures from India, China and Japan, be ing only rt:guir0d to p&y 57t of the current values of these goods. As a speciul concesf3ion., -the products of the Philippinos 1.1:ore in those of' the Poni.ns'J.la. Uder 1 7 ':l"d. '71 t,i't16 l boo~ q l U V s) ) (; ,; ) .I~ C +.; of the Recopilacio:c1 de la.J leycs de Indi::rn, all sub jects of His :vrnj esty, whether of.' the f enin::;t'la or from America, were forbidden to trade with Asiatic countries including th~ Philippines. Tho latter, as a special 9rivilop;e.t was alJ._owed to sm1d onl7 one vessel to Acapulco. These prohibitions ware revoked in the interest of the Gompc-:ny. Likewise, law 9, title 18, book l and lCt',JS 3~-and 35, title h5, book 9 of tbi 2b0Vc:;-n,en-L~:i.0ned Hecopilacion, which forbade tb.e merclr::nts of I,IaniJ.a to entor into ne~otiat:ions vdth the ports of Chin,1, and India, and which regulated in c1 mo.s t vexinr; mu1111er the traffic wh!ch t.he Chinese c2rried on ~ith that city, werr: revoked. Consequently, the merchants of the city were now at l~b2rty to disputch vessels to the, por1"' of C1'in"' "'11a' I11.,, d 1 ~ca1,i"e -f'rorn V 1.) -Cl. ct .L J ..... C_ J L.-!. .J Cl J ....t.-1,. .L .I_ then the manufacturerJ which '1'18I'G in much rl.emaad, with out waiting for the Chinese crwmpans or Armenia11 veo-

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-336sels which used to monopolize this trade, At the some time, the Chinese werr-; gi"!nn ~rec:,ter opportunity to sell in l'-Tanila their goods and to i)uy tr,ose of the:: country, ilitl1out being bc'ither'.:;d by the inter vent ion of deputies -1.r.1cl other obr-,taclns which Wel'o established undor the name of pancada, 3 At tho s1me time that they began to despatch cargo, the directors of t nc Company devoted the111-SE-l ves to the production of thl':1 country, 1n,1::ing heavy advani:!eG to .furmers and 1ayirw down conditiorn:J of purchase which were very 3dvantageous, They specially wero interested in the produc tion of silk, indigo, suga:, and cot~on, as these were the article:';, which had better prospeG'ts and which had been under cultivation for some time in the country. The Cornpan/, lil-:ev:ise, desired to cJodicate part of its capital to canufacturGs in the Islands. It wanted to make of the co~_ony n.s rich in iWturuJ. resources a manufacturj_ng count rJ, wnr::::rc t ho raw ma terials of industry ure so abundant and whore wages are so cheap, It expected to make the ozi:stin~ J.uoms 3 'l'he' term iipanca.do_l! i::3 used to de::.:d.2:n'lte tho system under which. foreign COl\')ff;ocLLtie3 WE.re sold upon their arrival at the port o.f Manila, As regulated. by the d ccree of August 9, 15e9, the system '/Ja:::~ .as follovrn: 11 no C11incse or for eign .ships could sell at retail the good.s vJhich tLey c2-rried to the islands, ; nor could th0; inh~i.bitcmt ::-; buy tho [Y,oods, openly or in secret, under severe penal.ti,3s, Tho p1J.rche.se of the said goods wus to be discus3ed by the nouncil, and as many and so qualifiert rernons a~ thg business dn10nd8d were to be appointed. These persons a lonl) s ho,1ld buy in Ll lot all the merchandise brou,~ht by tLe ships, und then distribute it fairly amon~ the citizens, s,anish, the CtinoJe, and the Indians, at the same price nt which it should te ap praised. (E.~ R., vol. 7, p. 13g.) The order of Aurust 9, 1589 W3~3 repeutcd by the de crees of January 11, 1594, June 11, 1~95, January 25, 1596, and August 9, 1689.

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-337manufacturing cotton shirtings, rayadillos, guina ras, tapestry, terlingas, 1 inens, carnb rics, and other textiles into D. grr:~at man:1facturing industry, and proposed to put their products in competition with those from BengaJ. and Coromandel. In this venture the Company swJi:.:::ined enorrr..ouE; J.osses. By 1790, according to a statement, the Company had invested ll,E\JG,000 reales vellon of its capital and 3,241,000 in edifices. The sta~r;r:ient also shows that after five years of operqtion, it had notes tablished commercia~ relations with India, China, and .Japan. It limite;d itself to acquiring, froLi the beginning, the com'.:ioclities fror:1 those countries from the merchants of ManilE:. Such & transac:t::Lon was very disadvantageous to the Company, for it usually paid 90% more than the prices p2id at the places of production. Moreo7er, "'.:;he S'.)ciety was not fulfilling one of its princifal purposes, which was toestablish direct trade with Indii and China In vieillJ of the small quantity of Oriental goods that it could obtain at lVIanila, the Compa:1y as!ced the Court for nn extension of articles 29 and 30 of its charter. The Government granted the r8ouost August 2, 1789, as a result of--wtich the port of Manila was deJl&red free and open to the vessels of European nations for a period of three years. Under this permit, Europeans could introduce and ,sell in Manila all kinds of Asiatic_ goods, except :Guropean commodities. .. For the first time, flags of European nations appe2,red at the bay of ]\'..nnila as symbols of peD.ce and corr.m~rce. All of this had no purpose othf.')r than to favor the interests of the Company. The Company also obtained in 1803 a royaJ permit to send annuallv one vessel from tte nort of Manila to Amer:Lca, {Jith (i';Oods to th8 Vo.lU:e of 300,000 pesos. The expeditions, however, were to be confined to Peru, in order that the Acapulco galleon mi?-:ht not be interfered with in the loast. In this wai commercial relations were establishe4 anew with the vice~royalty of Peru.

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-33$In 1305, King Carlos IV issued a royal ord~r 1 ,, n Dt t' 1--_c, ,-, ffi pro or1.1=~in.?. .1.or 1:u. een y2ars ne cuarc,r~r 01. r:.ue ,..,o -.. ~, f m1, p&ny, w1tn ~he Scime pr1v1lezes as oe oro. ~11e ca-pital was fixed at 12,500,000 pesos, cHvid2d into shares of 250 poses each, tho King acqu~rine 3,943,-000 pesos worth of stock. Notable chunr.:es were mDde i.n tho new chartor. In the first place: foreiznorc, were a'1thorizcd to own shares andto dispose freely of the same. In the second place, vessuls going to China and India for merch1nc:ise ~oeld sail dire::t to the Peninsula without cal::.ing '1t tnc r-:or~ of Mariila. And lastly, the ?rivilege granted for a period of thres ~ears to foreign vess,:~ls to import foreign mercr,3.ndise to Ifanil.J. 2nd to export nnthre products was mado perpe tual. In 1830, the privileges of the Cor,pany were revoked and the port of }fanila was definitely opened to foreign nations. The Real Compafiia de Filipinas for vario11s reasons failed to come up to the expectations of it.s fouriders end promoters. In the first place, the Company, in the words o/ Dr. T. H. ?ardo de Ta7era, wc:s 11badl y ra.~ased, making absurd commercial operations, and followed no true mercantile principle." Another contributory factor to its fail-ure 1r1as the hostile attitude towards tLe Sor:::pany on the part of the merchants of Manila. The CompE.ny, howevor, contributed to a certain extent to the economic prorress of the Philippines. In the words of Dr. Ta,era '-, "Th(~ encouragement given by th3 head Compa-fiia to develop indust1ial and agricultural pro due~

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-339tion, backec. by the money it had clis'::,ributed in the provinces with that purposo, hqd at length to produce their results and if the Go:r1pany did. 'ail, on the other :1and, thanl:s to it, Philippine prod.uction made considerable procres."li-I ---------4 '1Resul ts of the Economic Development of t ~10 Phil-ippines", a pqper r8ad before the PhilipJine Golu~Ji2n As sociatio11, 1912.

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-340-CHAPTER SEVEN THE PHILIPPIKES AT THE CLOSE OF THE 18TH CENTURY. (1) The Government of the Philippines Of conditions in the Philippines at the close of the eighteenth century, an excellent surve7 is that contained in J0aquin Martinez de Zufliga's Estadismo de las Islas Fi:::..ipinas. Martinez de Zufiiga, an Agustinian friar, made a tour of the Philippines in 1800, in the company of Ignacio ) Maria de A lava, commander of a Sr1anish fleet which had come to thG Philippines at that time. In the Estadismo, written shortly after he returned from his travels, Father Zufiiga set down detailed observat~ons nf conditions ill the provinces that visited as wel:::.. as of various phases of the Spanish colonial administration in the Philippines. The following passages, dealing 1ith t be colonial administration are taken from tr.e edition of the Estadisrr,o., published in 1893 by Wenceslao Retana: The first tribunal of Manila is~ that of th0 Governor. In order to understand his power and authority, it is necessary to reproduce here what the Frarciscan history has ~o say on this point: (Part I, Book I, Chapter 61)-L 1 -This is the famous wor:c of the Franciscan friar; Fr. Juan Francisco de San Antonio1 in three volumes entitled,

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"The authority, grandeur, and supe ricri ty of the Governors of these Islands have no equal, even in the greatest of the many viceroyalties of Europe that are subject to the Cro~n ~f Spain, for none of these has such extended dominions. Neitter is there any Governor or Viceroy, who enjoys the preeminence that belongs to the Governor of the Philippines in relation to the receiving and sendir:g of ambassa dors to all the kingdoms of this realm, the declaration of war, ~he conclusion of peace, the takfng Jf measures of vengeance on behalf of the Catholic Ma jesty, prerogatives whichthe,Governor cculd exercise wi ttout waitir:g for orders from Spain. As a result many crowned kings rencered by vassalage to the G'.'Jvernor of the Philippines, and, recognizing him as their superior, held him in respect, feared him in arms, sought in earnest his friendship, and received punishment from him whenever they failed to comply with their promises The Governor bears the title of Governor, Cap tain General, and President_ of the Real Audiencia and as such has sole authority to decide all rr.atters relating to the royal treasury, government and war, acting with the advice of the Auditors only in matters of great importance. He also h3d prnver to hear in the first instonce criminal cases involvi:1g the paid soldiers; to provide for Alcaldes, Corre-j imientos, Teniantazgos, and 0ther justices in all the Islands; to exercise with the assistance of th8 Chief Clerk (appointed by the king) of the department of administration and war, t,he powers of government, just ice, war; to have his Gu-3 rd of twel vo halberdiers who always accompany his person; and several other powers. Ee receives as salary eight t~ousand pesos de minas, and 450 n:iaravedis, making all in all, 13,235 pesos and 3 gramos de oro ccmun." To the original salary 0f the govErnor has been added what he gets from the cont rabands which raise it to about 20,0C0 pesos. The Governor has C~rS;Jnic as de la Apost, olic a Provine ia de San Grep-orio de Re~~g~-o~os Descilzos de N, S. P, E,an 1'=QQ.9.}.:.l:3co __ Q.~.d:.. IJ?l...?-_].lipinas. It was printed in the Phil:_ppi nG s in the year 1738.

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-342-an Auditor of w2r, who serves as assessor in all disputes. The judicial proceedings are referred to one of the two fiscals of the King for legal opinion; then they go to the assessor with whose decision the governor ordinarily agrees. This office of the assessor is very lucrative for, aside from the two t hcusand pesos salary which the Ying grants to him, he enjoys. certain feos, and, bGsides,. receives five hundred pesos for each of the roy~l re-venues. Abov-e all, he possesses much power, be be-ing the man on whom rely for the satisfactory settle ment of their eases those wno in Jfanil-3, come under milit,ary juricdiction, or who are exempted from ordinary jurisdiction by reason of their being employed in connection with the royal revenues. Few indeed are those who would want to antagonize him, :f. or, when they least expect it, they get involved in a dispute, and of course thev would want that he renders an opinion favorable to their cc:use. For this reason, his position is one of great distinction, for he is looked upon as a sort of a minister of the Governor, who can exercise if he wants to greater authority than that of the king himself in the Court of Jv:adrid. With regard to the Real Audiencia, I shall refer to Chapter 63 of the Franciscan history already mentioned: "The Real Audiencia and Chancillery of the city of Manile, capital of the Philipnine s, has wider jurisdicticn and a:.ithoritv thrrn an7 other under the Spanish momirchy, because r8siding only in Menila, it comprehends the whole is land of Luzar: and the vrhole Archipelago, in accordance with the provisions of the new roya 1 :.:,rders of May 5, 1583, end 1/loy 26, 1596. It wrn founded, for the first time in the city of Manila: in the year 1584, on the suggestion of the first Bishop of Manila, Fray Dpmingo de Salazar1 in the same manner and with the sam3 foroEJ.lities followed elsewhere in the Indios. In tlF, year 1591, the Audiencia w~s 2uppressed, its existence beinG deemed unnecessary and the creation of an army of four hundred soldiers bE:ing then considered more urgsnt. .. But in the yeer 1598 the l~ing determined tc re-establish it, as in effect it was done, the Royal seal which contained the order bE:dng received with the traditional solemnity on the 8th of May, 1598.

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-343-As constituted, it was compos cd of a Pr~sident, who was Governor Fra~cisco Telloi and the Auditors D. Antonio de I-:Iorga, Cristobal Tellez Almosa, Alvaro Rodriguez Zambrano, and Geronimo Salazar. Ever since that time thG Audi(rncia has borm constituted by a Presidont, v,Jho is always the Govurnor of the Philippines, four Aaci.itor.s, and one Fiscal with his counsellor at law, clerk of court, and attorneys, chaplain, agent o.f the treasury, porter, sacristan, ma jordomo, and four Indian porters, a lawy9r for poor prisoners, an attorney for the poor, a warden of the court prison with hj_s li(Jut Emant and servant, and constables. The snlary of the Pra,sident is includ-ed in the eight thousand pesos already no-t;ed. The auditofs)and the fiscal receive 3,308 pesos, 6 to mines, x and 6 gra1;10s de oro a year. The other officials have their respective ~alaries." To the Real Audienc:ia hss been added a Regent and a Fiscal of the Royal ExchBguer, so that the fiscals of the king arc two, one for the RoyaJ. Exchequer, and one for the Civil Departm3nt. ;In the absence of one, the other takes charge ofth0 two offices, which give him much to do; and, inasmuch as in this country t:ental labor is very prejudicial, many f'iscals have succumbed under the weight o.f so many judicial proceedings, whi~h take place in the Philippines and which they are called upon to handle. The Regent is the one that directly governs the Audiencia, because the Governor, although he is President, tak,:;s li~tle part in its businoss, and gen0rally signs decisions without exanining them, and even without seeing the trial. The Real Audiencia was establisheJ to check the despotismof th~ governors, a thing which was never fulfilled, for the gowned gentle2en are always the weaker, and the Governor can place th9m under arrest and have them sent to Spain, banished to the provinces un-der the pretext that they must take a census of the Indians, or locked up at .Fort Santiago, as has frequently been done. Granting that these two tribunals enjoy equal res~ectability, in cases of notorious injustice there should be an appeal from the (x) Third part of a drachm. (Drachm, a copper nickel coin).

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-344-one to the other, In addition the Auditors should enjoy the right of inviolability of ti1.cir per.sons for the violation of which on the part of the governors rigorous punishm0nt shouid be meted out. In this way the Real ~udiencia would pro7e very useful to th,Jse Islands. 0;..;hcrv,:is.:;, t.ne: fu.d.ler:cicJ. would not ha of mucb -,1::3e; V1u c2ses that arise mic;ht as wall be decided by tho Govsrnor himself, and in this way there would be fe\Jer of them and tl1E-J expenses entailed would.not oe so burdensome, Tte 8abildo, or the City, which is the body that repres~nts the whole city of Manila, is composed of two alcnldes-in-ordinary t~lcaJ.des ordinario), eigh~ regidorea, a clerk, and a chief car.stable (al guacil ffay,Jr). The governor of the .fort an6 the royal officic.ls hD.ve seats in the Cabildo but theycan not take part in the deliberations. The juri~ diction of the city ext ends throughout t Le di strict of Manila and fi0,-e leap;t:es all around, and includes the supervision into ~he supply of provisions, and the i:nposi'::.ion oi fines on "'.":,hose wto 80Lrrnis frauds -;n ti..,.::. Sal of' o ,.,..,,,.,a' .,n~-c~n,...,, E'c -~ruJ-1-" etc ...... r1c __ -_ co. li\_..ct v, a -.1.-.,u, ..L _; t-:J, 7he two alcaldes-in-ordinary de~ide disputes that are ~aken to them in the first instance cS.nd exer cise royal jurisdiction. As a sy1bol of thGir au+-t-tl 7 rci, JHorit y, ney a"'_we.ys cGr-ry a can,::. L1e re:;10.ores, clerks and cons~ables are per~ancnt o~ficials, for their positions have b~en purchased. Ttesg they can sell, if the~ so desire, or mev ~eauea~h them to their children. MThe alcaldes-in-o;din(ry are electe0. annuall ~r from ari,on~ the resid0~r1ts C>f l\~2niJ.a. Their s2la;ies come f;om c~~tain income of tte Aca pulco trade which on tte average an:ou,rts to 11000 pesos 2 yec::r. ~he Tribunal del Consulado (Co:1SuJ.at0)2 was esta-olished 2bot forty ysars ago.. I'.1 'or:ner years cases no~ cocing undsr its jurisdiction were decided by the Govarnor or the Real Audiencia; at present the ~ity of l~1anila co:J.nts ".-v:Lth a tri'Ju::1.21 of t~ivo consuls a:::1d one Prior, who decide all c2,ses relatj.rig to the trade and commdrce of these islands. An-peal :'rorn this tribu~1al may be t~ken to the Tri~)unal 2 -Established by the real cedula of De~. 19, 1,./69,

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-345-de Alzada, which is constituted by an Auditor and two merchants nominatc:d ":)y him. Decisions of this b-ody are final unle3s re\rol::ed by the Consejo de In-dias. The election of Prior of the Gonsulado is done every ye3.r; that of consuJ.s, every two years. In order to have always a scni~r meJhar in the Tribunal and not t~o new_ones, evary year orie of the consuls is renewed. The duly qualified electors of the Consulate choose twelve Elec~ors, and, on New Year's day; th~se assembl,a and choo,s e tte Pd.or and one consul. The samo proc edur 3 is fallowed by the city in the election of alcaldas-in-ordinary, which is hel.d at the same time. These eloctions us1.1ally cause r:Guch excitement in the city durin.z '.:;hc: election days. Even in tle absence of an Ati--ditor, very frequently the elections ~re feature-id '!Jy dissentions1 which are terminated only by the governor, to whom the results of th~ election are delivered, and who, by his approval, enables the successful dandidatos to enter upon their duties and to receive their sa-3 laries, which are paid from the fund of the averia. 3 -Gne of the most interest in!! of the oJ. der miscellaneous charges on conm1erce -was the average ( averia), established fo~ all Spanis~ trade in 1528 and finally abolished in the Philippines in 1871. In its final form this was an ad valorem t2x, the proc e2ds of which sup~-:iort cd a commercial court, while the surplus was p2,id into the li_=shthouse fund. Its name is significant of its history. It origi nated in those days \'Jhen the encnii 3S of S:jain nade the ocean so uncom..fortable fo::.~ her merchant sh::.ps that t:1ey were accustomed to sail in fleets, accompanied :or protsction by one or more war vessels. The cost of this protection was divided as an average between thij ship and her cargo, in much the same manner as narti9.l loss is d:.st:ci:rnted in marine insurance today. L;tcr the passe~;ers were also included in this distribution of costs. Ti1_;_s a010ra.ge early became a tax at fixed rates. 2:t was int:.~oc'ucod into the archipelago by virtu0 .cf th0 royal Codula of De:::eir:ber 19, 1769, Which established a court of first instance for hearing commercial c2ses. Its admi::iistr,:l'tion w.:.s 3.t first in charge of this court but in 1832 was transferred to the customhouse. The averia at this time amounted to one ::>er cont .on Spanish goods imported under the Spanish flag and two porcent on foreign goods importod under a foreign flag. 'l'he yield wns

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-346-The Real Contaduria ( Royal accountancy) is composed of thr00 royal officials: factor, account rmt, and tre2sur0r, each recrdving tnree thousand pesos. Bosides these, t:1e:-u arr:.: othJr officials and dependents with their corr0spon~ing s~lariGs. The royal officials '.Jere D.ppoL1'~cd ':,c:i audit the accounts of the Alca:des 1~yor~s, rJcciv2 what these have collected from the trib1x~e of tLe ::;:nclia.n.s, co11Pct all that pertains t'.) the rcyal t1r::asury, inc. pay in sil-..,J h .. .. +-' F'~. ver a-'-_ t 2 expenses o:t tn3 1un::!: ir. ,.,,1e ni_1_:::.pp1nos. There is, more0vr;r, in Ma.nil2 a chief ,?..ccountant who is generally kno1m as pc~:.-rc1.clcr .:iELI".f:..~li,.s, bE:Ca'! ..1se he review3 ~lone ell accounts 8~d apor0ves or rejects them as he Csems r,ro::,or. 11..:) c'Jn::-::ti-i:.Ll.+:. l:S hiu1self El trihunal whose decisions aro with0~t ~ppeal, The Cons'?jo d3 Indi~s a.lone c::m ct2ngc thorn, so that this office in the hands of a man of uPscrunulous charac ter ~o~ld indeed b8 a dangsrous one ~a~able of causirig nl1lCh hnrm. Of th0 ec:lcsiastical tribunals, the p~incipal one is tha-~ of t ]:-!u A:c~11bish0p. Its jur:Lsdiction extc:nds to tho whole .:troa included in -:.n,:; 2rchbishopric. It has in 1111Etnil3. a vicar scnGral {pr0viscr)J wit:1 his chief notary who, with the Archbishop, constitute the tribunal-for cases relating to ec~iosiastical af fe.irs, suc:1 as rnarriac;os and otri,)r rvr'.:.r. E:,rs of puro ly ecclesiastical cha~acter 2ff3cting lEym~n, as well as for civil and ecclesiastical mattsrc affecting the c~ergy &nd a:l who are subjact ta jurisdi~tion. ':1:'he c::'.erics cf :.he A:~chbishop .:trs nurr:.:n~cus. T:.10::-:e occu:_::)Jing -~he first rank are the pre0.2rn~.2ries who about ten per ~ent o.:!: the regu::'.ar duties. Aft9r 165[; it appeared for twelve years in the ge~e~al budget, having turnAd o Jsr 't.J tr:e tre&su:r~r, a~Yl the rece-i.jJt,s 8dCh year ra:-ig 1::d frori1 100 7 000 pesos to neerl y hD.lf q r-:.ill ion. It disappeared af~er the tariff of J670 WPnt i~to effect; but all thro~gh its history it main~2in9d its originaJ character as a spec~al fee fo~ Epe~isl Jrote~t~o~-or services rendered tc comnerce by t:1e govr~rnrran.t, eL:;hcr by tha navy, by "che court o~ by the 11;:,,:ht:house serv:.i.ce. Pl ehn, f1 Ti1.x2.ti on in tl18 PniJJ.n-oines, 11 cited elsewhere ,. in thes,e Rea.di'ws.

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-347-compose the Cabildo in the Cathedral. In this Cabildo there is a dean, an archde3con, choir-masters (chantres), director of s cl:ool, a magistral, and a doctoral. These recei.ve f1om the K:i_nc from four hundred to six hundred pesos, whici1, v1ith the masses, obventions and chaplaincies, c:rn. 'oe j_ncrensed to about one thousand pesos a year. Aside fro~ these, there are two whole racioneros 2nd two half racicni3ros, some chaplains and other .clerics of the serrinary who serve in the Cathedral. All of these are of a s1.1fficient number to form a continuous chair and sing in the divine offices with the majesty which one ~sually finds in the cathedrals of Sp2.i.c1. Eu~ the rir.:lat and other discom forts of this country serve to uake the celebratiori and the singing here lE::ss solemn than in other countri-es. The numb sr o:i:' cu!'a.t es of the Archbishopric is about one hundred of whoL some are seculars nnd others, regulars. T;1e seculars are entirel:r subject to the Archbis~op. The regulars are subjGct only in so far as it relates to the e.dminj.stration of souls e.nd that only in their capacity e.s curates, for in respect to their lives and habits they come undor the authority of their provincials. Besides these c1erics, there are several others, chaplains and clerics at large or who serve as coadjutors in the towns. All of these are subject to the Archbisho~ as well ns tho royal chaplains, for ths .Archbisr~op holds the rank of lieut en::1nt of the vicar &; ene:c::d of ti1e royal army. The Commissary of t,he Holy Inquisition was es tablished in Manila since the days of the conquest. The Tribunal of the.Holy Crusade (Tribunal de 1,.., r, ct' 'f '. a wta vruza a J is cornpos2c1 o a comrn:::_trnar:', :.'I.no is an ecclesiastic, the dean of the Royal Audiencia, and the Fiscpl of the Exchequer. There is a treas-urer who. keeps the bulls of-the Holy Crusade, and who forwards them to tte alcaldes rrayores. The lat-ter in turn dist,ribute them to the curates, v-Jho finally dispose of them. Ti1e pro-: eeds a::-e reGitted to the aJ.calJP,s ma,rorc,s -who in turn for,vn.rd t.hG same to the '11re2surer. 'i1he buJ.l of the Crusado 1s a summary of indulgences end other privileges granted by the Pope to him who offers an alm, which in the Philippines amounts to tt:o reeles per bull, the latter be-

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-348-inE; 1300 d for two years. The proceeds from the bulls are small, because the Indians, who do not understand their effects, take no interest in them. The amount raisec: from this source is t>ent to Spain and added to the general treasury to be spent in the war against infidels. In order to get an idea o~ how far the in corrt'e of ManiJ.a has incn:iase,1, it is necessary to note what the Franciscan history says on this mat ter: "The fixed sources of revenues of the Royal Treasury of Manila are as folJ.ows: rnedias-anatas,4 messada.s, purchasable and rented posit ions, ( offi cios rendidos y arrendDdos), ba12n.c es of accounts, rents, incidental sou~ces, vacant bishoprics and prebendariss (if there are any) ~icenses and tributes of Sangl eys, triQut es of vagabonds, stamped paper,-almojarifazgos,) anchora .. ge dues, indultos. The income from these sou.rc9s, according to the last report, is 176,293 pesos annu2ll7. To this sum should be added. the real situado arnov.nting to 62,385 pesos a year, and the ecslesiastical stipends which annually amoun"'.:to 19,457. AlJ. of these items amount to 25S,134 pesos. ,The wine monopoly has been created lately (173l.J as a source of revenue. The income from this source raises the revenue of the Royal Treasury to 27b, 137 pesos available for ordinary expenses.n In this statement does not appear what is collected in the provinces where, at prese:1t, the income of the t:ribuna1s alon8 is over JCO, 000 pesos and where the wine industry under ~oyal atmi-4 The fees paid u,on entering up0n any secular employment or eccle.siastical benefice amoun~:~np to the 11E'.lf of what it produces ::n the first year. Qi'~cionar5:.9._E~12.afiol~ Ingles, Lopez-Bersley, Paris, 1891. 5 -An ad valorem duty on both irupo:cts and exports, established for all Spanish color:ies by ti1e 1 aws of tho Indies This duty was applied to the Philip)ines soon after t~e establishment here of Spanish rule. (See ?lehn, 9.J?. cit.)

PAGE 367

-349-nistration produces JOO,OOO pesos as con~ared to 20 ,OOO pesos w:-dch represented the income fror;1 this source in the fo1~n1 of lease rent. ThA inco:;ie from tobacco will at least be 250,000 pesos; that of betel nut, JOtOOO peso:-;; and that of co~\pits, 20,000 pesos. These 1i5.J.J.rcs do n(Jt r8present the amount collected during the 11.'ar which T1as much bi:;r;er, but rather the estimate o? the ir:co:ne from th8so s::mrc es in the futu:r0 If the reverrnes are Drooerl v administered, the trear3ttry C,'.::i.n cou:r.t Oi.1 one miJ.li011 pesos a year. The tob-c:,cco mono9oly is undor a director, an accountant, a f8ctor-&d~inistrator, and treasurer, who are the princi,al officials. There are otter subo:cd::.nates who atte:1d to the ::;at:,hering and mnnufacture of the tobacco, which is done in the old parrochial house of Bi~onao. There is an infinity o~ women who dai~y go to the estanco to manu.factt:'re cigars. T~iey rec(~ive et cerain ariiount for everJ c,ne hu.ndr1ad c ig.:uc :1at th8y ma:1.11 i-l7,'0I --Ja~1.i,c,rc:, .r 1 V V\l ..L .i!U J{_. J. :.J_...._ __ ... C...: .i.l_, -~. u' u .. l~.,,. }}-,., 1.__, 0 gain so li~tle th~t it ia 2dvis1bJe ~o for~id them to r.3.i2e any plant o't,~1er t11,,r. tJt2cco, as otherw:::_se, the crcp would bo Sf11c3.ll-, ':::'nis is dua 0ithr;:i.~ to the fact ttat the Indians who m0ke the contrac~ to deliver the crop are n0t the plante1s therrselves, or that the Spania::.~ctc: ,,.J~io are commissioned to 1:1.&ke the contract intirddate the Indians and -::ompel them to sign what they vv,,mt. After the harvest the commis-

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-350-sioner assignej to receive the crop cl2ssified as second clnss t:1ose o.f the .-::'irst clas3, an.J the3e .6re sold to the :~ing as first class to,J2.cco. As therr; are six different grac~f;c, this o:::'fici.al m.J.kes a good profit frofil this fr8ud, ~heating the Indians of enormous amount. Hovevs~, hg tries to silence tl,.em 'O'T r-"'coi"H-i,1 "1'"' ,~erf'e~'-l y: :,r.cep'f-,_,l-,lp t1,o"'e li. J V V V ...1-..., J~ Ci.0 .) ...._ J-'-' \.~~ -J(..\.r-., ..._. ..__ V Which by reason of po\r QUJ~' ~-t y shou}_d be C:ODSigne d to the flames. But +, ite un?ortune.te Inclian is, in the end, _the one viho vi} ... 11 pay fo:;_" i:;, for :;_t; is he who will finally receive the poo: qua:ity tobacco, as everybodv, exGeDt the ooor Indian, nay cJ--,oose tr:e ,::if ar t hst he bJ_ys. 'ln the fe ct)ry the best kinds ~re s0lectsd as a gift t0 the 3overnor, the auditors, the assessor, and other ind~vidJnls who Esual:y receive :.,orne q1..:..an~ity 3.S Ctristrtas gj_ft;:,. The o-v-erseers ( ca:r,ataces) al.so make +:.heir choice and +:.ney make son1.e ve:~y .fi:--i("" ci:,;ars 0,i:n:Lch are bought by tLose t.'ho cdn af_:ord -~o pa/ the ::i:cice, v1rdch ordinaril0r ::i_s five Desos rnore thun the 0:.O7ernment pr:J.ce ., In the factory ::_t.self sel3ct-cigars are also sold, altbou~h tisse are no~ as ~ood as those 4::hB.t sorie froLi ,:::,nr:: ove::-seer3. T1e cig;ars thus selected are reserved fer Su2ni3r{s1 R~d the rest are sent to the pro-.fj_nces, Bu-c l1er1 the fraud does not end. 1here is in ea~~ province an administrator, and this S9lcct3 t.'r:e !>Jst c~_itc:,rs, ( ei.;... "her .C>o.,., V'.i" s -P~i ~--1 :tQ ,..., -I-~ --P C" 11 -~ no, ..,_ 1. J. H J.l. -~"-G'-;', o __ in .,ne d-)~J8 0-'--,_:,8 ... ..Ls--b them at a higher price) and forJarcis the ::.~r:::.:,t of the fi3:L.s.~c_, wt.er-a the Sc'.,rne f:caudulent 1Jr0ce:::~11re is folJ.owsd, only on a larger scalG, for it is gener2.l ly understood t:1at he~ who vnmts to ha:e ths 1:;rLrJ_J_ege o.: n::ak:.ng his ow~1. choice mJ.v do so a.nri rets six-teen C; '2'ar"' :PoY' C>r'e "(:: -'~ U ..._ .1. .L ,,,C,l,,_f_ I .1,.:. ._..l.1--IV ..\., Ul...,.-.,, '...J ..., poorest kin~s are ~ef~, 1nd these ara soli at ~he _.__ ( +-, I '"h t-., ciga::'.' s1.,orAs esvan.::pLL.1..os j &-c e, e ra,,s o.,: :,:;eventeen cigars fo:c one re2l. Very often the su;iply is :i..iriit-:d and in this case th-3 sstJnqt1_ill2ros} (StOY'P k'Clc,-~Je1.,"') ~-S -'-? ti-,-"' s+,---,:00 ,,1c,.-.c, t'1,c,-:-,c, -r-c,ise -.J -....., .__, .t ., .L "-' '- __,_ .1. "-' V ..,,1 .i.. _. V\ -J. .J _; !, ._.. r_ .i.. 1 .'. U. __ t:be :::,rice i:.lDd 11"J.a),e irnr::erse pr:,f~.t2. 'i'he 3:.>re '.Jr2ctices 2.re followed in conn,:;cti():-1 "'it;ith the m0no1Jol v of 1:vine and of betel L,ut. The p:rivi::.~ge of rui\nii'.ie: a cockpit is leased and nets 20:COJ pesos a year. His t:ajest:" ordered that these imposts be re r1,oved 2nd the -'::,r:i_bu-:::,e of the Inc;.i&ns dou_i)lecl; but t "-o s e ,., 1-. _,_ f'f 11 "1"ose in,,eresc ,,:ere a ec\,;eG. 3;ave tne in-

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-351-formation that the Indians preferred to have those pJ1bels to paying double the tribute. But I know VJhat they would '\'Jillingly pay even triple the tribute just to be :L ..... ee frorr the ext:.ort ions they are made to suffer. By this I do not mean to say that the tax be rBpealed, but that it be placed where it could not givs rise to so many frauds. In the first pla::: e it is r:ec2s.:::.:ar y to pay to the ple.nt er more than wliat is offered ritrn, and to sell the articles at cheap,~r pric os so tr:.9.t smug,7,lers vwuld fir:.d '-..mprofitable tte smug~ling traffic~ If, in. ad~_ition to this, the :i:r.eu,:h, peTpetu::i.t,ed on the public be stoppe~, the income would increase rather than decrease, as it -;rnuld be possj_bl~ to reduce the personneJ. a"l.d s.s.ve the Boney tLat is p3icl. as salaries to cen who are i;ood for nothing: except to cause so m;_ich damufe .Unde:;:' this sys'::,efa there would be no 12.ck, e.s at presci1t, of wlne, tobacco and "'.Jetel nut, and th3 con~rc,ba:1d business would diminish.. J;Jforeover he 'Jub=_ic ,,,ou.ld r., e better d 1- r .,__ -( -b ct _serve VI .ii~e the :_ncorne c. Jue 1.::_ng w,JU-!..CL e rEnse Of t h8 Obras P:Las :Ln I,Ic1rdl& the c Lisf one is that of La Miserico:::c:i:1> the 111sn}oers of ~Jhich are sofue of the uost distirrz~isi0~ cit~zE~s. It has a purveyor {roveedor) ?:r,c1 tT:J2lve depu~i0.s, who are appoin~e& every year to a~mi~iste~ the Obra Pia and the College of Sant.:1 Isn.oel, \-vhic,-s 11.1as founded by it. This confraternity ~as founded or the 16+;., of' Anri, J c:c4 ,, .;1 11 +-1--,p f,1na1s 00 77 ect-... ... V .!. J. .J... .:,. i_ -/ / ) i.,~ .J_ J .L V 1-._, -~.-.. V ..l..-e d bJ & virtuous cleric: froP'l the citizens ol EaniJ.a; theieafter the income has been continually aegment ed with pious legacies left by some fri&rs fer dif ferent wor:rn of charity. The capital was invested speculativel;/ in the Acapu2-co g'.1l1eon, in t:1'.:e vessels that s2i~_ad to China or J3v::-. a.:1d to tLe ~oc:~st, c.nc:'. t:18ce 78Ltures were so profitajle that, bssi~es incra~si~J the ca-p.;,ta1 t-h~ ""'un, o,c-,...,.~ '"',,,r". L. '"~ ~,r -::,--. _,._ ,:; --'( ._I ) I. _J V '-, v--11.,cJ E.~ e-J C.~ E,\ l ':)_ ~; ~-! \ '~-~._,' ,)' ec,,J. i'cr charitable purros2s. ?,=1tt e2ncd 3.i~-er ,~:1j_s P~Lous \Jork were several others est.c1.tli.c_;:wr:::. -i_n the convents, in the con~raternitiesand in tns Tar~iary orders (Ordenes Terceras ~, '-:,he adm:;.nisti'ritirrn of which was in the hands of ~he tartiary brethren, or of the re A -1 1 ] 1 ~igious. hl or tnem are p~ous _egacies wnicn are

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-352-destined for hospitals, for marriages of orphans, for the redemption of children in China, and for the suffrage of the souls of the founders. The seculars believe that the religious have obtained immense we3.lth with those li!fontes de Piedad, but it ban be shown to the whole world by the books that the purposes as desired by the founders have been fulfilled, and "chat the regu~ars are disinterested enough to refuse to accept 5;; for the 1,wrk of administration Of the Obras Pias de San Agustin I can speak with authority' for, having been provincial Secretary, I saw &nd audited the books of the Obras Pias and I know that the c:onve:rit only re-ceives what is destined for the st~f.frages. This is perfectly reasona'.Jle, for if the rsligious take pains to sing in the choir in order ti1at their prayers may serve to relieve the sufferings of souls in purgatory, it is onl~ just that they eat of the alms in the refectory. The pious works are of much uti2_ity to Spaniards who come to the Philippines, for, as long as they have somebody to stand as bond for them, even if they have no capital, t11ey a.re sure of getting funds from the Montes de Piec.ad, paying so much percentage, according to the profits th.at the times provide In the commercial ventures the rates usually are exorbitant; in the Acapulco galleon oftentimesan interest of 50% is paid; in the Chinese "':.rade it goes _up to 20~~, and in t.he conmerce with tr~e Coast 2570 o But t :1e merchants gain much e..nd the pious works increase .rapidly thei~ income. At tim.es, however, the interest goes down to 22%, in the Acapulco trade, and proportionateiy in the others. Then, in view of the, risks, 2nd vessels get lost, no galleon sails for Nueva &spaJa and the Obra Pia will not invest all its capL~:'d, hardly 5% of it being investe1 from year to year. examined the ac~ounta of the Oo.r&s ?iss of the province of San Agustin from 17/i.4 to :1.',i94, c1nd I found that in fifty years only 5~.; df the princi pal was each year invested.

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{ 2) -353-The Provinces and their Population at the Close of the 13th Century.l The Archbishopric of I-Ianila, the most densely populated region in the Ptilip~in0s, includes nine provi:1.ces. Four of t.he.ss a.re south of Manila, and they are Cavite, JatangRs. M~ndoro and Laguna de Bay. Tbe p:;:ovinces o::-I:t..:.iacun, Pc..rnpanga, ~Bo.ta.an and Zar:1ba.leR are r:..orth of Ms.nila. The ninth province is Tonda, ~hsre Manila itself is ioca~ed. '.l'he nun:ber of tr:.bu-'c.es in -'chese provinces is 86,243, where?s in the year 1735 ~here ~ere only 37i403. nunhP~ of t-ibu~~s corrr"on~?~-7 ~o .... n-Pyea~ ll '.,./--.,.. .,__ ....,._,, .,b_-~.:.J. ...... .l..1..1..::) ...J v _, .J. 173k t' .... ,. ... t" ) inc.1 uues .,;ie rr.em:.izo ~rJ.o J.,Jc:.:ries; :.c1 ne n..imber I furn~sh only t~e Indians are included. It to the la-'.:-,ter 10,512 riestizo tr:.bute p2yers fo'J.nd in tl1is Archbishopric be added, tte ::1.urnbe:c v:ould be 9S,754, which is dou:)le the r~umoer of tri;J'..ltes which the king recei7ec. seventy years ago. To each whole tribute s:uld be assigned five persons, so that, with the fore.5o:.Lg number of t:"'.'ibu::.es vie get about half a m.iJ_lion c:~s th(0 sizr, of "':,he no,:..J.lation. It is to oe nc~ed that the Spaniards rio not; figure in this reckoning, as do -1:,he Ind~.e.ns of IVIa::i.j_la nnd Cavite, w.ho a.re subject to the tribute, but who, nevertheless, do not pay. :in t'.1e OiX':.~:_eyin,,:;; districts of these two ~ities thsro ara so many peo ple who can no;:; be registered. If a:.J the,3e w-ere includE:d} the popula-'sion of th3 Arch-Jishopric of Manila would exc:eE..d half a million~ The followi_nir t2ble shows the number of Indians and l'-Icst:Lzo tritute pay-ers in ;::,ho p:covinces of the Archbis:nopric of ;JI.qnila, toge-~her with the value of the tr::..br:.te that they pay to the King. 1 J:f...artinez de Zuniga, 2.P.. cit.

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-354-Provinces Tribute Pay-Tribute Pay-Value of ers -Indians ers -Mestizos the Tributes Tondo 14,537 1/2 3,528 .. 27 ,897-7-3 Cavite 5, 721.J1/2 859 9, 132-4 II t Laguna 14,392 1/2 336 19, 448-6 II Batangas 15,014 1/2 1+51 ;r 21, 579-7~3 Mindoro 3,105 1/2 3 1/2 4,000-8 II Bulacan 16,566 1/2 2,007 25, 760-5 II Pampanga 16,604 1/2 2,841 ii 27,358-1 11 : Bataan 3,082 II 619 n 5,433 II II Zambales 1,136 Ii 73 il 4,389 ii II I .. j :c:= --. TO TA L 90,243 f1 10,517 1/2 144, 990-6-6 : ---The provinces of Ilocos, Pangasinan and Cagayan comprise the Bishopric of Nuova Segovia. There are in these provin~es 75,297 tributes, Indians and Mestizos, rcprescntih6 a population of 379,500 souls, From this can be seen what I have pointed out elsewhere that the whole tribute, wilich is represented as consisting of two persons, should be considered as representing a little less than five individuals. So in determining the population of a certain province, I always multiply the number of tributes by five and from the result I deduct a certain number to make allowance for the fact that the whole tribute is not exactly equivalent to five individuals. The spiritual administration of the people in this Bishopric is in the hands of Agustiniansi Dami-

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-355-nicans, and Indian clerics as follows: The Agus tinian fathers administerl91,264 souls; the Domi nicans, 139,263 couls; and the Indian clerics, 48,973 souls. Of thri number of heathens ( infiolcs) no aceurate information is obtained; Dorr,e exaggerate the number, while other::; greatly roduce it. The followin~ table shows tLe tributes, (Indians and Mestizos 1, of the Bishopric of Ilocos, together with the amount thciy pay to the King. Provinces Ilocos Pangasinan Cagayan Tribute Pay .. errJ Indians -41-1-, 852 1/2 19,dJ6 1/2 9,888 Trib,.1t e Pay:Value of er:J Mostizos 'l11lbutc 631 68,857 719 1/2 25,366 11,2h4 the 7 6, =================== ... =---:='-.. -----~..=:----... -::: 6 TO '11 AL : 71+,577 1, .350 1/2 10 5 467 6 6 =-=-====================:..==--=--== ---==-~--=== The province~ that constitute tho B:i.s.h.opric of Camarines are Camarir.es, Al bay and T:iyab::i.n, In the year 1735, the:; whole region had 15,177 tr::i.butes, but now, it has 39,734. The following table shows the population and the value of tribute in the provinc os of this B:.shop:d.c:

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-356-------------------------------Provincos Tribu:~ e Pay : ers Indians Tribu'.~ e Pay--: :ors .... rn1;StlZO[~! Value of the Tribute -----------------------------Camarines Taya.bas Albay 19, 6[:56 1/2 7,396 ] 2 3 ,, (.) .. ~, .)., 15\ 1i2 12 146 29, 991+, 9,283, 16,093, 3 7 3' 9 ------::;:::=======~===~-::.:::=----====;===:::-=-=:::-=~-=---= TO'i'AL 39,421 1/2 312 1 /2 55,375, 13, 9. ====================-=::::::.= -----==-----=---=--== The Bisho1:Jric of Cehu is the most extensive of all in the Phillppinos for it includes all the provinces of the Pinta~os or Visayas, It is one of the three suffragan bishoprics which Pope Clement VIII by hi.s brief of kwust l/1., 1596 creutect,2 'fhe provinces and districts include1 within the juric~iction of this birhopric .:~re the provinces of C r?bu, Leyt e, Samar, Iloilo, Capiz, lntigue, Calamiunos anJ Carufa, the Corrigimianto of Misumis or Ilir~n, ~he Jobierno de Zamo6anga, the Corrir!:imi:mto or' th:J ::::sland of Negros, and the Gobierno of the MarianaG IsJ.uriC::s. Trwru nre in this region 95, ~2f: tributes, inc:i_uding Indians and. l\ifor-:t,izos, representing a popuL1tion of a:)Out llalf a n:iJ.li.on souls. ThGse people sciitterod in n1any is lands and provinces are adrr:.inistc~red~ E1pi .. 'o.tuaJ_ly by Indian clerics and Agustinians, Fran~i1::cans and I~Pcollects. The following tabl<3 shows the population of the different provinces of this Bishopric together with the amount of tribute that the people pay to the Kinp;: 2 Th8 two other bishoprics created at the same timr arc Nueva Segovia and Nucva Cuccres.

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-357-Provinces Tribute Pay~, T:cibuto Pay Valuo of the I ers Ind:L:, ns --ers iVIestizos; TrjbutG Cebu 20,812 1/2 625 28,863 Samar 3,042 103 4,060 Leyte 7,678 39 1/2 10,011 Caraga 3,497 J.,.,977 Misamis 1,278 1,674 Isla de Ne gros 5,741 7,176 Iloilo 29,723 166 37,760 Capiz 11, li-59 89 14,867 Antique 9,288 11,610 Calamianes 2,289 3,161 ===*lilr.====-==========:-=-=-====~==-= = ~-=======-= TO'I'AL G 94,807 l/2 1,020 1/2 124,159 (3) Social Life Iv.Tanners and Customs.1 The inhabitants of this province (Batc1.ngas) are Indians. 'l'here are also found here :rnr;io Chinese mestizos, Japanese and Spaniards, all of whom arc quite lighter in complexion than the Indians and of better features except with respect to the eyes which -------1 This is from the seventh chapter, volume one of Zuniga 1 s Estadismo. It deals with the province of Batangas and its people.

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-358among the Chinese mestizos, are uc;ly and very small, as if E:owed on the sides like button-holes. The Indians have big eyes, which are black and beautiful, but in other respects they arc ugly, their co-] b th. t f f' b : t _or eing u o. an o~ive or o_ a a~ea quince-vree fruit, the nose being flat and their hair black. The stature is regular, out t h2rG a r.e many of them that are well-formed. The vJOmen in particular have such beautiful forms thElt some might serve as models to the best carvers. These Indians belong to the 'raga-1 o g r a c e w hi c h, it is b el i e:w e d, c ume from .fv'fal a c c a and which undo1.1otedly passed from here on to Borney, and from Borney to the Philippine Islands, to the river of Manila, (for which reason they caJ.l them sel ':es Tagalogs \ wor_d which in their langu:1go mGans a rivor dweller}, From the latter place they spread around the Laguna de Bay a,s far as this province of Batangas. The houses are made of bamboo, although some are of wood, and they are sufficiently commodious. To build them, th8y general:;_y drive into the ground six posts, and place over them a roof of' bar1boo. They then cover the roof with cogon which grows in abundance in the fields. ':'he structure is of sufficient durability and prov:5_des a good pro~ fiction from the rnins, even in the season of tte rnost furious typhoons. Iv:idvJny-between t.he :~oof and the ground they build a f~oor of bamboo O}:' board according to the means of the owno~. The sides are covered with .bourds or a trollis of bo.rnboo, over which cogon is placed, Soaces on tho sidGs are al-ways left for windows of the hciuse. In this way a square is forrnad vJhicb the:r divide .into a t3r,1all sala and a small bedroom. The latter is trnud to keep their b elongingn o.nct all that rnir;ht o.~rcnd the sight of those that enter the house, :'.::n :1nothe:i:> build ... ing, attached to the hous,~, is the k.L:::,cben. At tached also to the ki.t ch:m is anothe :: flo:Jr of bam boo which they call bataJ.an. Here t, hey dry their plates, W,.lSh their clothes .snd take their l)aths. The dress of tlw men consists of a Ci'.:l,J'!}is:., which reaches a little below tho waist, and vJhich they wear loose over wide trousers after the fashion of the water vendors of Valencia. The trousers are

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-359ahrnys blue or red; the camisa may bG of any color except green, which is never usod, Around the waist they have a cord which sGrves as a b0lt and from which they suspend a machete :1 call. ed by them guloc. Around the nock they woa.r a rosnry of gold, a ch.s.in, or a ccapulary of Gur Lady c:l.Gl Cni'n:en. On the head they wrap a piece of cloth in the for~ of a turban, or wear a hJ.t of palm or of IU:t.Q.. Tho principales usually wear, in addition, a jacket, and many of them, on feo.st:. days, drGss therns el vcs in Span5.sh fashion. The wouer;_ USE) a cPmisa which reach-es to the waist, and which is provided with white sleeves. For a skirt t>iey have a I:;:l.Q.YB, whici1 is similar to th'3 Spanish sayu. Over 1;l.w saJcl thc3y wear a tg!_i., a loni::; cloth which they wrap ari:rnnd tho lowur part of the body. For he&ddress they wear a piec8 o.f cloth in turban fashion, bat for church attend2nce, they wear a headcover of black in the manner of the Spanish mantilla. Both ruen and women go unshed and only outside of the house do tb8y use chinelas. These chinelas usuall:.r are urr1broidered with silver and gold. Moreo7e:c, they -woar rosaries, chains, scapula~~es, bracelets, rings 2nd pendants of gold, with rrr.1ch extravagD.ncee In eating, tlJ.G:r sit neit~er on chairs, as the Spaniards do, nor on the floor, as dJ the Turks. mh h l t 7 n ., 1 J t 1 ey ave smaL .. Jao_ .... es a r ew ii1crles /Ufh, ,,,na, sea ( d r' a sq1"'tl---i1-ig -nosturc, nro:.1n-tl.-.pc:, -111-yo e"'t / J. c:; t.-la v ...._ ~-JJ .J v c,. J 1 .. c..... 11 .,, 1.J e:, ,J -~ l.j"' .. i. men <;(nd womEn tog etlwr. Some1:::::..mcs :.:tJ..l e.J.'~ from a C')rnmon pJ.ate, bu.t on othe1., o--:cesion? e'.lG.'1 tas a separate platter, tho n:oL~'.?.i-}l_e-~Ji c1lono? w i:~ch is b P d t t---b n-7 .. ,_. b ,, ,;,.,. r, '.>J'.'-r ~a o Jnem, eJ.n::.:, r. a corr.xLon o .. ,.... ,,:.-.,rJ. ::_:h;. son gets vJhat he need::..: from this bow:'.., layE:: it on his own !)::.atter containing his viand..3 -which they Cal1 ,1. ., :,c c1l, -it-' }-i f'" r -Y'' r.r, 1 1 :;rrin ... -:-b.....@, _niixe,., C, J. i,\)_ __ __,n 1--~ inre.,., .( .IUr;,, u eating, ur:3::;__ng no other utc;nsils tE&n h:.i s onrc n:.u.td. The ordinary food of thj_s ~H::opl0 is tLo ,no:;_:l.squoto. t h 1 t-J J f' + r1] seasoned. ',Jl a ~.it J..c q'.lt,GlGJ_:,y o .s."1.1-.:, l.ne 9r::1.n-c1. -, ,6 ,., ~11, 1-..: -J-l 't" -,_, ,! .p '78r,,'"-pa..,_e.._, U0Uc... y 18.VG J.n .3.C,uJ. lOD c., C ...... ,,.,.,_. O~ sv taoles boiJ.ed in water with salt, bu.:.:, \l'dt;_1out lal'd. Sometimes they ;1a_ve beef, buffalo, dd.ed VGrd.son or bagoong. The latter is made from fish he2vily seasoned ~ith salt and prepared in a m~nner verf disagreeable to one not accustomed to eating it. On big occasions they kill cows, pi~s, and fowls,

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-360and eat extra-ordinarily. Their food is on the wrwle a l:ittle nourishment because to the moris queta no ingred:Ler..t of any kind is added. It is so tasteless that the Indians themselves find it un palatubl e unless it is rrdJCed, as j_t i.[~ ord:.:.nari~y clone, with sal-s, some fl'"J.it, or boiled corn. But with this frugal food they enjoy good health and they live for several years. Marr:La!?:cs are celebrated accord:~na: to the Catholic rit~s, but-ln the preparatory ~rrungemonts there are many pcrtic~lars that are worthy of note. To got marr:i_ed, they do not generally think of pro--'viding a horr.e for ti1eir family. As lornI as thJY have suffi~ient me.1ns for tr.e expens er, of -':.he wed ding, which do not amount much if no guests .s.re invited, they get married wlth no thou~ht of what the next day may bring for+.;h. The parents thorn selves donit ssriously take this ffiat~er into consideration but mere:;_y say 1tbahal2 na 11 (God will take care). But tao gir~' s parents never ctis pense wi~h the cervices of their son-in-law before ths end of three, four or I11Qr0 yea.rs. lJ:.1r:.ng this period of time they make him serve them and to help them in various ways. Among the wel:;_-to-do families it is customary for the bridegroom to furnish a dowry, which is of two kinds: one is called bieny~2, which is given to t:,he mothur for nur;d.ng Llw cia"'..lght er. Tn:!.s is now rarely done, The o-Lh er kind which is the r~al dowry is called }2_ii:;r~I.QVfl:., which is dest ineci for the mr,in-s e1;a.nc:e of the young people after marriacr,c, alfjhoug:.1 Dt tii:1es almost all c.f it is sper:i.t in t h1:1 wedding o Horeover, the dowry is asked out of vanity juct to enable ths parents to boast that thsir child has bcc~1 bought with a gooc~ pric c. 'I'he nge a~ -which gj_ r1s cornmonJ.y ma:;:-"r: in this province is from twelvo to fif teen and the boys from fourteen to sevente0n. Burials arc m~dc in the church or i:i:1 the cemetery, in accord.an~e with the rites of t}H,1 church, at 0xr enses corresponding to t hei.r stt.>ndin;:. Those who p.sy the fees fixed by a schedule v;hich has been approved by the Archbishop c::1.nd the RoJ.sl Audiend.a are entitled to the funerals thJt th0y desire, but those that do not pay the fees 1w.ve J.ess pompous

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-361-funerals, without the singing of the prayers that usually are sung at burialH. This is so because if all were trentE?d alike nobody would pay, and the mini~ters would find ttemselves without sustenance, All the relatives of the deceased assemble, at the lattbr1s house, and, between sobs, recite the va-rious incidents in life of the debd. After the buric,l, on the fourth day, they assemble again in the same house and say the rosary. They pass there the whole night of .thEit day. They le2ve a vacant seat on the table in the belief th,-:;t on that day the soul of tho dead would occupy it. To convince themselves of this, they would scatter ashes around the house, exr-,ecting the next morning to find foot-prints of the dend. This superstition has be.er1 abandoned by the Indians, just as several others, they had in the past. But several have still remained, some of which are very prejudicial, judg-ing from what the Pr2ctian d8l Ministeri0, Chapter I, paragraph 5, says in this connection. But I wish to state that in this province and in the nd.ghbor hood of Manila many of those have be!;n aoandonGd. "Many are the abuses, or, as thGy s.~tY, ~3.le.., which the natives havecontrary to our Holy faith and good customs, and among tn:Jm are the following. There is first of aJ1 the idoliitry of the f_Q_llQ.. In regard to this, it should be noted that the word nono do2.s not only .r,ignify grandfather, but th:1t it also 1-wed as a term of respect co the old and. the genii. The Indians refer to these noLos, just as the Chinase do by the word n.12irit,.n, and the Ho mans by the nc1me gods. With theS'.3 nonos or gonii thl:; Indians frequently practice many idolatries, as for example, askinst them for favors, ,1.ssistanco, help and that they do them no hnrm, nor be enoiniE.:S to them, etc. On mc,ny occasions they m.1kr; such requ r~sts, and among others aro the fallowing, Hhen they wish to pluck any flower or fruit, they ask permission of the genius or none to pluck it. When they traverse any field, river, creek, big trees, groves and other places, they ask for the good fa vors of the riono. \'.Jhen they are obliged to cut a11y tree, they ask p~rdon of the nonos, and e~cuse themselves to those things by saying, among other things, that Padre ordered them to do it, and th1t it was

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-3 62--not their o~n purpose to fnil in their respect to the 11enii, etc, When th0y frJll ill witi1 whnt they call panave, which they attribute to the genii or nonos, thev ask them for health and offer them food. I All of these they d~ on this as on other occa3ions, in the fields, groves, rie1s, nt the foot of some big tree, suc;.1 as the caJ.:trma.n, and in various other plclCGS. This kind ofidolbtr:r is fixed and rooted among the Indians. For this reason it is necessary for the .father minis-Sers !;,o be VC!ry carefu~. and makG great efforts to extirpot :::: it. "In the second place, the Indians generally believe that the sou] tJ of the dead visit their housea on the thi:cd d<:ty after thej_r death, :i.11 order to visit the people, or attend the banquet, and to take part in th.8 ceremony of the t i.b[;o. The lat t r:n~ thJy alwuys hide and conceal --::-~vsaying that thoy assemble j_n the house of t:1e de.c0.used for purposes of .s.3.ying the rosary cm his behalf. If they ere told t.o do their prayini in tht; church, they i~efu.se to comply for that is not re,,;.lly vJhat they -,l'Jish to do. Fo-r this rsason the ndnister should prevent thorn from gathering in the house of the deceased af~er the burial under whatever pretext, lc~r:tst. of all on the third day. On the fourt:i1 d.oy, in c0nnectior1 with the~ CE::remony of the tibaQ, they li(1t, crmr:lles and await the soul of the dead. ThBy sprced a mat and Ecatter ashes over it, so that the tr3cl~ or f'oototeps of the soul may be irrmres.sc:d tl1(:Jrcon, and by that means ascertcdn -whether: th,J ::,cul cr.,.n_;_e U}' not. Th9y also set a dish of water at thR'door, so that when the soul comes it ln8f was:1 its .f cet t,lwre. It is not saying too much to ::;tnt e t, hcit t )tG s e tliings of the genii and nonos and soul2 of the dund, the Indians obtained from the Chinese und thAt they re quire effective remedy. '''rhe Tir~hal anr;,, which sornr-; call a. ghost and others n goblin, ap)ears to b0 the ~cnius rir devil that appears them in the form of a black aan, or of an old man, or, as they thcm.seJ.ves say, in thG form of a very small old man, or in the form of a horse -, r;i, f, ._ 1 1 t l t or o a. mons-cer, .Lney: oar ,,1ns o~iJ.r!g 130 mucn 1a trwy ar0 obl L~cci to befriend hirn, dol i vering to them their ros&riGs, and receiving from nim superstitious

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-363things such as hairs,,herbs, stones, and other tl-:ings, in order that they may obtain marvelous things, and tha~ they may be aided by him in certain of their affairs. "The Patiano.c, which some also call ghost, must be the genius or devil whi~h usually plays with them, as also with several others who 1 losing: their faith, become subject to him.. To-thin being is attributed the ill success of births, and they say that in order to harm them and cause their destruction, he hides in a tree or in any object near the house of the woman -,vho i3 ubout to ?c:ive birth, and there sings aft er the mo:m er o:: the rowers. 'ro pre~rent ti:1.c harr.i that n:ight be ccmssd by t:1e Pa~ tianac, tho men go nuked, Etrm themseJ.ves with cui ress, ~ytcina, lance and other weapons, post themselves on the roof or under the house and they slash and cut right and le.ft w:ith t:1e cantana, in the manner of one enge.ged in duP.d.ly combat. Another way of avoidine the harm is to remove the woman in labor to another house. 11They also attr:Lbute to thE! Patiana,.::, among other things, the deat,h of c hil drei1, whicI1 they nlso attribute to the AsuD.ng. They refer to this ~-n this manner. The Asuang is led by a birrt callGd Tictic to the houses of women who a:ce c1bo11t to deliver." From the roof of a r..eighboring hmrne, it stretches out its threadlike tongu,.:0;, inserts it through the anus of the child, sucks out its en trails and kills i~. Sometimes they say that the Patianac appears in the form of a dog, or of a cat, or sometimes, of a cockroach, wh~ch introduces its elf under the mat, and causes the a.'l:() v G rhentioned harm. They also at~rioute to the Patianac the going astray of travelers. To find the way, they go naked in the belief that the Patianac fears them in that form and hence can not lead them astray. "The Bonsol, which they sometimes say is various duro,;onos caus0d by the witch ~~~~!Z:9X, and which appears on all parts of the body of tlie oevdtche':1. The person afflicted with this evil usually remains some moments as if dead or fainted, and at other times as though n~ad or ravin'.?; from tlie si6ht of the

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-364-Gauay which appears to him in various shapes. To cure this evil or bew:.tchmcmt, they call another witch, who, after making various enchantments, usually leaves the person as he formerly was. Sometimes they attribute the bonsol to a natural disease or pain in the stomach caused by obstructions or protuberances which grow in stomach or in-cl nearby region, or by colds which move from one part to an other, with which the women of this country genernl ly arc afflicted. But when they can not c11re the sic!moss within the Gxpected time, th0y say that the affliction is bonsol, that is bewitchment, and that nobody could cure it except one who is a witch himsolf. They therefore call a witch and if this does not succeed in bringinr r9lj.ef to the patlont, he makes the excuse that th) witch who caused the disease is far away and has not been able to hear him, and so the patient is abandoned to his pains, ttThe ceremony or supt:)rstitton of the bi1_g_g_ is made to discover a thief, It consists in p1r':iting in a bilao, sievo or crib, some scissors fixed in the shape of St. Andrew's cross, and on it they suspend a rosary. Then they repeat the name of each of t_hose who ar~::: present and who are nssembled for this, If, for e:;~amplc, wh0n the narrG of Pedro is called and the bilao wriggles, they conclude that Pedro is the thief. They also sometimes 1ight candles to San Antonio de P3dua, witt a view to discovering the thi8f, For this purpose th~y pray. If the light of the cc1ndl2 inc~_ines towe.c(l;:3 any one of those prE~S ent, for exar:1pl e, towards tT 1.10.11, then they conclude that Juan L; the thie:2. It is common among the Indians to carry on mv: 1 s [Y.n,con va rious things to obtain marvelous rosultsJ s~ch as cedulas, writings, prayers, herbs, roots, husks, hairs, skins, eggs, pt,bblos, 'et,c., to protect them from defeat, from death, or from the toils of the Law, or to enable them to obt~in riches, women and other things. They are also m1;.ch inclin:Jd to bolievc in omens and in cla1s of ill luck. "The word .b.'1.-"1.&, which they u:3e to moan Christening, seems to havo been introduced jnto the Phil ippines by the Boros from Born(,:;o, Mincl2.nao, or Jolo, as was alco the word cimba, which sc:;GIJ1S to signify

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-365amon~ them adoration. From this meaning they h3.ve adopted it to si/nify thcdr temples and mosques, and .the Tar~alogs too:~ it to mean not adoration but church? anrl. ~a~er used ~t to mean mass, -which was never its on_ginal 11:0an1ng. 11 "Lastly, th~ .superstitions, predictions, and errors among the lndinns are so many, that it is difficult, if not impossible, to mention thfJm all. 'l'he above have been rnerrt,j_1)nP.d so that the father mi-nisters may exaLline others by them, It is to be noted that there are amon~ the Indians sectaries and preachers of various false faiths' especialJ.y in the distant provinces, either because they had false sects formerly and have continued them, or because they took them (and this is more likely) from the Joloans, Mindanao, 3angleyes, and othar heathen peoples with whom they usually had intercourse. 11 These Indians, just as I have describe'd, are happy. Their dress is very comfortable and adapt-ed to the climate of this land. Their houses are easy to build and are of sufficient strength to protect them from the wea.th(:)r. Their food is not ltD..'U rious, but, accustomed to it, they do not crave for other kinds., This manner of living they maintain with little effort. It is not n0cessary to dress heavily or to put on little clothing the whole day, or to gath(H~ fuel for the kitchon, or to labor daily for the sup~ort of a family. The Indian that works for a fourth part of the year can afford to remain idle for the rest of the yenr, with the assurances that the soil will yield him enough to maint~in him with decency. Separated from others, they live in barrios T7hich they call nayon, whero the vices and gamblirw find no place, because the occasions for them are lackin~. Here they neither gamble nor drin~:, bee a use the taverns and the garnblin~ places are so 1,3.r awny. In each nayon there are Six, eight or more houses. One of the residents, who inspires general respect because of his age or his descent, or because o.f his well known beneficence, is obeye;d by all, and he rnaintains the harmony of the whole vicinity. During the great er part of the yoar, when they have nothing to do, they pass the time in conversation under the shade

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-366-of the trees; in other words, they live in a patriarchal life. It is true they have an alcalde mayor, but this official after receiving the tribute, which is onJ.y five reales and a half, has no more dealings with them. The injustices that are related of alcaldes mayores are done to the more well-to-do and pi .. ordncmt persons with whom the al ca.lde enters into cont,racts. 'rh8re is also in each tovm a gobernadorcillo. He sees to it t.hat the men perform the personal scrvicos that are assi?ned to them. In doing his work for the wsek, E1ach person is not interfered with by the rest. Disputes, a~ong them are decided by the gobernadorcillo, in accordance with their customs, and v1ith the assistance 9f two old men who act as assessors. They ?enerally obeyed the sentence and rare are the cases that are appealed in this provinc~ to the court of the alcalde mayor.

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-367-PART FOUR POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL PROGRESS, 1800-1872 CHAPTER ON.E PHILIPPINE HEPRESEN'fi\/l'ION IN THg SPANISH CORTES 1. Euroocan Bnckground of Philippine Representation The first decade and a half of the nineteenth century saw a succession of events in Europe which affected profoundly the lives and fortunes of the Spanish people. It was the era of Napoleon (1800-1815), during which war storms lnshed Europe leaving in their wake death, destruction and desolation. The European conflicts were a sequel of ~he French Revolution (17$9-1799), th6t mighty upheaval which swept away the Old Regime in France and established a new social and political order on the basis of t~e principles of liberty, equality and fraternity. Out of the confusion and disorders of t.he Revolution, Napo1 eon rosr:i to supreme po wer and leadership in France. Having consolidated his position, Napoleon sought to bring the whole of Europt'.; under his control~ Posing as the champion of the principles and ideals of the French Revolution, he proceeded to lead the French people in a mighty crusade allegedly for the purpose of liberating manidnd from tyranny and oppression in other lands. An undertaking of that nature involved interference in the internal affcdrs of other :..1Rtions and was bound to lead to international conflict. In effect, a series of wars broke out in Europe curing the Napoleonic era. Known historically as the Napoleonic Wars, the European conflicts involved all the leading nations of Europe and were the outstanding events of European history between 1803 and Napoleon's final defeat at Waterloo in June 1815. I After the English naval victory at Trafalgar (1ao5) over the combined French and Spanish naval forces, t ho European conflicts settled down to a bitter struggle be-

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tween the British and Napoleon. Napoleon's strategy aimed at the destruction of British trade with continental Europe, For this purpose he proposed to close Europe to British ,, cormnerce. In two decrees, the Berl in Decree (November 21, 1806) and the J\,:..ilan Decree (December 17, 1807), Napoleon ordered the closing of the ports of continental Europe to British vessels c1nd forebade neutrals to trade with England, These two decre13s formed the framework of Napoleon's Continental System, a device with which Napoleon hoped to overthrow England, for trade with continental Europe was the basis and foundation of England's economy and material power. The success of the Continental System depended greatly upon the cooperation and loyalty of the countries of Europe. Portugal, which was bound by ties of alliance and .friendship with England, conttnued, in disrep;ard of the Continental System, to maintain commercial relations with England. Under the circumstances, Napoleon was constrained to venture into the Iberian Peninsula. Such a step inevitably involved the occupation of Spanish territory. Napoleon found no difficulty in securing that objective. In a treaty concluded in 1807 with the government of Charles IV, through Manuel G0doy, Spain's Prime ldnister, Napoleon secured the necessary arrangements for French troops to pass through Spain and to occupy portions of Spanish territory. The presence of the French troops in Spain, however, aroused among the Spaniards feelings of resentment. Spanish resentment was turned into open hostility when it became known that NaP'Qleon in the meantime had lured CharlefJ IV and his heir Ferdinand,toBayonne, France, and, through force or diplomitic pressure, had induced both to renounce to him the Crown of Spain. As it became known that the Royal f.g_mi1y were being kept virtual prisoners at Bayonne, the citiz~ns of Madrid, on May 2, 180$, seizing such weapons as thny could find, fiercely attacked the French garrison stationed in the city, The French commander l',forat, in self d:.:dens e and then in retaliation, launched a bloody campaign a 6cdnst the civil population of Madrid. This incident sparked a general uprising in Spain -it was the opening event of War of Spanish Independence (1$08-1813). In the hope of conciliating the Spanish people, Na poleon on June 15, 180$, summoned to Bayonne a number of Spanish notables, outwardly to seek counsel and advice from them as to reforms he proposed to institute in Spain,

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-.369-~:he few that went to Bayonne submissively received a new sover8ign, Joseph Bonaparte, Napoleon's brother, and a new organic law for Spain patterned ~fter the French consti tution, Joseph, on his own part, endeavored to win the friendship and good will of the Spanish people. Ho ap-pointed Spaniards to high po~-1ts in the government, In his official and unofficial actuations he wanted to appear that at heart he had tchc welfaru and the best intorests of tho Spanish people A vast majority of thE~ Spanish pc}ople, how8vcr, chose not to accupt the new sovereign or the new constitution. Even before the promulgntion of the new consti-tution, revolutionary councils called 11Juntas11 had b,.3un set up in Asturias, Galicia, Valencia, Murcia, Badajos, and Granada '\ivhich assumed the functions of p.:overnn1ent in tl:.e nam8 and on behalf of Ferdinand VII. 6n September 25, 1801:5, a central revolutionary body called "Junta C8ntral'1 met at Aranjuez. It became the national governing body of Spain, On January 22, 1809, the Junta J2ntral in a moment of exuberance promulf.':ated n decrH) of momentous significanc(3 to Spain-, s colonial dependcncic~.s. The de-cree road in part as follows: Considering that the vast and precious domains that Spain possessus in the Indias c.1re not really colonies or factories, like those of other nations, but ns sential and int egra1 parts of the Spanish 11.fonarchy; and dE:-1siring to strengthen the sacred bonds which unite us to them, and at the same timo to reward the loyalty, heroism, and patriotism of which they have just given ar1ple proof, it has seemed proper to his l~1ajesty to dt.:clare that the Kingdomt s Provinces and Islands which constitute the Spanish Monarchy referred to s:1ol:ld have national and direct representation to his royal person, and to form part of -t:;hc adrrdnist,rativc Junta Central of the King:dom through tl1eir respective representatives.I 1 -Montero y .Vidal, 2P.. cit., vol. 2. B. h, R., vol. 51, pp. 279-287, deal with the events of the period of Philippine representation in the Spanish Cortes based largely on notes made by Jnmcs A. LeRoy and on the account by l
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-370-The 6nactment of the above mentioned decree was a notable event in Spanish colonial history. It raised the colonies of Spain, the Philippines included, to the status and dignity of Spanish provinces entitled to enjoy the right of representation by their duly chosen delegates in Spain's highest governingbody, as well as all other rights, privileges and im:1mnities of Spaniards in the Peninsula. A few months latc;r,_M~q 1809, the Junta Central decreed the establishment of tho Spanish Cortes. Because of the unfavorable military situation throughout that year, arrangements for the organization of the Cortes were postponed until a more auspicious occasion, It was not until February 1810 that a decree was promulgated prescribin~ the manner in which elections were to be held for delegat JS to the Cortes. In Manila, the Ayuntamiento, in accordance with the provisions of that decree, conducted an election for a deler.i:ate to the Cortes. Ventura de los Reyes, a wealthy merchant'--of Manila was chosen. Due to unavoidable delay, however, Vontura de los Rr3yes was not present at the opening session of the Cortes; September 24, 1810, Pendinf his arrival, substitute representatives represented the Philippines. They were Pedro Perez de Tagle, officer of the Royal Guard, and Josf l~nuel Couto. On December 1810, Ventura de los Heyes formally took the oath of office as proprietary delegate of the Philippines.2 2 -"Cortes" is the term used to designate the lawmaking body of Spain. As constituted at thE; close of the 19th century, it was composed o:: an upper house (Senado) and a lower house (el Congreso). The Cortas which came into bei~~ tri 1g10 was supp6sed to be a revival of the traditional institution which once exi.sted in Spain, but which finally fell into disuse with the growth of absolutism. In the old kinrdoms of Castilla and Aragon, th,:; Cortes was an important institution, sharing with the sov8reigns the legislative pow8rs of government. But, after the uni.fic2tion of Spain und,3r Ferdinand and Isabella, and with the establishment 0 a strong central government, the Cort8s in those states lost their former prerogatives. In Aragon, the local institution Was sup-pressed altogether during the reign of Philip V. The Cortes of Castilla continued to exist, but it had become a mere shadow of its former self. It was summcned only on special occasions, such as at the beginning of a new reign,

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-371-2. The Philippines and the Cortes of l810-lbl3 As representative of the Philippines, Ventura do los Reyes had a distinguished record. He too~c active part in the deliberations of tte Cortes and worked for the approval of measures which he belioved would redound to the progress and welfare of the Philippines. An irnP,ortant piece of legislation adopted by the Gortes of 1810-1813 was the new constitution of Spain ap proved by the Cortes in March 1812. Ventura do los Reyes figured among the signers of this historic document. Eistorically known as the Constitution of 1312, this document set forth ideas and principles of government whj_ch reflected the liberal spirit and tendencies of the age in Spain. Among other thir.gs, it affirn:;_ed the principle, adopted by the Junta Central in January, 1809, that the colonies were integral parts of the Spanish Monarchy and that their inhabitants enjoyed the rights, privileges A.nd immunities of Spaniards in the Peninsula. It also proclaimed the principle of popular sovereignty. In the words of the Constitution, "sovereignty resides essentially in the Nation and for this rsason to the Nation belongs exclusively the r~ght to establish its fundamental J.aws .r,3 The Constitution also laid dowrt safeguards and guarantees to the civil liberties and property riEhts of individuals and re cognized the freedom of expression. In a lat~r sessionof the Cortes, Ventura de los Reyes submitted a proposal of particular interest to the Philippines. The proposal as draftod by him read as fol lows: to swear allegiance to the king and his heir, or to confifrn regulations made as to succession. The Cortes which came into being in lSl0, was, in many ways, very different frc)1n th,2 troditional Spa".1.ish Cor tes such as existed in the old kingdoms of Castilla and Ara gon. For one thing, it included ~epres entativ0s from Spain's colonies in both hemispheres. Vioreover, unlike t~e ancient Spanish Corteses, lt possessed all the essen tial attributes of sovereignty. 3 -Constitution of 1812, Title I, Chapter 1, Infra.

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-372-Each town consisting of its justicia, principales, and cabezas de barangay choose an elector, who, with the othcirs assemblE:;d at the capital of t:,he province, shall name two el8ctors. These shall fO to the capital of the diocese and, wi~h those of th6 other provinces of the diocese, they shall choose three electors. ThesG shall go to the capital (Ma nila), and with the electors from the rest of the Archipelago, they shall namE::~ the delegates to the Cortes. The nw:nber shall not be apportioned according to population, as the country is too paor to meet the expenses of a largo delegstion and because there are not many individuals qualified for the post. The electors, therefore, arc to choose any number, but the number shall not be less than two .4 The proposed measure was intended to make the representation of the Philippines more truly represen~ative and at the same time less burdensome financially to the government of the Philippines. The proposal, however~ failed to ~et the approval of the Cortes because of strong opposition raised against it particularly by representatives from the provinces in America. The latter were not willing to gra'nt the concession reques-sed by Ventura de los Reyes for fear that colonial officials in America mi~ht use it as an excuse for unduly reducing the size of thei~ delegations to the Cortes. As an alternative to the proposed measure, the Cortes on May 23, 1812, enacted a general election law applicable to all tl10. provinces of Spain in the 1JJ. trarnar including the Philippines. Under that law the election of delevates to the Cortes was placed in the hands of en eiectorai board of eight members to be Set Up in the Capital City of each province. One delegate wjs to be chosen for 60,000 inhabitants in accordance with the ratio fixed by the Constitution of 1812. In 1813, the Cortes passed a measure of great interest to the Philippines. On September 1-4 of that year the ~ortes aboJ.ished the exclusive privileges which existed in the Manila-Acapulco trade. From time immemorial, the trade between the Philippines and Nueva Espafia was ~arried on in government owned galleons. The trade was subJect to 4 -Montero y .Vidal, 12.. f:..i ~.

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-373-many restrictions. The number of voyages was limited; The tonnage of the vessels also was limited. The value of the cargo was limited both on the outgoing and ingoing voyage. Only holders of the 11boletas11 were privil8ged to take part in the trade. The law of Septcmb er 14, 1813, did away with the boleta system as well as with th,3 government owned galleons. Thenceforth, any inhn.bitant of the Philippines was free to engage in the trade with Nueva Espafia in privately owned vessr:;ls, subject only to the conditions previously granted governing the values of the merchandise to be carried in the trade, namely 500,000 pesos in the outward voyage, and l, 000, 000 pesos on the return. In 1814, as a result of the overthrow of Napoleon, Ferdinand returned to Spain from six years of virtual cap-tivity in France. The conditions that he found in Spain were not much to his liking. He did not look with favor upon the political and constitutional changes which had been effected di1ring his absence. He disliked pe.rticularly the Cortes and the Constitution which it had framed. Having acquired full control of the nation's a.ffc1.irs, Fer dinand, on May 4, 1g14, a~olishsd the Cortes and declared all its acts null and void. By that action he restored absolutism in S::::iain and put-back Spain's colonies to their former colonial status. Ferdinand, however, showed himself favorably disposed toward the colonies. On June 15, 181h, he made known his readiness to consider measures affectin,I! the colonies which the colonial re1Jresentatives mir:ht see fit to bring to his attention. Ve~tura de.los Rey~s took advantage of this gesture of royal generosity. He presGnted a memorial setting forth the favors which he wanted the King to bestow upon the Philippines. He requested, in the first place, restoration of the reforms which t h,; Cort as in September 1813 had enacted and which tl1e King h1J revoked. These reforms suppressed the boleto system and granted freedom for any individual to engage in the Manila-Acapulco trade. In addition, Ventura de J.os Reyesr niemorial called for: 1) increase in the value of the trade from 500,000 pesos to 1,000,000 for the outgai1~ voyage an~ from 1,000,-000 to 2,000,000 for the return; 2) the reduced tariff granted in a previous royal order for a limited period to be made permanent; 3) the Philippines to be allowed to trade with Peru and California; and 4) the inhabitants of the Philippines to be permitted to export Philippine products in their own vessels to any port of the Monarchy

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-374-free of export and import duties. All the things requested by Ventura de los Reyes were readily granted by the King except that relating to the value of the merchandise to be carried in the trade. He granted only an increase of 250,P00 pesos instead of 500,000 for the out?oing voyage, and 500,000 pe3os instead of 1,000, OJO for the return. Even with tnis modification, however, the concessions were quite substantial and represented a considerable gain for Philippine commerce. For one thing, new opportunities for profitable commercial ventures ~ere created for Phili~pine merchants as a result of trie increase in the value ah~ volume of Philippine trade and of the opening of Peru and California to Philippine commerce. For another, the exemption granted to Philippine products in all ports of the J\Jn narchy was a boon to Philippine agriculture ~nd industry, 3. The Constitution of Cadiz ~nether notable work of the Cortes of much interest to the Philippines was the approval of the Constitutiqn of Cadiz, otherwise ~nown as the Constitution of 1812. the Constitution of 1812 occupies a prominent place in the political history of Spain. It was the rallying center and inspiration of many a revolutionary rnovenient v-;hich occurred in Spain in the nineteenth century. It reflected the liberal and democratic spirit and tendencies at the time of the Spanish people. In the -iJords of Rubio, "the Constitution of 1512, basis of Spanish liberties, is, notwithstanding its irnperfectiors, a memorable wor~, reflecting the sincere and even candid liberal spirit o.f the patriotism and culture of our f at:1ers. 11 Th f ] 1 ,. t O + f t' -, t t t .. e O .... OW1Dc, J.S a ...,Xv O ne .,ons 1 U 10:rl as sum-marized by Hubio: 1 The Constitution is divided into ten titles divided into chapters and articles. Title I, Cha pt er I. Of the Spanish Nation. ''The Spanish Nation is the union of all bpaniards of both hemispheres. 1 QQ~ cit., vol. 5, pp. 272-274.

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-375"The Spanish Nation is free and independent and can not be the patrimony of any family or per son,. "Sovereignty resides essentially in the Nation, and for this reason to th0 Nation belongs exclusively the right to establi3h its fundarnental laws. flThe Nation is under obligation to preserve and protect by ",-Jise and just laws the civil liberties, the property and, other lawful rights of al.l the individuals wi1o compose it.11 Chapter II, Of the Snaniards. "Love of country is one of the prime duties of all Spani&rds. To be just and beneficent_ is likewise the ~uty of a Spanish citizen." Title II, Chapter II. "The religion of ;:,he s,anish Nation is and for eve~ shall te the Catholic, Apostolic 1 Homan, t:1e only true faith. The Na0:;ion shal.l nrotect it by wise-and just laws, prohibiting the ~xercise of any other." Chc:ipt er III. "The government of the Span ish Nat.ion shall be a moderate, here6itary lvionarchy .11 Title III, The Cort~. This part of the Constit,~ion contRins 11 chapters. The Cortes was a. single Ctamr:.)or of Deputies. The annual meeti.ng was to lc1st for three months. It could be extended fnr one month upon agreement of ti.;,o thirds of the Deputies or on pe-tition of the.King. The De;::mties could not ac-cept for themselves nor soli8it for another any employment under the Crown, nor any pe11Sion or decoration while holdin~ their office. There was a Pcrn:anent Delegation of the Cortes, consisting of sr:wen members, whose duty W3S to supervise the operation of the Constitution and of the laws

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-376-while the Cortes was not in session, as well as to convoke the Cortes to an extraordinary session in specified cases. Title IV, The Autnority of the King. This part deals with everything pertaining to the executive power, The King was declared sacred and inviolable in his person and not subject to any responsibility. The order of succession was that of pcirnogeniturei the males to be preferred to the females, and always th'3 elder to the younger. A Regency of five persons was to be created in case of minority or of incapaci~y of the King. The number of executive secretaries was fixed at seven, namely: State, Interior, Colonies (Ultramar), Jus -tice, Finance, War, and Navy. It was provided that judicial procedure should be terminated in the Audiencia of the territory in which the case arose, and that t:i1e tenure of judges was permanent~ Torture was proscribed and the penalty of confiscation of property was abolished. Title VI, The Interior Government of the Towns and Provinces. The towns were to be governed by Ayuntamientos. The provinces were administered by the Chief Executive, the Intendant and the Provincial Delegation. Title VII, The Contr,ibut igps, Title VIII, The Armv and .. tlrn .. J'lf..YY., ':.1itle lX, ?119J.J&. Inst1:2uc -tion. Article 371 of 7itle IX laid down t~e principle oi' freedom of the press in the following form: "All Spaniards have the fre<3dom to write, print aqd publish their political ideas without necessity of any licensei revision or approba.. tion before hand, subject to the rostrictions ahd responsibility provided for by the laws."

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-377-Title X, Of th_g__Qbservance of the Constitution and Method of Amending it. _______ ......... ___ "Not until eight years have passed after the promulgation of the Constitution shall any alteration, addition, or change in its provisions be proposed. "Any change proposed in any article of the Constitution shall be made in writing and sup ported by at least twenty delegates." 4. The !locos Recolt, 1814-1815 The political developments in Spain which followed the restoration of Ferdinand VII to his throne produced significant results in the Philippines. They were the cause of a serious uprising in Ilocos in 1815. The people of Ilocos had been following with interest the course of events in Spain. They received with rejoicing the news of the adoption by the Spanish Cortes of the Gonstitution of 1812, with its liberal provisions extending to the inhabitants of the Philippines the rights, privileges and immunities of Spanish citizens. They expected that under the Constitution of 1812, they would soon be freed from the burdens which had long been imposed upon them, the tribute and the polos y servicios. They reasoned out that, since Spaniards and the principales' were exempted from these obligations, it would be inconsistent with, if not contrary to, the principle of equality which was proclaimed by the Constitution of 1812 for them to continue shouldering those burdens. Acting on this belief, the mass of the people of Ilocos demanded the abolition of the tribute and the personal services. Disturbances accompanied the popular agitation for the refo~m demanded. The situation became grave and serious so much so that Governor Gardoqui felt obliged to take adeq~ate measures. On February 8, I+, the Governor issued a proclamation explaining to the people the real nature and scope of the benefits granted by the Constitution of 1812, Among other things, the Governor said: The Indian of the Philippines is a Span iard for the beneficial purposes provided for

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-378by the Constitution; but he does not cease to be an Indian in enjoying the privileges and immunities granted to him by the laws, as was pointed out in the debates in the Cortes. He should, for this reason, continue to enjoy them without diminution. In like mar:ner, he should continue shouldering the obligations which, as an Indian, are required of him for the maintenance and conservation of these realms., Governor Gardoqui1s explanation proved unconvincing and failed to calm the masses. Just then news arrived of the abolition of the Cortes and of the revocation of the Constitution of 1812. -The people would not believe that the events as reported really happened. They had the suspicion that government officials in Manila fabricated the report to make them desist from pressing their demands and thereby pe:!:"petu.ate the ur..just and oppressive burder..s which:, they sincerely believe~I, the Constitution of 1812 had removed. .Announce ment o: the 11WS was followed by uprisings of a more violen~ natilre. Several we3lthy indivi~ duals were ~illed, considerable property was lost, and the books and official records in the archi~es of many municipalities were destroyed.6 The reiolt of 1815 was the ihird of a series of uprisings that occurred, in rapid succession, in the province of Ilocos in the early years of the nineteenth century. The firs~ of these took place in 1807. Starting in the tow~ of Piddig, it qui~~ly spread to other towns o~ Ilocos. The people were resentful over the government monopolies, especially that of wine whi8h involved the prohibition of ba...i_; the popular drink. The revolt was an arnectprotest against these restrictions. In 1811, the natives of Ilocos again took 5 -Montero y Vidal, op. cit. 6 A uore aetailed acc-ount-of the uprising of H515 is to be found in Sinibaldo de l\fas' Inforrr,e Sob re el EstaQ.Q. de las Islas Filip~_n__. A contemporary accoi1nto.-f .. t'hisepisode is ~La 1v1emoria sabre la I:1surrecci6n Acaecida en el ano 1815," by Fr. Jose Nieto, curate of Sarrat. An extract of this memorial is to be found in Retana' s Archive 9s.l Bibliofilo Filipipo, vol. four. ------

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-379-up arms, This ~ime, it was for the defense of a newlyfounded .religion. The principales and cabezas de barangay had established a new religion, having, as its chief god, Lung_ao. The revel t spread to the mountain districts of Cagayan, where the leaders of the new sect had gone to arouse the inhabitants there to take up arms in defense ~f their cause, This uprising, as was that of 1go7, was speedily suppressed. The Ilocos revolt of 1815 did not differ much from those that occurred in previous centuries as far as the basic causes of the uprisings are concerned. Like many of its predecessors, it arose from the same old sources of popular discontent -the tribute and the personal services. Apart from these, there was another impelling motive in the !locos affair~concern for political and constitutional rights. The .1locos rebels wereaware of the change that had taken place in the political status of the Philippines as a result of the prom1.1lgation of the Constitution of 1812. They lmew what that change meant to civil and political rights and interests of the inhabitants of the Philippines.-It is clear that the Ilocos affair was, in its nature and. in the s.cope of its outlook and interests, truly national. As such it is worthy of a place in the history of nationalism in the Philippines. 5. The Cortes of 1820-1823 The next perioi of constitutional government in Spain began in 1820. In :Harch of that year the Spanish people, under the leadership of Riego and Quiroga, rose in revolt. They demanded the restoration of the Constitution of 1812. F~erdin&nd VII was forced to yield to the popular demand. rte swore allegiance to the Constitution and promised to lead the nation along the constitutional way. The Spanish Revolution of 1820 was the Spanish phase of the liberal and nationalistic movement which arose in Europe in the post Napoleonic erR, That movement reflected the feeling of disappointment and discontent among peoples in various European countries over the political nr rangements made by the Congress of Vienna. With the restoration of the Constitution of 1312, the Cortes once more came into being and the Philippines again

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-380rose to the status of a Spanish province with the privilege of sendin_
PAGE 399

-381-Philippine Islands." In.one of the sessions of the Cortes in June 29, 1821, another law affecting the Philippines was approved. On the recommendation of one of the substit1.1te representatives for the Philippines, the Cortes pas3ed a law establishing direct and periodic mail service with the Philippines. The significance of this law lay in tte fact that it brought the Philippines into closer com:r;;.unication and contact with Spain. The Constitutional period which began in 1820 ended in 1823, It came as a result of foreign intervention in Spain. A French army invaded J~ain (18~J) and restored Ferdinand tb his former status as absolute ruler of Spain. As on the former occasion, Ferdinand, upon his restoration, abolished the Cortes, revoked the Constitution of 1812, an.j declared null and void all the rneasurc:s enacted by the Cortes. Many of the reforms, l1owever, which were p;rornulgatcd during "this period and which, directly or indirectly concerned the Philippines, were preserved. The period extending from Ferdinand's first restoration in 1814 to his second,res,c.oration in 1823 :1as a special significance in Spanish colonial history. It was in this period that the vast colonial empire of 3pain in the New Vforld was disrupted. The American coloni3s took advantage of the internal tro~bles and difficulties of Spain during the Napoleonic Wars to win fo::." thems el vos freedom ano. independence :!:rom the Mother country. 1i'Jhen, upon the restoration of Ferdinand in 1814, ~pain attempted to bring them back to their allegiance to hor, they took up arms and crushed the attempt. By J.823, nothing had remained of the one e ext cns i ve 3panis h empire in America but a few islands in the West I.ndL:s. Ml:xico) through which Spanish-Philipnine relations were cariied on from the first years or Spanish colonization in th,~ Philippines, was one of tho3e which datuched themselves from Spain. As a result, the close co:rnf'c.:. i_on which thq Philippines had had with that country w2.s terminated. 8panish Philippine relations thenceforth were plocod on a more tlirect basis

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-382-6. The Cortes of 1834-1837 The ten-year period extending from Ferdinand1s restoration in 1823 to the year of his death in 1833 is often referred to as the Age of CRlomarde. It was a period of reaction mnr1'::ed i.):' a deter,nined ::md sustained campaign of suppression &galnst ~nanish liberals. Fr3ncisco 7adeo Calomarde -.vcl s F erci.inand. VII' s mLdst er of just ice. He assumed the duty and responsibility of stamping out libe-ral activities and tendencies in Spain. Calom~rde per-formed his mission efficiently and well. He regarded all who wore kno~n to have liberal ideas and tendencies as subversive and disloyal to the Crown. All such persons were unrelentingly piJ.rsued and persecutsd. To escape persecntion, many Spanish liber9.ls fled from S.pair1 and sought refuge in other lands. Ferdinand died on Sep+,err:b er 29, 1833. Three years before his death, he prowul?ated, in the form of a pragmatic sanction, a testar,en+.:, n&mine; his infant daughter, Isabel, his heir and successcr to the throne. Ferdinand's act set aside the rig:1.ts 0' Carlos, hie younger brother, i--d "h S 7 -.,_ t"'' 1 vl,10, un .er -c e a __ ic .i.E:W, was nex:.., in ..Llne o ... succession. Carlos naturally resented the action of Ferdinand although he refrained from ta~ir:.g any steps to enforce his claim while his.brother was still alive. Bpon Isabel's accession to the throne as queen in accordance with F8rdinand's testament, Carlos proclaimed hi~self the rightful ruler of Spain. The conflicting 1 -The Salic law excluded females from :?uccession to the throne. :::t had teen introduc~d in Spain by Philip V, the first of the Bou:bon Kinga of ::>9ain, '1.}ie ancient Castillar. ruls embodied ir:: t:1E:i co.:le of iilfo.1,so X, El Sabio, King of Cast,illa .(1252-1284), gave the r~ght of succession to the first, born, IP.ale or _+-er.1c1.l e, accorci.ing to the prin-ciple of priQogeniture. Tjis rule was rescored by the Constitution of 1312. J...s ;:,ne Co:1.sti'cution :.1ad been abo-lished by Ferdinand, the Salic law was deeemed to be the rule applicable in a question of succession at the time of Ferdinand Is reign. That law, how ever, Ferdinand revoked w'len he promulgated his testament in the form of a pragmatic sanction.

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-383claims brought on a war of succession. The war which ensued lasting from 1833 to 1839, was the first of a series of wars known in 0panish history as Carlist wars. These wars flared up time and again during the 19th century. Together with other internal troubles, they made conditions in Spain very much disturbed and unsettled, at times verging on chaos and anarchy, during a considerable part of the 19th century. To strengthen the side of the Government in the conflict with Carlos, Queen Regent Cristj_na took steps to win the support, loyalty and good will of the Spanish liberals. On April 10, 1834, she promulgated a decree introducing important changes in the governmental system of Spain. Historically known as Royal Statute (Estatuto Real), the decree reestablished the Spanish Cortes. The Cortes under the Royal Statute differed in many ways from the Cortes established by the Constitution of 1812. In the first P.lace, it was a bicameral body, con sisting of an Upper House {Estamento de Proceres) and a Lower rlouse (Estamento de frocuradores), In the second place, the Cortes had very limited powers. It could not deliberate on matters not expressly submitted to it by the Crown. It could meet only on special occasions, such as at the beginning of a new reign, to swear allegiance to the new sovereign, or in times of some grave emergency when the interests of the Nation, in the judgment of the Crown, required the convening of the Cortes. Moreover, under the Royal Statute, the Crown retained all the essential attributes of sovereignty. It had the power to summon the Cortes, to designate the place of its meeting, and to suspend it, and even to dissolve it. The Cortes was, thus, little more than a consultative body, much like the emasculated Cortes which existed in the times of the first Spanish Haps burgs. l,1oreover, the Royal Statute, unlike the Constitution of 1812,had no provision permitting representation of the colonies in the Cortes by substitute representatives. The Royal Statute had been granted by the Queen Regent as a political concession to win the good will and s.upport of the Spanish liberals. The latter, however, were not satisfied with it. In fact they felt that, as a basis of government, it was highly reactionary. Their attitude toivards the regime of Queen Cristina was, for this reason, one of distrust and dissatisfaction. And

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-384this sentiment was shared by a considerable portion of the Spanish people. Popular sentiment was for the restoration of the Constitution of 1812. In August 1836, the royal guard, voicing the popular des.ire, mutinied, The 1 e'.lders of the uprising called upon Cristina to restore the Constitution of 1812. The Queen Regent was con3trained to :,rield. On August 13, 1836, she ordered that the Gonstit1J.tion of 1812 be restored as the fundamental law of the land pending the adoption of a new constitution for Spain. In ar,other decree, Cristina summoned a constituent Cortes to draft new constitution. The constituent Cortes assembled in October 1836. In a secret session held early in 1837, the Cortes approved a resolution providing that the colonies of Spain no longer should have any representation in the Spanish Cortes. The provision was incorporated in the nev1 constitution which was approved June lS, 1837. By virtue of th~t provision, SpainTs colonies, ~he Philippines included, were put back to their former colonial status. The history of Philippine representation :Ln the Cortes of 1834-1~37 is given by lviontero y Vidal in the follovdng .. passagest.1.. On the 2nd of February, 183 5, the .11ta Ana of the Cornpania de Filipinas arrived a.t Manila, bringing despatches relative to the rcstor~tion of constitutional government in Spain, th8 promulgation of the Royal Statute (Estatuto Real) and the calling of a new Cortes. EnriJ_e asked the Ayuntamiento to name the residents who were to form the electoral board, in accord~nce with article 48 of the royal decree of lvby 20th, 1834. 2 1 foontero y Vidal, QI:.. c it_. 2 According to this decree the electoral board was to be composed of the members of the Ayuntamiento and of an equal number of well-to-do residents appointed by the Ayuntamiento itself, with the Captain-General or his delegate as presiding officer. The Philippines was allowed to nam~ two delegates.

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-385The Cortes assembled on the 24th of July 1834 and closed on the 29th of May, 1835. Thruout the session of the Cortes the Philipnines was unrepresentect.3 By law promulgated by the Cortes and sanctioned by the Queen Regent on the 20th of May, 1835, a gradual stamp impost was established on documents used for tr3nsfer of property, bills of exchange, promissory notes and letters of credit of a fixed amount. In the first meeting of the second session of the Cortes held November 12, 1835, D. Juan Francisco Lecaros and D. Andres Garcia Canilia, representatives elect from the Philippines presented themselves with their respective credentials. On the 16th they were sworn into office as representatives from the Philippines. Camba formed part of a -committee on etiquette; he presented a proposition which was not accepted, regarding the ceremonial which members must observe, and he took part in the discussion,of the bill regarding the national guard. Lecaros spoke in the debate on the answer to be made to the message from the Throne. In January, 1836, the Cortes were dissolved. On the same day, an order was pro~1lgated for the meeting of a new Cortes on the 22nd of March. This legislature lasted from 22nd of lV1arch to r;lay 23, 1836, being dissolved on the latter date. The Philippines was not represented in this Congress. A new legislature was summoned to assemble on the 20th of August. An election held in the Philippines for delegates to the new Cortes resulted in the reelection of Camba and Lecaros. 3 The elections for delegates to the Cortes were held on the 1st of l'viarch, 1835, D. Andres Garcia Camba, brigadier in the army, and Juan Fran_cisco Lecaros, Filipino lawyer who, at the time, was in Madrid as commissioner of the Manila ~yuntamiento, being elected. Camba embarked for Spain on March 21, 1835, but did not arrive until August when the session of the Cortes had already closed.

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-386Before the new legislature could meet, the famous mutiny of La Granja had taken place, which forced the Queen Re.2:ent to .issue the fo2-lo,vini:i: decree: 11As Queen Regen-~ of Spain, I her9by order and com mand that the Constitution of 1812 be promalgated and obser11ec. penr:ling the oror:uL~atj_o:i. bv tne na. _. J. -.,J tion in Co.ctes a::.,.'3e:21b~.'._ed o:: a naw constit'J.tior.on A constit~ent~Cortes was convened to meet on the 24th of October, 1536. In the secret session held Januaryl6, 1837, D. Vicente Sancho, representative from Valencia, presented a proposition to the effec~ that the provtnces of ~he Ultrarna~ be governed by special laws. The cornmit-!-~ee to whish this me3.surt w.3s re'erred reported on the 10th of Feoruary arid pro-posed that the Sp2nish provinces in AmeriGa and Asia shoul:i in the future be governed ':iy special laws, and that their rep:..~2sen:::.atives stou]_d no longer sit in thG Cortes. The concJudint pa~~ of the report reads as fo:lows~ "In view of the fact that the Constltution to be adaoted in the Peninsula canno~ be ap plied to the p~c~inces of ~he J~tram3r, thase shall hencafcrth be governed ty special laws, fraoed to suit tL.ei:r respective circumstances and to promote their happiness. Consequently, their repres entati ves shall r:o longer sit in the Cort3s ." In larch, 1837, an election vJas i1eld in Manila for delega~es to this Cortes, re3ulting in the choice of Camba and D, Luis Prude:ricio Alvarez y Tejera, formerly of the Manil~ Auaienci2. The latter had no opportunity to show w~~t he could do as Philippine delegate for he arrivad in Spain afte~ tha passing of t~e resolution ex~ludi~g the representa~ives of the Ultramar from the Cortes. With the promulr-;c::ttion of the Constitution of H~37, tte period of 2?h.iJ ipp::..ne represantation in the bpanish C~rtes came to a close. Al~~nugh such representation was not. in the strict 3ense of the ~ord, really and truiy ~epresentative bf the Philippines and of the Fi.:i.ipino peop'_e1 .it was a memorable experience for the Philippines. It brought the

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-3S7Philippines, for one thing, into closer contact with Spain and Spain's colonies in the Mew World. For another, it contributed in some way to the development of the spirit of nationalism among the Filipinos. Years later, the leaders and spokesmmn of the Filipino people voiced a demand for the restoration to the Philippines of tbe privilege she formerly enjoyed of bsi~g represented in the Spanish ~ortes. The resto~ation of Philippine representation in the Spanish Cortes 1r~as or:.e of the major reforms the Filioino nationalists sought to obtain from Spain in th~ decade preceding th; outbreak of the Philippine Revolution.

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-JSS-CHAPTER TWO COlVIJ\JIERCIAL PROGRESS, 1800-1865 The political and constitutional developments which took place in Spain in the first years of the nineteenth century were accompanied by important changes in Spain's commercial policy in the Philippine3. In 1813) the Span-ish Cortes liberalized the J.V:ar:-.::.l.a-Acapu1co trade by c:..bolish .. ing the J.capulco galleon and discontinuing the use of bole-tas in the trade with Nueva Espana. In 1314, Ferdinand VII, besides confirming many of the changes effected by the Cortes, gave further commercial concessions to the Philippines, In 1820, the Spanish Cortes swept away the mono-polistic features of Snan!~t trade with the Philippines and Asia by suppressing the exc.L1sive privileges grar.ted by law to the Real Compania de Filipinas. This reform was followed a few years later, {1830) by the opening of the port of Manila, on a permanent basis, to foreigners for trade and residence~l Subsequently (1858), three other ports were opened. Sual in Pangasinan, Iloilo in the Western Visayas, and Zamboa.nga, in Mindanao. In 1865, Cebu, in the Central Visayas, was likewise made an open port. These developments reflected the rise in Spain and elsewhere in Europe of liberal id.eas and tendencies in commercial matters. They v~e-,,,e conter:rporaneous with the opening of Siam} China, anc~ Jap2n to foreign nntions, the abandonment by the Dutch of t:rn::r trade mor:cpo1y in the East Indiee, and the abolition by the Britjsh ?Arliament of the trac.e monopoly long enjoyed '.Jy the Er itish East India Company. The document which follow deal wit~ these developments and their effects upon various aspects o:: life in the Philippines. 1 Manila had been opened to European traders as early as 1789, 'I'he o;::ienir:g of Manila at that time~ however, was a concession rr.a.de solely in the interest and for the be nefit of the Real Compania de Filipinas o

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-389-1. Regidor -Mason's Account, on Philippine Commercial Progressl After the forrr,ation of the second Company of the Philippines, the Spaniards realized that it was futile to isolate Manila commercially, any longer from the surrounding trade centers, and in 1780, European vessels were given formal permission to convey the goods of all the Indies to the Philippines.2 Succeeding this1 foreign merchants were allowed to visit Manila for a few months at a time during the busy part of the trading season} and finally, they were granted the right of permanent residence. When the first European commercial house was established at Manila is not known. La Perouse mentions a French merchant, named Sebir, who resided in Manila, in 1787, but according to other records, it was not until 1809 that a foreign house) an English company, was allowed admittance, while others began to follow in 1a14. At first they were permitted only to deal in local Oriental trade, but in 1820 they were allowed to export goods to Spain, and later to all Europe,3 Pioneers of Foreikn Tr2de.When the merchants of the worJ_d were invited into.-the Philippines, American trade in the Far East was on the crest of a prosperity wave, and it was but natural thst it should roll across the China sea from Canton to Ma1 E~nts from "Commerr:ial Progre,ss in the P!'lilipQine ~._l:_anci4," by Antonio M. Regidor yJurado and j7Jarrent T. Mason. t__Landon, 1905). 2 -It was in 1789 that the port of Manila was opened for the first time to the vessels of foreign nations. See Azcarraga' s account, given els ev.ihere in thee e R.:1:..Y.i!J:g... 3 The comin,q of foreign9rs to the Philippines, under. the new commercial policy, was liewed vJith jealousy and mis -giving by members of the Spanish community, especially those whose interests were likely to be adversely affected by the commercial activiti1:;s of the new comers. These were the ones believed to be responsible for the di,sorders of 1820 in Binondo in which several foreigners were killed. That incident was a manifestation of the anti-foreign sentiment existing at the time.

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nila with great force.4 No sooner were the foreign traders s ettl e,d in Manila, than they entered into the thick of a commercial conflict. America, represented by the two houses of Russell, Sturgis nnd Co., and Peele, Hubbell and Co., at once took a chief part in the contest. England v1as the nearest rival, and the other nations broughtup far in the ree.r, for the m3rkets of GT'3at. Bri-cain and the United States offered the best prices for the chief goods that the Phili~)pines no:r.J cegan to export; hemp, sugar, tobacco and indigo. ~he firm of Russell, Sturgiss towered abc7e all the other mercantile es tablishments. Unde~ the name of J. and T. H. Perkins ttey had been among the foTerr..ost merchants of Co.nton, and their renutation was further increased by the fact that though Americans, they -were the representatives in the Orient of the great Enelish banking rouse of Baring Brothers, of w:nch Mr. Sturgis later became senirn' part::.er" Mr. Rt::ssell adve:::.~tised his firm by lavish entertainments. He gave big djnners and receptions~ a1rr:.os~ ni0htl y, and x:ept practical ly open house at Manila, ~hi}e the same of his social activity spread over tte Archipelago, giving a reputation for wealth and pro~i~ence to his concern that dwarfed all competitors. Earlv Banking Instit1rtions,-ThB chief foreign traders) oesicie ciea1 L1g in merchandise, went into the banking business as well. Formerly, the confraternities, that loa~ed money to the Spaniards engaged in the export trade, possessed a monopoly of this lucrative field, and loaned the charity en dowments in their possession at exhorbitant rates of interest. They charged as high as 50 per cert on shipments to Mexico, 35 per cent tc I~ct~a, and 25 per cent to China, though it was not legal for them to accept interest in excess of 5 per cent. 4 The first American vessel to call at the port of Manila was the 11Astrea11, ~vith Captain Henr;r Prince in com rr..and. Sl1e ente~~ed the port October 3, 179(>. S.11e l~ft -with a cargo of sugar, pepper, hemp and in.c,igo on which $24,000 were paid at th,2 sa-1_c-ort C'J.stom ifouse :i_L duties. See Russel, "Beginnings and Esr~-Y Gr-0vJ~_:h ')f L:rier:_ca:'"1 'I'rade with Manila," in the AmericaQ._Cha1_db..fil' __ o.f Cs)I~morce_ .J"ot:_~:--nal for June, 1922,

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-391-Financial Houses of Damaso Gorricho and Franci_Q._0_3q_d:-::.g~__~oShortly after the arrival of the foreign traders, two Filipino financial houses were opened, one by Damaso Gorricho, who was educated in Paris, which did a small business as a simple money lending concern, and the other by Francisco Rodriguez, educated at Calcutta and Goa, which was managed by him under the protection of the British .Consul at Manila. The Ro~ri~~ez Bank was the first financial institution to be organized by a Filipino; and its establishment was brought about in a peculiar manner. In 1825, Francisco Rodriguez, who was a very wealthy house-owner in Manila, was arrested one nie;ht while on his way home, wrongly charged with being concerned in a native uprising .5 The next morning he was sent to Cadiz as a political prisoner. .After his arrival in Spain, he escaped, and made his way to London. He was unsuccessful :in his-attempts to induce his friends and relatives in Manila to help him, and though one of the wealthiest Filipinos of that time, he was in danger of dying through neglect, when he was taken in by an American Quaker community in London, and cared for. He lived with the Quakers for five years, adopt-5 -This incident happened in 1823, ciuring the governorship of Juan Antonio Martinez. When Martinez came to the Philippines, he brought with him several army officers from the Peninsula, evidently to supersede the officers of the army here, most of whom were Mexican Spaniards. Mexico had just won her independence from the mother country. Government officials felt that, in the appointment of officers in the armed forces, preference should be given to Peninsular Spani,g_rds. The ar-rival of tr,e new officers cau[,ed much uneasiness among the elder officers who feared that they might be discriminated against in matters of preferment, if not eventually separated al together from the service. They talked so much against the newcomers that they soon aroused the suspicions of the autherities. Governor Martinez finally discovered that the Mexican-Spanish officers were plotting and conspiring against the government. He ordered the arrest of the persons suspected of this conspiracy and sent them tc Spain February 18, 1823. Among those sent a0,vay were Luis Hod:ri guez Varela, styled El Conde Filipino, D. F. Rodriguez, and Jose Ortega, factor of the Compafiia de Filipinas. An aftermath of this episode was the Novales mutiny of June, 1828, in which ex-governor Folgueras was killed. See l.Vv;,ntero y Vidal, cit., vol. 2.

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-392-ed their faith, and became a naturalized British subject. At the end of that time, the Filipinos charged with participating in the 1825 revolution were pardoned by the Spanish government, and Rodriguez returned to Ma:::iila. Garbed in his Quaker costume, which had never before been seen in the Philippines, 11e was lcoked t'_pon as a mad man, and as he walked thrcugh the streets, the children ran after him, shouting and jearing. His treatment at t11e hands of his .former frir:;nds was as that of outcast, and the Friars attempted t_Q compel him to leave the Islands, but his British citizenship protected. him from expulsion, anj he remained. Ernbittered by his e:;;:pericmce, Rodriguez, popularly known as Qg_ico Rod.LLK~l.:, declined further intercourse with riis i'orme::;_n countrymen. He even refused to speak tbe 2.panish languag<::: and would converse with no one who could not understand English. He be-came associated with the foreign merchants, and with the principal object of assisting the European traders, at the expense of the Spaniards, he est_abJished a bank. The institution was conducted as a companion of the British and American banks, and materially assiated the traders of those countries in their dealings, with the Filipinos. On his death, Rodriguez left his entire fortune to the Queen of England, in trust for the widows and children of the British soldi3rs, who were kil!ed in the Crimean War. Rodrigu13zt s relatives attunpted to break the will, and secured a judgment in their favor in the Manila courts. The British governm:mt appealed to the Supreme Court at Madrid, ano. obtained ,3 reversal of the Manila decision, tii_e money uU:,:lniately being paid to the British authorities. Abcmt tl1e time of the closing of this bank, Mctriano T,.Flson, a Filipino, opened another of his own on th0 s.am9 lines. E.~orr-an:i~ati
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-393-should be amalgamated, and placed under the observance of the authorities4 In 1841, all the smaller confraternities were dissolved, leaving the field to four large ones, that between tl-iem controlled most of the charitable endowment funds. Three were lay brotherhoods connected with religious orders, the Vener able Ordeg Terc.era de ~'.an Franc~, the Venerable Ord..!J:~erce_r_cL.9.e Santo Domingo, and the Hermandad de ~e.Q_!i_ Nazarono de RecoJ_5_!;_Q.., while the fourth La Mi~ricordia, the secular priests controlled. An agitation for the amalgamation of these four remaining confraternities was not successful, until 1851, when the Captain-General of the Philippin~s, Urviztondo, acting on his own responsibility, without consulting his superior officers at Madrid, combined the confraterni ~ies, calling the new institution the Obras Pias. The ~panish government approved the amalgamation in 1854, and the articles of association were granted August 13, 1857. The Obras Pias did not wait for sanction from M~drid1 but oteying the orders of Urviztondo, immedic::itGly after the amalgamation, began to conduct business under the changed conditions. The new institution was placed under the joint control of a directive committee consisting of the Archbishop of Manila, the Chief Justice of the Manila courts, the Controller of the Treasury, the Attorney General and a Secretary; and of an administrative committee, comprising a member of each of the three orders that had previously boen connected with the confraternity funds, a judge of the supreme court, an accountant and a se cretary. The financial liberty of the Obras Pi1.s was confined by numerous restrictions. ,'.I'r.e Banco-Es:gafi.Q.1-Fil ipino. -In 18 52, the BancQEmlaiiol ~F:iLiW-.llQ. was founded by Urviztondo in JVIanila and those interested in the Spanisr bank had such powerful influences behind them that the Obras Pias was discriminated against in order to give business to the other. 6 The Obras Pias and the BallQ.,q..:,~_spafiolFilioin_Q_ were operated, in e:r.'fect, as two branches of the same institution. The former was compelled by the Spanish authorities to und8rtake the less remunerative nart of a banking business and was forced -into a p9sition of little more tl-i.,m an imperfectly designed mortgage bank, run for the convenience of the native Filipinos and Spaniards. It was made to 6 Thlsbank is now known as "The Bank of the Philippine Islands. 11 The new name was adopted ,j_n 1912.

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-394accept mortgages on houses or town buildings properties, in full security for loans, when houses were not easily reconvertible intb money. Its business consisted of little more than this, while the Banco .Enafiol-Filip_t,nQ, was given ev~ry rigl1t the authorities could extend, to ele~te .it.to a commanding position. It was permitted to require what security it desired for loans~ and was al:owad the sole right of issuing bank notes. It beca@e, in fact, and legally the official government bank of the Philippines, and in return for the privileges granted it, the directors undertook to further Snanish trade intereets in the Islands. On the one side trere was then formed the Obras J:.ia. and the Banco-Es_panQl-Filipino, and on the otrer the Rodriguez and Tu8son banks and the banks of the foreign merchants, each side, at first, cor.rrnercially combattine: the other o The foreigners ta d the better position, for their -oanks v-Jere nothing more than adjuncts of tr;E;ir trading houses, formed primarily to draw local products into their hands. When the traders of America and Europe went to the Philippines, they found the activity of the native owners and a~riculturalists so limited by the trade re~ulations and persecutions of the Spaniards, t~at it was impossible for the Filipinos to raise produce for export without assistance. The Spaniards and their descendants were entitled by law to obtain loans from what was called Fondcis de Comunidad (Community Funds); Wrich were accumufa-fed from csrtctin taXE:S. These funds were to be administered by the authorities as a kind of Agricultural Bank, but were Very seldom applied to such purpose as only a fev,1 gr.::rnts were m,ade to some special protege of the Manila i:::l.l:::th:Jrities. The natives longed to find an outlet for t~eir res tricted energies, through forei~n chann0ls; but they could do nothing without money which t~e Government and the Friars would not loan t~em fo~ harvosting crops destined for consumption abroad. _Under the cld regime;, the Filipino farmers rad lived C::t -r.::md to mouth existence held in practical bondafe by the Friars who, claiming ownership of t re soil ri.ad forcc.:d the natives to run into debt every year to secure the money necessary to bear the eipense of gathering their small crops. ~fortgR12:e Loans.-In the early period of the Spanish sovereignty over the Islands, the authorities

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-395-at Madrid had decreed that no Filipino could be held li.able fnr the repayment of any loan above twenty five dollars, which restriction was evaded later on by securing the loans by a mortgage. 'I'he original intention of the law was to protect the natives from falling into the hands of rapac:i.ous money lerlders, but in practice, the syscom ~eca~e tyrannous. Under it, th H'1.: .. ,~-'. ,-,,-. j r,-1-'r,, ,.,. '] t f O 1 e ... .l.p.Lno ag,.:.. ... ,.., __ ,,urJ .. ,.,s -v; _,,_rc: ,,u.1aiJ.e o inc money for their harvestings excgpt by associating with the religious orderc or capitalists on usurious conditions, and their pleas to have the law repealed were without result, for under the law, the natives were placed at the mercy o:: the Friars~ who successfully combatted all attempts at amen.dment, until abou~ thirty-five years ago, after the over-shrow of the monarchy, and the establishment of ~he rapublic in Spain. Cron Loans. The foreign mercriants were compelled to ac(a.9'c-themsel~1es to~these conditions, in advancing money to the natives for the purpose of attracting business. The foreigners did not care to follow the example of the Friars and accept land mortgages, for no land of anj value to them w3s securable, so they adopted another method of evading the ~wenty-fi ve dollar loan law. They estimat cd at t r:e begin-ning of each season what the value of the forthcoming harvest would be, and paid the.Filipino farmers for it in advance. If, when the ~irvest was over, the advance price was found to be too little, the Filipinos were given the balance; while, if it turned out that the crop had been over--estirnated, the difference in value we.s cor.ipensated by extending tre sE,le to the next harvest. This system of money J.ending was adopted witrout thougrt of making a prof lt on the loans themselves, w'.1i:e the two Spanisr a::1.d ~iliJ?ino banks, on t~e other hand, we~e enga;2J pr1~a~1ly, in making a profit for themselves ou~ c. f _::,},<:Lr J.oans, the facilitation of the busi~ess of the ~psnls0 tra-d b f d ... "11,.. ~-ers e1.ng o s aeon ary umcr,.,ance. .11.:8. }.,:~.r.:.~0 .:: E"':i-::inr'--~~:;,i_nino ~ft-er a --.::r1 f'ot-r.d tr~1 ,i."t.>u.si-.. _.}...., '-:--.L 1,.) .. _.t., _,,_ _,r;:-:,, et V U ...._. I,.. -'I Q. ; 1 -,_, nss;.:, W&S p e::i.:-_;_g b sri0usly hancJ.C8.pp,::)d C:; l.'CS pO..l....i.CY of showing favoritism to the S:'.Jctn:Lsri. muc;1Emts, and fin::illy it ci:r:-o~)ped it.s an-ci-foreig:8 mE'-)~~r,ods ., and worlced in harmomr with the EuroDean and Ainsrican tra-,. ders, contributi~g to the extension of their business.

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-396-Demands for Greater Commercial Facilities: Cone essions Granted.While the foreign merchants were co.ntending among themselves for the export trade of the Archipela~o, they were united in demanding that greater facilities be extended to them for the development of their business. The 0panish authorities were not pleased by the manne~ in which the foreigners were s~izing for themselves all the benefits that followed t'rie development of the Islands' resources, and they were inclined to return to their former selfish policf of reserving untouched that part of the wealth of the Islands that could not be secured by the Spaniards themselves. The foreign traders constantly brought pressure to bear on the Manila authorities to secure more freedom, but they obtained no satisfaction. The principal objects in the list of grievances of the traders were the refusal of the authorities to open other ports beside Manila to foreign ships, thus necessitating the conyeyance of produce from the most distant parts of the Archipelago to the Capital at entirely unnecessary cost; t~e retention by the Government of a monopoly of the tobacco industry, greatly increasing the cost of tl,e weed to exporters; the monopoly also of the manufacture of spirit in the Islands, restricting the irr:portations, and the discouragement of the immigration of t 1-:e industrious C11inese. In 1834, the Government soug11t to mollify the traders by establishing at ivSanila a 'i'ribunal of Commerce consisting of three official appointees, and four others, selected by trie merchants therns elves, to n::.ake recommendations for the extension of trade; fhe recornmen dations were seldom carried out, and like many other Spanish institutions in the islands the Tribunal was as useless in practice as it was beneficial in theory. In 1535, a Ghamber of Commerce was founded, possessing authority to adjust petty disputes among the Manila merchants, but as judicial decisions usually favored the litigant with t'be more social or financial influence, the most important work of the Chamber was to induce merchants to be wary or running counter to one another.? 7 -The Tribunal of Commerce (Tribunal de Comercio) was created by the decree of January 1, 1834, to try cases arising under the new Spanish Code of Commerce, which was

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-397Sue~ answers as these to the appeals of the traders served only to increase their impatience, and finally they began to withdraw their capital from the Archipelago to use it on the Chinese mainland, where the activity of England was forcing the spread of free trade. In 1824, England purchased Singapore, and in 1841, Hongkong passed under the British flag, both parts being made trade bases, and thrown open to world's commerce. The British Goverm;-ient then declared war on China to extend trade still more, and when the smoke of battle had cleared a-way, the barriers against mercl1ants entering Shanghai, Ningp4, Fuchow, Foo and Amey, liad been battered down.8 With so open afield before them Oriental merc'riants had little time to waste butting against stone walls in the Philippines, and foreign commerce rapidly drifted from the Archipelago. B,e.Q....Il[!'@.!}~;;.s!,_ti9lllL.9.f_._:i.Qi'Q_~.fl.Q .Q,.fi_ M~-~o The Spaniards now grevi alarmed at the resulting stagnation of trade in the Islands1 and sought to reattr~ct the merchants who were devoting their attention to China. extended to the Philippines by decree of July 26, 1832. It was composed 0' one prior, two consuls, two subdelegates, one assessor, and one secretary. It took the place of the Tribunal del Consulado whtch was established by a royal decree of 1769. The Chamber of Connnerce ( Junta de Comercio} was created by a decree of the Superior Governnent of the Philippines February 1, 1835. Its personnel c0nsisted of the officials of the Tribunal of Commerce and .:'our mer chants, appointed by the governnient. T11is ood:;r W3.S to discuss matters relating to navigation and corDEerc:r:, The aut ',ors apparently have mistakc3r .. t h3 'h ibunal of Commerce for tl-ie Chamber of Commerce. See Buceta y Bravo, 2. cit. $ -The opening of these ports and tne cession of Hongkong were results of t1,e first }1.nglo -vi--inese V1,Ta.r (1840-1842), which was concluded by the Treaty of rlan~ing, 1a42. Canton was one of the Chinese pDrts opened to foreign nations. The Treaty of Nanking removed many of the restrictions wrdch rampered the trade of foreigners in China. For one thing the intervention of the Hongkong merchants was eliminated. For another, a tariff schedule on imports was established on a permanent basis.

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-398The Government appointed Don Sinibaldo de Mas, later Spanish minister to China, to investigate and report on mercantile conditions in the Philippines. Ds l11ias did his work well. He was not a believer in the exclusive nature of the Spanish trade policy, and he saw with a clear vision that the Philippines_ must be placed on a rational commercial plane if they were to keep pace with gro-1ing trade require-ments. He obtained son:e startJ.ing data by compar-ing the Philip:)ines wit-t, Cuba, where commerce had been allowed a more natural development. Cuba, he found, with less than a million inhabitants did an annual business amounting; to 27,0001000 dollars, w~ile the P~ilippines, which in 1850 had a population of more t11an 4,000,000 had less than 5,0v0,000 dollars of trade annually. He reckoned that if the commerce of tre PhiliniJines were Proportionate to that of Cuba, it would~amount to 350,000,000 annually. De 11.iaa recommended that Spain open other ports besides Manila, abandon the tobacco monopoly and encouraged irnniigration. Some time following De l'-'ias' invest:tgation, when the refo:cms indicated by him were beginning to be put into effect, the Superintendent of Customs at IIIJ:anila issued a report showing that the value of commercial business had increased one third. He observod in his report that "of the foreign merchants in l\fa::.l.a, t1--e_ U;:1.:>j:,ed t e s O C Q.1 l.J?. i .w_ _t_b,g_K_i .r. s t a C _e w,;L!-2.....!11.G T '.LtJ@Jl.J! third of t'"le total V'.3.ll~.e oi exnor-ts. During the past year, thet~onria;:ie-of ii.r.~ericanvessels enter ing and leaving Manila has bee~ 125,922, of English, ,..,i::. 439 d r'h 33 1i::.7" t _,, an o .:>panis. _, Use of M::,cl_:rn J~ric11ltural Implements~ Nicholas !,oney .. -The co::nmerc io.l triumphs oT-Gre"a."t-:s:r:itain on t'be Cr,inese mainland gave to t~,e